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ZONE. See Vestments and Insiginia, Ecclesiastical.

ZOROASTER, ZOROASTRIANISM I. Introduction. II. The People. III. Sources. IV. The Literature.

Outline History of the Literature (§ 1).
Native Accounts of the Scriptures (§ 2).
Significance of this Account (§ 3).
Discovery and Early Study of the
Avesta (§ 4).
The Name " Zend-Avesta (§ 5).
The Avesta (§ 6).

I. Introduction: Interest in the religion of Zoro aster is evoked by several historical circumstances, aside from the veil of obscurity and romance which hides the person of the prophet and founder from the eye of the present, so that he seems like a veritable Moses in the mountains of Iran. The lofty monotheism (for Zoroastrianism is this in its issue, whatever one may say of its practical and theoretical dualism, or of the polytheism which it long wag to the rank and file of its followers) gives it a place in the history of religion beside Judaism, Christianity, and Mohammedanism. It has also been said of it with considerable truth that it missed only narrowly becoming a world religion. As Charles Martel in 732 and Leo III. in 740 saved western Europe from Mohammedanism, so possibly the battles of Marathon and Salamis averted from eastern Europe, perhaps from the entire West, subjection to the religion of Zoroaster. Before this it had begun to supplant the old faith and polytheism of Babylonia, where also it had come into contact with Judaism. How extensive its influence was ups Judaism, and then upon Christianity, is one of the problems yet under debate; most competent scholars admit a debt on the part of both with respect to angelology and the doctrine of Satan. The indebtedness of Mohammedanism in the realm o£ eschatology is very considerable, although it moat be admitted that the lingering influence

Language and Alphabet (§ 7).
The Pahlavi Language (§ 8).
Pahlavi Literature (§ 9).
V. The Prophet.
The Name (§ 1).
Zoroaster Historical (§ 2).
His Early Life (§ 3).
Founding of the Religion (§ 4).
Final Work and Death of Zoroaster (§ b). VI. History or the Religion after Zoroaster.
To the sasaanian Empire (§ 1).

To the Mohammedan Conquest (§ 2)
·

VII. The Zoroastrian System.

Mazdeism and Vediam (§ 1).
Cosmology (§ 2).

The Hierarchies (§ 8).

Other Celestial Spirits Q 4).

Anthropology (§ 6).

Eschatology (§ 6).

Ethics and Religious Duties (§ 7).
The Cult (§ 8).

VIII. The Parsecs.

of Babylonian religion somewhat obscures the exact degree which is to be conceded here. As the old form of the faith and parent of the institutions and community of the modern Parsecs this religion claims attention, for they assert their possession of the pure religion of the Persian prophet. Still further, Zoroastrianism is remarkable for its implied hostility to the Brahman faith of India, whose deities it in part reduced to the rank of demons, choosing (possibly) one of its chief deities as its own and calling him Ahura Mazda. One of the strangest and moat difficult features of the faith is the remarkable series of abstractions which received personification as good and evil beings, the former being approached with an adoration that differed little from worship. This religion also furnishes another example of the faiths of the world whose religious books seem to have been the object of persecution and have suffered fatal losses. Once more, for the philologist and the textual critic and exegete no literature offers deeper problems or more exacting tasks than that of Iran. And, finally, the story of the recovery of the ancient books and sources, so far as they exist, is a romance both in its beginnings and in the discussions which have followed.

B. The People: The Zoroastrian religion arose and ran almost its entire course among one of the earliest of the seven branches of the Indo-European family, named "Aryans" in the sacred literature.

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They are regarded by ethnologists as forming with the Aryans who entered India from the northwest a section of the family named above, and the language of the Avesta is close in structure and formation to the Sanskrit. The native literature classifies peoples with reference to their attitude toward the Zoroastrian or "Mazdayaznian" faith. Yet, as was the case with Mohammedanism (see Mohammed, Mohammedanism), the religious tie overcame the tribal, though great pride was al ways manifested in the common origin of the peo ple. The hostility born of difference of race ap pears often in the scriptures, especially that toward the nomadic Turanians (Vendidad, iii. 11; Yasht, viii., x.). Prayers for protection from these are fre quent. But opponents in faith were fair objects of raids, whatever their race, and the believer asked in his prayers for permission to snatch away from the enemy fields and herds. The foes, however, were not all of alien race; some Iranians rejected the truth and were reckoned among the adversaries. The sacred writings bear witness to their origin in a period of stress, caused in no little degree by the nomadic Turanians. True believers lived a life of hazard, and the faith won its way through persecution and conflict, based upon religious, racial, and economic grounds. The Avesta praises the agricul turist and the herdsman, for both reclaim the waste places, forward productiveness, and advance civil ization (Yendidad, iii.). To the people physical per fection was a boon sought of deity, health and bodily vigor were highly prized. This lay in the very roots of the religion, since evil of all kinds, including physical defect and disease, were of Angra Mainyu. Width of chest, breadth of hips, high instep, and a clear eye were marks of a good physique. Man craved height of stature, litheness, strength, length of arm, and a goodly measurement aftmd the calves; woman desired symmetry of form, a slender waist, large eyes, a blooming complexion, and well developed bosom. III. Sources: The principal sources for a knowl edge of the religion of Zoroaster are (1) the litersture emanating from the Zoroastrians themselves: j (a) the so-called Zend-Avesta; (b) the Old-Persian inscriptions in Behistun, Naks-i-Ruatem, and Per sepolis; (c) a large number of writings in what is known as Pahlavi (see below, IV., § § 8-9); (d) trans lations and fragments in Sanskrit, Persian, and Arabic; and (2) reports of classical writers such as: the "History" of Herodotus; citations from the "Philippics" of Theopompus (flourished c. 340 s.c.) in Plutarch's "Isis and Osiris," xlvi.-xlvii.; those from Hermippus in the writings of the younger Pliny (the lose of the work of Hermippus is irrepara ble, since there is considerable reason to think that it was an account of Zoroastrianism from the early sources in the then extant sacred books); and mention in Diogenes Laertius, Strabo, Dio Chrysostom, Pausanias, and other classical writers (these are most conveniently collected and with practical com pleteness in A. V. W. Jackson's Zoroaster, New York, 1899); (3) a number of Persian writings, such as FSrdusi's Shah Namah. 1V. The Literature: Under the Sassanians the literature was very much more extensive than at present. Evidence of the loss of much of the literature consists (1) in the tradition of the Paraees, who assert, e.g., that there were originally

:. Outline thirty Yasts, one for each day in the History month; (2) in the Pahlavi translations of the there are references to and citations

Literature. from many lost books; (3) classic Persian and Arabic literature furnishes additional citations and references, as when Pliny speaks of 2,000,000 verses by Zoroaster (Hist. net., xxx. 1-2), or when Pahlavi books speak of 1,200 chapters or Masudi tells of a copy of sacred writings on 12,000 cowhides; (4) an analysis of Zoroastrian sacred literature in Pahlavi made in the ninth century shows as either extant or at least then within knowledge a very much larger body than has remained to the present. The tradition of twentyone Narks is fairly constant (as against the conceptually complete thirty), and the amount of this has been estimated as consisting of 345,700 words, while of the Pahlavi translations and commentaries the estimated extent was 2,094,200 words. The twenty-one Narks asserted as existent under the Sassanidae were divided into three groups: the Gatha (" song " or " theological ") group, the legal group, and the mixed group. The names of these Narks are known (for a list cf. SBE, vol. iv., pp. xxxiv.-xxxv.). Of the twenty-one only two remain entire, there are also the most important part of another, considerable sections from four others, and selections or fragments from eight besides. That the remains of a literature so vast are now comparatively scanty (though yet equaling in bulk the Iliad and the Odyssey) is attributed by the Parsecs to Alexander's destruction of one of the complete copies, and ~by losses under the Mohammedan conquest and, during the subsequent removal to India of the Parsecs. In spite of these losses, however, it may be remarked that the general outlines of the lost writings are given in the Pahlavi literature, notably in the Dinkart (ninth century A.D.).

The accounts are mixed up with theories. that evince once again claims to an origin for the acred books of Zoroastrianism similar to that made for his -by the devotee of another faith.

s. Native Thus, much as the Koran existed in a

Accounts heavenly exemplar communicated to of the Mohammed by Gabriel, so the twenty-

Scriptures. one Narks were created by Ahura Mazda from the twenty-one words of the Ahuna Vairya (one of the most sacred prayers of the faith). The Ilinkart affirms that the Narks were brought by Zoroaster to Viehtaspes, the king who was the first royal convert, who had two copies made, each on 12,000 ox-hides, one of which copies was placed in the treasury and the other in the record office. Zoroaster is credited with mental possession of the scriptures, so that a third copy is not in question. Alexander's invasion is charged with the burning of one of these in the treasury, while it is asserted that the other was carried off by the Greeks. and translated into their language. The moat that can be said for this tradition is that there is likely a historical basis, and that sacred writings were lost at the time mentioned; but the Nask remaining (Yendidad) bears marks of a much later origin,

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though embodying unquestionably early material. According to the account which is being cited, a Parthian king Valkhash (Vologeses L, a contemporary of Nero) ordered the collection of the fragments still remaining in various quarters. Then in the Sassanian dynasty, so the story runs, Ardashir (226-240 A.D.) commissioned the high-priest Tansar* to collect the fragments and complete an edition of the Avesta, and by a decree made the resulting work canonical. This indicates the reaffirmation or establishment of a certain type of Zoroastrianism as the state religion, with a definite redaction of the scriptures as sacred, possibly in opposition to some other redaction. Ardashir's son and successor, Shahpur I. (241-272 A.D.), is said to have ordered the collection of scattered documents on the sciences and their incorporation in the Avesta. And under Shahpur II. (309-379), after a final revision, the ordeal of fire (molten brass) established the true religion as dominant and inclusive (c. 350 A.D.).

3. Significance

This account, when one reads between the lines with the aid of the Tansar letter and other historical allusions, is luminous. It indicates the Gathas as the kernel of Zoroastrian literature and the most sacred portion. There is also suggested a considerable antiquity for parts of the extant books, with a series of misfortunes to the relig ion and its literature which the history of Persia bears out (see in part Medo-Persia; Seleucidae). The area of this religion was full of un rest for a millennium, continuing till the Tatar and Arab invasions, and there was security for neither religion nor people, for sacred writings nor continu ous rule. Accordingly the literature suffered, and even in the religion itself there were sects and divi sions, as is common in the history of every great faith. Then came the attempts to save the rest and to stamp it as authoritative. Successive canons are indicated, with accretions from foreign sources. After that came the use of a new language (the Pah lavi), in which were written translations of the sa cred books, and also studies and commentaries (see below), and these came also to have high value among Zoroastrians. How close a parallel to this history is furnished by the Hebrew religion with its threefold canon (see Canon of Scripture) and its Talmud (q.v.) is apparent at once. It will be re called that a Jewish saying regards Yahweh himself as engaging on the Sabbath in the study of the Talmud.

4. Discovery

Interest in this literature was for modern times first aroused by Thomas Hyde, author of Historic religionis veterum Persarum eorurnque magorum ubi . . . Zoroastris vita, ejusque et aliorum vatieinid . .

eruuntur . . . (Oxford, 1700,, 2d ed., 1760, with somewhat changed title), in which he appealed to travelers in the East to procure the sacred books of the Parseea. In 1723 a manuscript copy (made 1680-81) of the Yendidad-Sada (the Vendidad without commentary) was brought by Richard Cobbe

* A letter from this Tansar, interpolated but easily puri- fied by critical methods, is extant and is given in JA, 1894, i. 186-260, 502-656. Thin is the earliest extant document throwing native light on the history of Zoroastrianism.

to England and deposited in the Bodleian Library, but was, of course, entirely useless in the state of knowledge then existing. In 1754 the

sight of four leaves of this manuscript ' and fired the imagination of Anquetil DuEarly Study perron, a young French student in the of the >Jcole des langues orientates at Paris, Avesta. and he determined to secure for France the Zoroastrian books and the honor attaching to the first translation of them. To achieve this end he enlisted in 1755 with the French East India Company's forces, and finally in 1758 reached Surat and the Parseea. It took him several years to win the confidence of the community, and to obtain their books and such knowledge of them as was then possible to gain, so that not until 1764 could he re turn to Paris. In 1771 he published Zend-Avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre, eontenant les idea theolog6quzs, Physiques et morales de ce legislateur, traduit en fran ,~ois sur l'original Zend (3 vols., Paris). A violent controversy'at once broke out, the book was pro nounced a modern production, and the contents were denounced as impossible from the standpoint of what was known of the religion. William Jones, afterward Sir William, the noted Orientalist and pioneer in Sanskrit, led the attack, which continued till the end of the century. Yet it was due to this scholar that the relations of the language of the Avesta to the Sanskrit were first seen. A step for ward was taken by Sylveatre de Sacy in 1793 through the decipherment of Sassari- Pahlavi inscriptions, using Duperron's Pahlavi dictionary. Eugene Bur nouf made the next advance about 1825-30 by the use of a Sanskrit translation of the Yasna and es tablished thoroughly the relationship of the Old Persian and Sanskrit tongues and even began a comparative mythology. While Duperron's trans lation was found defective and misleading, the de cipherment of the Persepolis and Behistun inscriptions made clear the fact of a language closely related to that of the Avesta in use under the Acha, menians. And so, for more than a century investi gation has been applied to the elucidation of the Avesta, and still many problems remain unsolved. And in connection with this literature it may still be said that few fields offer so alluring opportunities for original and profitable research as the Zoroas trian sacred books. Especial need exists for the thoroughgoing application of textual and historical criticism.

The name Zend-Avesta, by which the principal work is generally known in the West, is a mistake in terminology fastened upon it by g. The Hyde and Duperron. Pareses unafName fected by European influence call their " Zend- sacred books " Avesta and Zend," the Avesta." equivalent of which is very nearly " Avesta with (Pahlavi) translation and commentary." These two words, " Avesta " and "Zend," though coming from different roots, are each almost equivalent to "knowledge," Avesta signifying perhaps knowledge that is revealed (or divine law) and Zend that which is acquired by study of the books and is written in Pahlavi. The combination is due to the fact that in very many cases the Avesta and the commentary accompany each

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other. Of the character of the Avesta it has been well said (E. Rindtorff, Die Religion des Zarathustra, p. 4, Weimar, 1897) that one would gain a good idea of it had he a collection culled from the Hebrew literature containing some Psalms, old songs like that of Deborah, laws from the Pentateuch, selections from the prophets, and pieces from Mishnah and Gemara, all welded into one piece.

The Avesta exists in two principal parts: A. The Avesta Proper, which divides into (1) the Vendidad, " anti-demon law," a blend of mythology and religious legislation, the " priest-code " of Zoroastrianism. It is divided into twenty-two

6. The chapters or "Fargards." The first two Avesta. of these are mythological, of which the first enumerates sixteen lands which were created by Ahura Mazda and were therefore perfect, constituting (almost certainly) Iran; the second is a remote parallel to the flood account of Babylonians and Hebrews, though the catastrophe comes not by water but by cold. The remnant of all life is preserved by Yima, under the direction of Ahura, in a sort of paradise (see below, VI., § 5). Fargard III. deals with the earth as a sentient thing, and forbids its desecration by burial of the dead in it. Succeeding Fargards treat of contracts, outrages against the person, defilementa and purifications, formulas used at purifications, of the dog (an im portant feature), of various impurities and sins, of hair and nails, of the cock, and of invocations, with mythological materials interspersed. (2) The Yasna, "book of the offering," the chief liturgy of the religion, is in seventy-two chapters, and is pure ly ritualistic, a collection of litanies, prayers, exhor tations, and praises, for the use of the priests at the "sacrifice" or adoration of all the principal beings connected with the faith. These are usually ar ranged according to the services in which they are used. This book is made up of several parts: (a) chaps. 1-27, usually explained as invocations-a term which, in its largest sense, is not inapt; (b) chaps. 28-34, 43-51, and 53, which constitute the Gathas, "songs," and are received as addresses, sermons, and revelations of Zoroaster and his imme diate disciples, arranged according to meter in five subdivisions and seventeen sections. These are the kernel of the Avesta and, for students, the most important part, as well as the earliest. The con sensus of scholarship is that the bulk is genuine, the work of the prophet. The style is manifestly differ ent, the matter more original and decidedly pro phetic in tone, and they remind one of the earlier Suraha of the Koran; (c) chaps. 352, 52, 54-72 constitute the later Yasna, and the word invocation, as used above, applies. (3) The Vispered, " all the chiefs " (i.e., the spiritual heads of the religion), is a liturgical work in twenty-three (twenty-four or twenty-seven) chapters. It is an appendix to the Yasna, and the use approximates that of litanies. (4) The Yashts, " sacrificial psalms " or " songs " (the literal meaning is given as " act of worship "), are twenty-one in number, besides some fragments, and are devoted to the praise of certain spiritual beings. They vary greatly in age and in length, some of them are doubtless composite, and they were composed in honor of the Yazatas (see below, VI.,

§ 4). B. The %horda Avesta, "Little Avesta," consists of short prayers, and is meant for the people as well as the priests as opposed to the Avesta proper, which is for the latter alone. It includes five Gahs (invocations for the five divisions of the day); two Simzahs, invocations to the Izeds who are over the days of the month; four Afrinagans, or blessings at a meal to which angels or spirits are invited at stated seasons; and five Nyayis (Nyaishes), or prayers to the sun, Mithra, the moon, the waters, and to fire, recited at set times.

The language in which the Avesta is written belongs to one of the seven original branches of the Indo-European family. Its closest affiliation is

with the Sanskrit, which it resembles q. Language so closely that translation of the Avesta and into Sanskrit is comparatively simple,

Alphabet. regard being had to the phonetic laws

of the group, and to variations in syntax. But considerable difference exists within the Avesta itself, where scholars recognize two dialects -the Gathic or dialect of the earlier portions, which may owe its peculiarities either to age or to provincial peculiarities; and the younger Avestan, which shows in parts very notable linguistic decay. The alphabet, however, is very much later than the material of the text, and is derived from the Sassanian Pahlavi; the script, moreover, bears marks of this derivation, being read from right to left, which is uncommon in the Indo-European family. Later study of the Avesta has shown that a large part of it is in meter, and this fact, like the same one in Hebrew literature, has helped in the historical criticism of the text and the recognition of the intrusion of later insertions therein. But in this department very much still remains to be done.

Pahlavi, the language in which the principal translations, commentaries, and annotations of the Avesta were originally written, was the language of medieval Persia. The oldest indications of its use go

back as far as the third century B.c. 8. The. (Levy in ZDMG, xxi., 1867, pp. 421-

Pahlavi 463), and its age of ascendency and Language. principal use covers the period 226-800 A.D., with a literary employment ex tending perhaps two centuries later. The alphabet is Semitic, and practically half the vocabulary of these early documents is also Semitic (Aramaic), but often with Persian terminations, the rest of the vo cabulary being Persian. But when read, it seems, these Semitic words were not pronounced as written, but the Persian words corresponding to the Pahlavi Semitic were uttered (Malkan malka, " king of kings," was pronounced " Shahan Shah," just as " i.e.," or " id est," is in English pronounced as though " that is " were written, or " viz." is written and pronounced "namely "). The number of these Semitic logograms is computed. at about 400. In the later poet-Mohammedan writings instruction was conveyed through the Persian, which came to have a large intermixture of Arabic. The Pahlavi alphabet contains only fourteen (eighteen) symbols; consequently some symbols represent several sounds; moreover, some letters combined with others or doubled are exactly or nearly equivalent in form to some single letters, so that a single sym-

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bol may represent as many as seventeen sounds. This at once shows the enormous difficulty and possible ambiguity of the script, paralleled only, perhaps, by the Babylonian-Assyrian cuneiform writing in its several stages. Yet the importance of the Pahlavi for knowledge of the religion can not bQ overestimated. The earliest manuscripts, apart from a few papyrus fragments of the eighth(?) century, are four which date from the fourteenth century, and contain the Yasna and the Vendidad, with the corresponding Zend or commentary.

The principal Pahlavi texts are: (1) the Bundahish (Bundahishn) "original creation," a fragmentary work dealing with cosmogony, mythology, and legend, therefore sometimes compared with the Genesis of the Hebrew Scriptures. It g. Pahlavi describes what is evidently assumed Literature. in the Avesta, the original condition of the universe, with the omniscient good spirit, Ahura Mazda (Ormuzd) dwelling in light, and the evil spirit, Angra Mainyu (Ahriman), dwelling in darkness and with limited knowledge. The course of creation is described, and there is then given a legendary or mythical geography and history of the earth with all its affairs, coming down to the legendary history of Persia and continuing till the Mohammedan conquest, including genealogies of kings, of Zoroaster, and of other priests, as also the Zoroastrian philosophy of creation. The conclusion of Zend scholars is that the book is an extract from or an epitome of one of the twenty-one Narks. Its data is subsequent to the Mohammedan conquest in 651, more closely, about 850. There exists a parar phrase in the Gujarati language (edited and published, Mumbai, 1877). (2) The Dinkart, " acts of Religion," is a collection dealing with the history, customs, doctrines, literature, legends, and myths of the religion. Its compilation was begun near the beginning of the ninth century, and was finished before the end of the same, but by other hands. Its sources were the Pahlavi translations of the Narks, not the originals. Six books have been preserved, and these are of great importance. (3) Dadistan-i Dinik, "religious decisions," written shortly before 881 by Manuskihar, probably a supreme high-priest of the religion. It is in form a sort of catechism, consisting of ninety-two questions on religion addressed to the author and the answers thereto. Usually connected with this writing are three epistles by the author, inspired partly by the desire to combat certain heretical ritual tendencies in modes of purification. The questions and answers concern matters religious, historical, philosophical, and practical. They bring up the question of the existence of evil, the creation of man, good works and evil and their rewards and punishments and the fate of the soul, the contests between good spirits and evil, and also matters which would be likely to arise in the ordinary experience of the people. The book is therefore a sort of guide to Zoroastrian life, covering thought, word, and deed. Its value is great as showing what an authority in his own day declared to be the duty of the faithful. So far an essential doctrine is concerned, there seems little change as compared with the prescriptions of the Avesta. The ultimate monotheistic issue is as clear

as the dualistic origins. (4) The Dine-i Mainog-i ghirad, "opinions of the spirit of wisdom," consists of an introduction followed by a aeriea.of questions assumed to be asked by an anonymous magus or wise man and answered by the spirit of wisdom. The author seems to have been a devoted lay Zoroastrian, whose purpose was to summarize the essentials of belief and practise. His interest was not ritualistic, and the work is therefore in some sense distinctive. The date is uncertain, but some time soon after the Arab conquest is possible (c. 650). (5) The Shikand-Gumanik Vijar, "doubt-dispelling explanation," is controversial, philosophic, and apologetic, and is particularly concerned with the proof that evil has an independent origin At some length is shown the fundamental agreement with Zoroastrianism in this particular of other religions, such as Mohammedanism, Manicheism, and Christianity, even while they assert a unitary creation. The doctrine of the Trinity is assailed. The author acknowledges his indebtedness to earlier writings, and is diplomatic and courteous in his references to other faiths, particularly to Mohammedanism. The date is to be placed near the end of the ninth century. (6) The Shayast la-Shayast, " thou shaft, thou shaft not," prescribes what may and what may not be done by the true believer, and deals with trespasses, impurities, and ceremonies. It is composite, in two parts which are somewhat repetitious, by at least two authors, who discuss mesas against various sources of ceremonial pollution, correct methods of dress, good works, conduct toward the sun and fire, and minutiae of correct procedure in a large variety of circumstances. Its age must be high, as it quotes no less than twelve of the Narks, and it may have been compiled in the seventh century from much older material. Its value is great as presenting the great body of ceremonial customs and prescriptions current in Persia twelve centuries ago. It has been likened to the Leviticus of the Hebrew Bible. (7) The Arts-! Viraf Namak and the Bahman Yasht are eschatological, and the former is historically useful as giving the Persian view of the devastation caused by the conquest of Alexander and of the revival of the religion under the Sassanidae. Mention may be made here of some Persian literature, such as the Zartush Nama, "book of Zoroaster," of the thirteenth century; the Sad Dar, "100 chapters," an epitome of Zoroastrian doctrines, in three recensions, one prose and two poetical; Rivayat§, which give traditions; and gissai-Sanjan, professing to give an account of the migration of the Zoroastrians to India; as well as the Shah Namah already named.

V. The Prophet: The name Zoroaster, by which the prophet of Iran is known in the West, comes from the common Latin form (and the Greek) Zorodstres, though other forms are known in Greek, the most observable being Zathrdvstes,

r. Tl:e which approximates closely to the Avea- 1<,.me. tan form. The common Pahlavi form is Zdratusht, to which the modern Per sian form is very close (see extracts from catechism at the close of this article). The Avestan names are Zarathushtra, Zarathushtra Spitama, Spitama Zara thxcshtra, or Spitama. The last is a family name

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and probably means "descendant of white" (cf. the English "Whiting "; Jackson, ut sup., p. 13). The derivation of ZarathfeshEra is doubtful; uslatrca means "camel," but no agreement has been-reached upon the first element in the name.

The question whether Zoroaster is a historical personage may now be regarded as nettled in the

affirmative. But that doubts should s. Zoroaster have been raised is quite explicable.

Historical. As M. Haug well puts-it (Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, sand Religion of the Parsis, ed. Dr. E. West, pp. 295-296, London, 1878):

"The events of his life are almost all enshrouded in darkness, to dispel which will be for ever impossible, should no authentic historical records be discovered in Bactria, his home. The reports regarding him, given by the Greeks and Romans, . . are as unhistorical and legendary as those found in the majority of the Avesta books themselves. In the Vendidad and the Yashta he is represented . . . as not a historical, but as a dogmatical personality, stripped of nearly everything that is peculiar to human nature, and vested with a supernatural and wholly divine power, standing nest to God himself and being elevated above the archangels. . . He was the concentration of all wisdom and truth, and master and head of the whole creation. The only source whence we may derive some very scanty historical facts is the older Yasna. In this part of the Scriptures only he appears to the eye as a real man, acting a great and prominent part in the history of his country, and even in the history of the whole human race in general."

The counts against a historical Zoroaster are three: (1) his figure is no large and in later development so enveloped in legend; (2) classical writers placed him in a hoary antiquity, and (3) details of his life historically verifiable are so few that doubt of his existence wan almost a matter of course. These counts seem now of less value since it has become known that the accumulation of legend about the figure of a religious genius is customary, as witness Lao Tzae and Gautama, and no longer furnish presumption against the historicity of a personality. As to the classical references the following is to be said. Pliny the Elder (Hist. sat., XXX., ii. 1) cites Eudoxus of Cnidus (c. 368 B.C.), Aristotle (350 B.C.), and Hermippus (c. 250 B.C.) for a late 6,000 years before the death of Plato, 5,000 before the Trojan war; he is followed in substance by Plutarch (" Isis and Osiris," xlvi.), a acholion to the Platonic " AIcibiades " (i. 22), Diogenes Laertius (De vitis Philosophorum, proem. 2), and Suidas the lexicographer. Pliny and Suidas agree upon two Zoroasters, one (significantly) in the seventh to the sixth century. Still further, a set of references connect the prophet with the legendary Ninus and Semiramis, evidently intending a reference to a date about 800 B.C. (found in Cteaiar, c. 400 B.C., Cephalion, 120 A.D., preserved in Eusebius, Chronikon, i. 43; Theon, 130 A.D., Justin Martyr, 114-165 A.D.; and Amobius, 290 A.D.). The explanation of this early date is a misunderstanding by these writers of the Zoroastrian apocalyptics, which deal with cycles of 3,000 years (references in Jackson, ut sup., where the passages are collected).

The basis for a historical account of the prophet's life are the Gathss as noted above, the Bunda,7aiah, xxxiv. 1-9, and the Artari Viraf, i. 2--5. These rum up the native tradition, though of course other literature reflects it. The Btarldalaish, in the chronol-

ogy of the world period, makes the era of Zoroarter

fall at the close of the third tai-millennium, and his

ministry (begun at the age of thirty) at the beginning

of the final tai-millennium. Historic

3. His ally thin is placed 272 years before the

Early Life. conquest by Alexander in 331, which

would make Zoroaster's ministry begin

in 603 and his birth take place 633 B.C. West and

Jackson (nee bibliography) settle respectively upon

c. 660 and 630 B.C. as the birth-year. This Persian

tradition is practically reproduced in the Arab his

torian and geographer Albiruni (973-1048 A.D.), by

Masudi (d. 957), who says that the Magiana reckon

258 years between Zoroaster and Alexander (cited in Jackson, ut sup., p. 162), by Tabari (also an Arab; d. 923), and in a aeries of allusions in Pahlavi and

other Persian writings. Very little can with cer

tainty be said of Zoroaater's origin and the course of his life. Legend was very busy surrounding him with glory. Thus the soul of the primeval bull had a vision of his fravashi (ideal image, spiritual coun terpart) 3,000 yearn before the revelation of his re

ligion (Bundalaish, iv. 4-5), and an ox endowed with

speech 300 years before his birth predicted his ad

vent. The question of Zoreaster's native place is

one of the vexed questions. Classical allusions (cf.

Jackson, ut sup., pp. 186-191) locate it in Bactria

(Eastern Iran), in Persia, or in Media; the Persian

and (secondary) Arabic literature (Jackson, ut sup.,

pp. 191-205) is quite generally in favor of Adarbai jan, the modern Azerbaijan, west of the Caspian and including Urumiah. Especially does the native tradition connect the prophet with the River Daryai, one of the tributaries of the Araxea taking its rise

in Mt. Savalan and flowing north. This tradition

regards Zoroaster's youth as spent in the same region, and his visions as seen there or to the south of the Caspian. His mother was Dughdhova, a

virgin, and he was of triple nature, including the

"kingly glory," fravashi, and material body; his mother, after conceiving him, became so resplendent that she was thought bewitched and sent away from home, where she married. Nature participated in the rejoicing at his birth, the demons fled in terror,

and the child at once burst into exultant laughter.

The contest with evil was at once precipitated by the evil spirits and their servants among, men; at tempts to kill him failed and beasts became his pro tectors. His education began before the age of seven, and his majority came at fifteen; at twenty he gave up the world and began the life of a wan derer reeking religious truth. What little is said of his life from twenty to thirty yearn of age (cf. Jack son, ut sup., pp. 34, 231 rqq.) leads to the conclu sion that something like the life of an Indian ascetic war not unknown in Iran. The tradition includes

retirement to a mountain cave (Yendidad, xxii. 19)

in a manner which recalls Mohammed's experience; at the age of thirty he received his first vision, fol lowed by others for ten yearn at intervals until he had raven, out of which he oonetructed his religion.

The facts of religious psychology and the part which Ecstasy (q.v.) played support a construction of his religious development as follows. He early dir playwd a vigorous mentality, to which his mother and her husband made response in provision for his

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education. The period between his fifteenth and his twentieth year he passed in ordinary vocations, and this appears to have ended to his dissatisfaction. Then came the period of wandering, meditation, retirement, and the beginning of his visions, these last psychologically the result of his experiences. Evidence of this is found not merely in the visions themselves, but in the series of abstractions which seem to have been taught from the very beginning, including the very remarkable one of "the soul of the kine" (Yarns, xxviii.), whether this personifies the people, or the brute creation, which latter, especially the domestic animals, has so large a part in the religion.

The seven visions of Zoroaster began when he was thirty and covered a period of ten years. During this time he was engaged in preaching, but without success. When he was forty, his instruction being complete, tradition affirms that he sustained his final temptation. As Gautama, after

4. Found- attaining Nirvana, was assailed by ing of the Maya, so Zoroaster was assailed by Religion. Angra Mainyu and his demons, whom he repelled by the words of the holy benediction (Yendidad, xix. 1-10). His preaching had carried him not only to his own people but also among the Turanian nomads, and, according to tra dition, to India and China; but he met only rebuff; it is thought that some of the denunciatory passages of the sacred books had their origin in these failures. During these years he made but one convert, his own cousin (Zatsparam, xviii. 1). It was two years more before victory came in the conversion of King Viahtaspa, "the Constantine of Zoroastrianism." This raises the difficult problem of the scene of the prophet's ministry (cf. Jackson, ut sup., pp. 205 225), and the solution in no small part depends upon the identification of Vishtaspa. The earlier identi fication with Hystaspes, father of Darius, has gone by the board. Vishtaspa does not bear the title "king of kings" usually borne by the Persian mon archs. The details of the tradition, whether in clas sical, native Persian, or Arabic sources, are not de cisive, but rather point to this king as a quite petty monarch in eastern Iran (Bactria); at any rate, the probability is not great that Zoroaster's success was won in his own region. Even with the court in his favor, full adoption was not attained, as the native stories speak of a struggle of two years with the `` wise men." The narrative has, of course, become befogged with the addition of the miraculous. For instance, the prophet is thrown into prison, and escapes and wins victory over the king by healing the letter's favorite steed, and, so the story goes, became vizier, hence his progress became after a little time quite rapid. The Gathas most plausibly attributed to the prophet or his immediate disciples still indicate times of stress and conflict, as they also reflect moods which might well be the effect of varying success or failure, acceptance or rejection of the religion. The indications are clear (Yasnd, xlvi. 12) that among the converts Turaniana were numbered, while Hindus, Greeks, and Babylonians are also claimed as believers. The religion was strongly and militantly missionary, and the propa ganda seems to have been insistent and diffused.

The organization was in this period the care of the founder, especially the establishment of the sacred fire-taken up into the cult-in new places.

Among these tradition assigns a chief g. Final place to the Atur Farnbag, or fire of

Work and the priests, probably to the east of the Death of Caspian; then came the Atur Gush- Zoroaster. nosh, or fire of the warriors, located

near Lake Urumiah; and the Atur Burahin Mitro, or fire of the laborer. These point to a system of society like that in the early Indian system of caste, and suggest a common Indo-Iranian institution which agrees with other indications of racial and social relationship. Apparently the final stage in the life of Zoroaster was that of the "holy ware." Many indications exist in the Avesta not only of fighting for the religion, but also of a persistent enmity between Iranians and Turaniana (e.g., Yasht,'v. 109, 113-117, ix. 30-31, xix. 87). The religion from its very foundation was not one of forbearance with other beliefs; its pronouncements were those of exclusive claim, and the foe marked for special disfavor was the Turanian, whose flocks and herds were singled out in the sacred books as legitimate booty, while the faithful prays for protection against this enemy (Vendidad, iii. 11; Yasht, viii. 6, 9, 37, 56). Vishtaspa and Arejat-asps (Arjasp) are the respective champions in the war of the religion which is most noted, approximately dated 601 s.c. Political causes (refusal of Viahtaspa longer to pay tribute; Dinkart, vii. 4, 77) were evidently involved, though later writings (Shah Namah, ed. J. Mohl, iv. 289, 294, 7 vols., Paris, 1876-78) emphasize the religious motive. Arjasp refused the faith, and demanded that Vishtaspa renounce it; and in two great battles the latter was victorious. The traditions indicate a militant spirit for Zoroastrianism, not unlike that of Mohammedanism, and crusades with the sword as well as by propaganda are annaled. A second wax between the same foes as those named followed after an interval, and the foe gained a temporary success, captured the royal city of Balkh, and slaughtered the priests at worship, when Zoroaster fell at the age of seventy-seven. In a second battle Viahtaspa was defeated, but in a third was finally victorious. The death of the prophet became the center of hostile and favoring legend, even entering into Christian writings (" Clementine Recognitions," iv. 27-29, Eng. transl. in ANF, viii. 140-141; "Clementine Homilies," ix. 4-8, Eng. transl., ANF, viii. 278; other documents cited in Jackson, ut sup., pp. 126-127).

VI. History of the Religion after Zoroaster: The death of the founder did not mean the extinction of the religion. Early narratives now lost except for abstracts or summaries, as well as later tradition,

imply the continuance of crusades for r. To the the faith and the conquest by it of the

Sassaaian Persian kingdom. Artaxerxes Longi- Empire. menus (485-424) is credited with the

effecting of this last. The religion spread into Armenia, Indo-Scythia, and into Asia Minor. Yet of its history under the Achaemenides (558-331 s.c.) hardly anything is known, and some doubt the fidelity of Persians to this religion in that age. The question is really legitimate-were the

529

Achaemenidea confirmed Zoroastrians? Native tradition emphatically asserts it. The first great disaster to the religion, assuming that under the Achaemenides this faith had become national, was that which befell it under Alexander the Great, and stress is laid particularly upon the lose of the great body of scriptures, when he conquered Darius III. Codomannus in 331 B.c. While the great body of the Yendidad bears marks of a considerably later age, and many modern scholars dispute the credibility of the Parsee tradition as to the loss of the literature, there are facts which indicate that at the time given some disaster was received which included in its scope that literature. Few would now hold, however, that the twenty-one Narks were in existence and were so nearly completely lost. The period which set in with the break-up of the Alexandrian empire, especially the times of the Seleucidae (q.v.), who at times controlled considerable portions of Persia, was surely not favorable to the religion, and its continuance, or at least its dominance, was confined to the eastern portion of the region. Independent kingdoms arose in Bactria and Parthia, and there the seeds of the later rejuvenescence were preserved. But Greek ideas and colonization had their effect and .seriously threatened the existence of Zoroastrianism. A period of revival came under the Arsaaida' (248 s.c.-229 A.D.), though the adherence of this line to Zoroastrianism seems to have been rather formal than deep-seated. Among the royal advisers were the "Magiane," whose council existed alongside that of the nobles and had weight in political affairs. But the force of Hellenism was probably felt in the lessened zeal of the dynasty for the Mazdayaznian faith, and it had made inroads into custom and religious belief. Yet the native re ligion seems to have gathered strength and to have taken on some of the features of a national faith. The Iranian element of the population appears to have gained in importance, rising toward dominance in the region and preparing for the Sassanian fuller revival. To a king Valkhash of the Sassanian dynasty (211-641 A.D.) is ascribed (Dinkart, iii.-iv.) the collection of the Avesta fragments, which is itself a suggestive fact. This king may have been the Vologesea I. who was contemporary with Nero.

With the establishment of the Sassanian empire began a new period of splendor and dominion for the Mazdayaznian religion. The founder of this empire, Ardashir (Artaxerxes) L, began his reign in 211-212 A.D., and by 226 A.D. had

a. To the overthrown the Parthian rule, while Moham- his son and successor, Shapur (Sapor)

medan L, continued the extension of the kingConquest. dom, and meeting the Roman Emperor Valerian (q.v.) defeated him and took him prisoner. But reverses met Shapur in Asia Minor and nearer home, so that the Sassanian power was restricted to eastern and southern Mesopotamia and Iran proper. This had much to do with the area over which Zoroastrianism spread. The new dynasty managed to combine in its ideals national and religious elements. Ardaehir seems to have been a devoted Zoroastrian, and again under him the priesthood ranked with the nobility. He is recognized in Persian tradition as the second father of XIL-34

the Avesta, who assigned the task of collecting the fragments to the high-priest Tenser (Jansar), and the Yendidad is by a number of scholars assigned to this period. After Shapur I. Greek influence died out in that region and the Pahlavi came into its own as the vehicle of thought. The detail of cultic ceremonial was worked out-not, of course, that this was, a creation of the period, but rather the codification of traditions and customs that in many cases reached far back and bear the stamp of primitive belief. Under Shapur I. Mani (see Mere, MANIcaEnNa) arose and began his propaganda, and found some favor even at court. Zoroastrian tradition tells of a great debate in which the old religion conquered; it yet had to combat the persistency of Manicheism, which continued to spread, and under Bahrain L, successor to Shapur, Mani was executed. In this period also the Iranian faith came into conflict with Christianity, each firmly insistent upon its own exclusive claims. Each therefore became a bulwark against the diffusion of the other; where Christianity penetrated the Persian empire, it was only to become the object of persecution, as under Shapur II. (310-379). Then, some hold, the Averts was completed, heresy (against Zoroastrianism) was proscribed, and defection from the faith made a capital offense (Sachall, in the Mitiheilungen of the Seminar for Oriental Languages in Berlin, X., ii., 1907). Still, under later rulers, attacks upon the true faith of Mazdayaznians were made by new sects like the Mazdakites under Kavadh I. (488-531), whose successor Chosroea I. (531-579) restored the old religion in what was supposed to be its early purity. The beginning of the end of Zoroastrianism in this region is seen in the coming of the Turks e. 560. Romans and Parthiana had nearly worn each other out in their wars, and the conflict continued in the seventh century. Then a new foe arose in the south, whose attack ranged eastward, and in 641 the Persian kingdom fell to the Arabs in the battle of Nehavend. Zoroastrianism soon was almost extinct in Iran, and the Parsecs (see below, VII.) emigrated to India.

VII. The Zoroastrian System: A history of Mazdeism in detail would involve discussion of three stages: the pre-Zoroastrian, the Zoroastrian, and

the post-Zoroastrian. In this article r. Maz- the last two will be treated together,

deism sad since it is not possible to separate them Vedism., with entire certainty in tracing the

' several doctrines, although it is clear that the principal doctrines and beliefs of the later form are present implicitly in the earlier Zoroastrian teaching. The first of the three stages is revealed in the effects it had upon the notions concerning the spiritual beings, worships, and ideals of the Zoroastrian system, in the features common to it and the Vedio-Brahmanic beliefs. For although there are Zoroastrian conceptions which are common to the Indo-European peoples, the connections with the Aryans of India are particularly intimate. Thus the supreme place occupied by fire is but an exaltation of the function of fire in the Indian religion (Agni); the Soma of India has its correlative in the Haoma of Iran; the investiture with the sacred thread is common to both, though differently

530

explained; the great place held by the cow or bull in both is indicative of relationship; Mithra is possessed by both; Ahura Mazda reminds both of the Asura and of Varuna, and may be a composite; the sevenfold Aditysa of Vedism are reproduced in the (dual) sevenfold hierarchy of Persia; the Indian Yams, with changed functions and conceptions, abides in the Mazdean Yima; the horse as a noble sacrifice appears in both; and in Vedism, as always in Zoroastrianism, priestly functions were not originally those of a caste. Both possessed devas; the high consideration given in both to sun, moon, stars, Sirius, water, the earth and its vegetable products, are noticeable; and the irrepressible conflict between good and evil appears in both, though in very different ways. These are but salient examples of common features which lead to the conclusion that the pre-Zoroastrian and Vedic systems were twin sisters. Yet it is important to note that the Iranian religion followed a course which seems to imply conscious enmity, or at least opposition, to Vedism which induced a quite diverse emphasis. Thus in India deva, "shining one," became continually more honorific; in Iran dceva became the name for demons; Asura in India, at first equivalent to "supreme spirit," tended to become less honorable and finally was demonic insignificance, while its correlative (?) Ahura became the chief or sole deity in Persia; India developed an increasing polytheism by syncretism, while under Zoroaster Mazdeiam became in ideal monotheistic, though there are indications that it was difficult for the people to think of the whilom deities as angels or spirits in any other sense than as gods.

Zoroaster found this contrariety already developed, and latent in it the (philosophic) dualism (which under his system concerned practically only the course of this world) by which he explained terrestrial phenomena. This dualistic

a. Cos- tendency was intensified by the con- mology. flict, already noted, between pastoral or agricultural peoples and nomadic raiders. To his people he introduced as their one god Ahura Mazda-probably in essence not a new deity, but rather with glorified attributes. He taught that the gods of the nomads and raiders were demons banded to destroy the good Ahura's works and those of his followers. Man had been blind and deluded (cf. the Indian rrcccya, " delusion "), so Ahura sent his prophet to teach men the right way and to choose the right side in the great battle bettveen good and evil. It is this last which sharply char acterizes Zoroastrianism, leading to the ethical dual ism which explains it. This comes out in the cos mology and apocalyptics of Mazdeism. The idea of duration and space is fundamental, though its philosophic form may be quite late. Duration takes the form of two periods of infinite time, separated by a world age of 12,000 years blocked out into four sub-periods of 3,000 years each. The first time is infinite in a receding past and comes down to the beginning of the world age. The second infinity of time begins with the complete triumph of good at the end of the world age, and extends into a never-ending future. With this set of time-thoughts cor- respond the two spatial infinities, that of light (the

dwelling of Ahura) and that of darkness (the home of Angra Mainyu), separated by the visible world which is the arena of human and animal activities and of the conflict between good and evil. According to the Bundahish, after Ahura made the creatures which were to minister to his mastery of evil, they remained passive, inactive, and intangible for 3,000 years. Angra Mainyu then accepted the proposal that the conflict should continue for 9,000 years, not knowing that for the first tri-millenniurn Ahura's will would control, for the second the two wills would intermingle, and that in the final period Angra Mainyu's would be subdued. Being thus shown the issue, he was so confounded that he remained passive for the second period, when Ahura created the six archangels (see below, § 3), to which his opponent answered by creating the six archdemons. Ahura created successively the sky and luminaries, water, earth, animals, and mankind. The Fravashis (see below, VI., § 4) of men had already been created, and to them was promised ultimate perfection and immortality if they should choose Ahura's side. In the struggle beginning with the seventh millennium the primeval man and primeval ox fell; from the earth the primeval man's seed produced a plant that after forty years brought forth or became the first pair. This third millennium is accounted for by a mythical chronology. The period of humanity covers 6,000 years, the prophet beginning his ministry at the middle of this period with his thirtieth year. At the end of the first thousand years of this period the first forerunner of Saoshyant (see below, § 4) appears with the name Ukhshyaterata, "who makes piety grow." In the middle of the second millennium of this period was the season of cold caused by a wizard, salvation for a remnant of men and animals being secured by Xima (see below, § 5). At the beginning a second forerunner of the Saoahyant appears, and at the end the Saoshyant closes the world age. The final conflict breaks out, man makes progress to pure spirituality, finally needing no food; and after the resurrection and judgment begins again infinite time, human history and the victory having been consummated.

Corresponding to the two infinities in space and time were the two existences, independent, contrary in nature, both ab initio infinite, though only one is to continue his eternity of being. Ahura Mazda,

"Lord All-knowing" (shortened to

3. The Ormuzd) is described in the Ormuzd Hierarchies. Yasht (Eng. transl. in SBE, xxiii. 21-

31) as the creator, omniscient, holy, beneficent, eternal in the full sense, bestower of health, happiness, and possessions, essential light. He was apparently unfigured in the religion, represented by no statue or form. Essentially opposed to him was Angra Mainyu (or Ahriman), " Hostile Spirit," coeval in origin with Ahura, but not eternal in the full sense, since he is to cease to be. He is essentially evil, unconsecrate, limited in knowledge (he did not even know of the existence of Ahura), gross darkness. He could not foresee the future, so could not guard against its issues. Ahura, to assist him in the foreseen conflict, and in the guidance of the world, created the six Amesha Spentas (Amshashpands), "Immortal Beneficents," with whom

531

he formed the holy heptad, his servitors with the attributes of immortality, invisibility, beneficence. These are the personifications of virtues or abstract qualities, and are perhaps the most remarkable evi dences of the founder's thought. Their dames are: Vohu Manah, "Good Thought "; Asha Vahishta, " Best Righteousness "; ghshathra Vairya, " De sired Kingdom"; Spenta Armaiti, " Holy Har mony "; Hattrvatat, " Saving Health," and Am eretat, "Immortality." The first three are male, the others female. They are assigned to the pro tection of specific departments or elements in the world: thus the first cares for domestic animals, K6shathra for metals, Asha Vahiahta for fire, Arma iti for the earth, Haurvatat for water, Ameretat for vegetation. To each a month was dedicated in special honor, also a holy day and a special flower. Their place in the heavenly hierarchy corresponds in some degree to the Jewish and Christian arch angels. Yet the name "Amshashpands" later took in other beings than the six named, such as Sraoaha, Ataa, Gosurvan (see below; § 4). To offset these Angra Mainyu created six archdemona, Aka Manah, "Evil Mind," Indra, Sauru, Naonhaithya, Tauru, and Zairi (Yendidad, x. 9-10; Yacht, xix. 96). Then as he had introduced into the good world of animals created by Ahura evil creations such as serpents and vermin, so he created hordes of lesser demons and "drujes," as well as the evils of disease and deform ity and death and all sorts of loathsomeness among men. Indeed, during his day, while not omnipotent (even Ahura had not that attribute), he had ability to work all the evils which Zoroaster found in this world. It is to be remarked 'here, as illustrating one of the limitations of thought in the system in com mon with like ethical religions, the powers of evil have far leas sharpness of definition than the beings who work for good. This speaks well for the minds that created and developed the system.

Besides the Ameaha Spentas there were in the religion a number of beings named in the Avesta (and of course in the later writings) as receiving special honor. Theoretically these were not divinities to whom worship was paid, but were beneficent

spirits active under the direction of 4. Other Ahura Mazda. Notable are the Yaza-

Celestial tas, abstractions or personifications of Spirits. natural elements, bodies, or qualities,

of whom Mithra, celebrated in Yacht, x. (see Mithra, Mithraism for later developments), was of Indo-Iranian derivation, originally a solar deity of light, knower of truth and a witness to it, guardian of oaths, and a judge of the dead. Atar, or fire, the purest of the elements, was next in importance, if he were second even to Mithra. He was the messenger of Ahura, the holiest spirit against whose defilement in his material form most stringent regulations were drawn. As with Agni in India, the conception varies from material to spiritual, from personal to impersonal. The cult associated with this element gave one of the names to the Zoroastrians by which they were long and widely though erroneously known, "Fire Worshipers." Anahita, celebrated in Yacht, v., was the spirit of the waters. Her Avesta name is Ardvi, Sura Anahita, "high, powerful, immaculate being." She

was the heavenly spring and source of all terrestrial waters, located on the summit of a mythical mountain in the region of the stars. She was the assistant of many holy heroes before and after the prophet, as well as of himself. Having power to fertilize the earth, she used this power beneficently for the good of animals and mankind, and was the good genius of marriageable girls and parturient women. Her cult came to have a great independent vogue, like that of Mithra, spread widely in Armenia (Puny v. 83) and through Asia Minor (Strabo xi. 512), where she became fused with the "Great Mother Goddess." Greeks identified her with both Athene and Aphrodite. The °' Star Yazatas " were also of high importance, these being the fixed stare, not the planets, which were regarded as creations of Angra Mainyu. Tistriya, Sirius, celebrated in Yacht, viii., was the leader of the stars, who seems to have been the counterpart of Indra, fighting the dragon of drought and precipitating the rains. In later writings (e.g., Bundahish, viii.) transfer is made to the cosmology, and this being forms lakes and seas. Other figures not Yazatas ace Sraosha, "obedience," angel of worship (Yacht, xi.; Yasna, lvii.), the incarnate word, protector of the poor, mediator between heaven and earth, and a judge and conductor of the dead. Rashnu Razista, "genius of truth" (Yacht, xii.), was especially concerned with the dead, holding the balance in which their deeds are weighed, and with Mithra and Sraosha forming the triad of judges. Gosurun (Gos, Drvaspa) is the soul of the cow or bull, the abstract representative of the animal kingdom,. au important figure in the mythology, celebrated in Yacht, ix. gavaem Hvareno, " kingly majesty," or " royal glory," was perhaps the abstraction of the principle of divine right of kings; possibly because of this the title of deity appears among the titles of the Sassanidx. Ashi Vaaguhi was the personification of piety, the genius of fortune and wealth, health, and intellectual vigor. Other figures celebrated are Arstat or truthfulness (Yacht, xviii.); Verethragma (Yacht, xiv.), genius of victory, who appeared to Zoroaster in ten incarnations and bestowed on him various gifts; Rams Hvastra (Yacht, xv.), Daena or Din (Yacht, xvi.), the personification of the religion; and the Fravashis (Yacht, xiii.), corresponding in some degree to the Manes of the Romans, though specialized and philosophized after the peculiar Zoroastrian fashion. The notion was extended in the later thinking, and not only spirits and men have fravashis, but the sky, the earth, and other things. The notion seems to be in past an abstraction including the vigor by which the object it possesses grows and develops. Especially significant is the doctrine of the Saoshyant, usually rendered "savior," who is to come, having been foreshadowed by prophets in the line of Zoroaster who were virgin-born. He is to end the battle with evil, preside over the resurrection, and accomplish the rejuvenation of the world. The parallelism with messianism is at once discerned.

Thus the angelology of the system is seen to be highly developed. Equally noticeable is the ethical foundation of the entire hierarchy on which the structure is built. The demonology is less definite, and the evil spirits are far less individualised.

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According to Yacht, xiii. 149, man is in constitution fivefold: spirit or intellectuality, the knowing power; conscience, a sort of personality which warns of possible wrong, but deserts the in-

s. Anthro- corrigible; vital force, coexistent with pology. the body; soul, perhaps moral choice; and the fravashi, which seems to assume the post-mortem personality. The essential idea of man is that of a being having to choose between Ahura and Angra Mainyu, between good and evil, and this choice determines his future lot. His period of existence is divided into two parts by death, and his place after death is determined by inflexible justice upon the basis of his deeds in the body. Of soteriology, in the Christian sense, there is none in the system; there is no pardon for sin apart from the fact that a convert to the religion is by confessing the faith relieved from the consequence of prior sins of ignorance when he knew not the religion. Yet man is not left, in the developed form of the religion at least, to his own efforts, since guardian angels assist in overcoming temptation and evading the pitfalls set by the demons. An important part in the Zoroastrian anthropology is that embodied in the Yima story. Ahura proposed to make Yima the founder of the new religion, but he declined; so Ahura made him guardian of the world and the creatures of Ahura (Vendidad, ii.). This duty he performed, so that the flocks and herds and mankind increased, and twice the area of the inhabited earth had to be enlarged. He was then warned of the approach of a series of cold winters which should wipe out life, and was commanded to create a sort of paradise, two miles square, and bring thither specimens of the different species, eliminating from the humans thus saved the deformed, impotent, lunatic, malicious, evil-minded, leprous, and wicked. This was done, and the 1,900 men and women there lived a life of perfect happiness and repeopled the earth after the magician who had wrought the cold had ceased his work. This story is not to be taken as a direct parallel of the " flood legend," but is a combination of the " golden-age " legend and recollection of the migrations.

The soul after death remains near the body for three days, in pain or joy, according to its deeds. On the fourth day at dawn it takes up its journey to its final home. Its experiences correspond to the individual's actions during life. Have

6: Escha- they been righteous, the soul is cheered tology. by delicious experiences on its way, and is met by a beautiful maiden, the impersonation of its good deeds, who guides it to the Chinvat bridge, where Mithra, Sraoaha, and Rashnu pass judgment (on the basis of the daily record kept by Vohu Manah and the trying in Rashnu's scales of its good deeds and bad). Then it passes across the Chinvat bridge (Yasna, xix. 6, xlvi. 11) to the bridge of the angels; finally, received by Vohu Manah, the soul passes before Ahura and the Ameaha Spentas to take up its abode permanently with the righteous (Vendidad, xix. 28-34; cf. Yacht, xxii., xxiv. 53-64; Yasnd, xxxi. 14). The hap of the wicked is the reverse of this, the soul being met by an evil-favored hag and dragged by it after the judgment to the depths of darkness. There is, however,

a place called Hdmestagan, the abiding-place of souls whose good and evil deeds exactly balance. These and the evil dead abide in their places till the last day, when the human denizens of hell are purified and join, with those of Hameatagan, the blessed in the new heaven and new earth. So that univeraaliam is the final creed, and hell is not an eternal torture or retribution (Dadistan-: Dtnik, xiv. 8, xxxii. 10-16; Bundahish, xxx. 1-33; cf. G. C. O. Haas, in Spiegel Memorial Volume, Bombay, 1908). On the day of judgment the Saoshyant completes the victory over evil in a final battle (Yacht, xix. 89-96), and is to reign for fifty-seven years. By that time man will have become spiritualized, needing neither food nor drink (Bundahish, xxx. 3; Dinkart, VII., xi. 4). A star is to fall and its heat will melt the terrestrial metals, this molten mesa coursing over the earth and becoming the purification of men and making the earth a mountainless plain. The resurrection takes place, all souls gather, and the wicked suffer three days' torture in hell. All souls pass through the molten flood, which to the good is pleasant and to the bad is extremeat.pain. Then all are united in heaven (Dadistanri Dinik, lxxv. 4), and the new earth is established, itself immortal, it and its inhabitants radiant with light, yet possessing sun, moon, and stars.

The universally present ideal inculcated by the Mazdean religion is summed up in activity as represented in the triple phrase, "good thoughts, good words, good deeds." By the first is

y. Ethics meant primarily acceptance of the re aad Relig- ligion and then regard for the law, ions Duties. practical and ritual, abstention from presumption, covetousness, anger, lust, envy, anxiety, and disobedience to superiors. " Good words " involves the eschewing of slander and of dispute even with the e-, zl-minded and malicious. The ideal of good works is based upon the pastoral and agricultural foundations of Avestan society. Perjury, impurity of body or mind, violence, and untruthfulness are especially denounced, charity and generosity are fdrcefully enjoined. Vendidad iii. pronounces the best situations on earth those where a Zoroastrian is worshiping, and the home stead of a believer with wife, children, flocks, and herds all in good condition, where the fields are under irrigation and the flocks yield most urine (for purification). The fight against demons is in part carried on by agriculture-" Who sows corn sows holiness." Procrastination of labor is forbidden (Sad Dar, Lexxi. 10). Asceticism is frowned on, especially is celibacy opposed; the possession of wife and children is commended, the latter being among the chief blessings of mankind, and childlessness a curse (Yasna, xi. 3; SBE, xxxi. 244-245; Herodotus, ix. 111), while a sacred virginity was considered irreligious. To foster fertility, the sacred fire was maintained in the house (Shayast, xii. 3), and the period of gestation was marked at intervals by joyous celebrations. The child at six begins to learn prayers, and some little time after that is in vested with the sacred thread. Since labor is a prime duty, fasting is prohibited, because it deprives of proper strength for the active duties of life (Ven didad, iii. 33, iv. 48-49). Self-mortification is sin-

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ful, and later writings seem to have a polemic directed against Christian and Manichean asceticism. Penalties enjoined for breaches of the law are often useful labors either in the field or for the ritual service. Inhibitions of sexual intercourse where they

exi t rest in the main upon considerations of essenxis tial healthful propriety. Among the punishments prescribed are the killing of snakes or vermin (the creatures of Angra Mainyu), building of bridges over water, and making of ditches for irrigation.

The cult involved a priesthood, called Athravan. The priests were held to a high level of obligation. It is noticeable that the Yendidad shows no traces of the self-seeking of the priesthood such as characterizes the Brahmanic writings of India. 8. The Cult. Priestly duties involved service not only at the temples but in the homes of the believers, particularly in the care of the sacred fire, the brewing of haoma, and the chanting of the liturgy. Training for the priesthood began at the age of seven and continued till at least fourteen, and the memorizing of Yasna and Yendidacd seems to have been required. Sacrificial animals named are the horse, cow, lamb, and even the camel (Yendidad, xxii. 16-20). Special importance attached to the Baresma (Barsom), originally a bundle of twigs held by the. priest while he recited the prayers (Yendidad, iii. i, xix. 63). It is represented now by a bunch of silver rods varying, in number from three to thirty-three. The Bareama was employed in the invocation to Ahura, the service for the dead, the offerings to the Yazatas and other spirits, including the Fravashis. Its virtues increase in the later periods of the religion, until by its offering the just are borne to paradise. Great emphasis was laid also upon haoma, a drink supposed to bring the participant into communion with God, and later becoming sacramental. Haoma seems to have been originally a deity of exhilaration, the apotheosized fermented drink (the intoxicating character is evident in Yasna, ix.-xi., note x. 13). The chief claim to the spirit thus apotheosized was that he is the " holy one who driveth death afar." Altogether novel is the place of the dog in the religion, so that two Fargards are taken up with the subject (Yendidad, xiii. xiv., cf. viii. 14 sqq., xv. 20-51). Killing of the animal is forbidden. Two "four-eyed" dogs guard the Chinvat bridge (probably dogs with spots over the eyes), and a like animal expels from a corpse the "corpse demon." Since all that Ahura created was pure, healthful, and good, Angra Mainyu's activities producing impurity, disease, and death, the effort of life was to avoid and banish the impure. In ritual, impurity is contact with something tainted by contact with the demons-with death or disease or deformity. All that passes from a man is impure, hence one may not breathe on the fire, nor for ceremonial purposes cleanse in the first instance in water. The dead may not be burned, nor buried unless first encased in wax or kindred substance, but exposed to carrion birds in "towers of silence." Funeral services for the dead are conducted on the three days succeeding the decease, with memorial cervices on the fourth, tenth, and thirtieth days and the annual anniversary. Priests are the celebrants, while the symbolic elements, fire and water and also

flowers and, fruits, are used. Recollections from primitive times appear in the host o£ charms used, these parts of the Avesta being those that show the early character of part of the religious usages. The principle that underlies the entire code is the primitive one that offenses against the individual are far leas dangerous than against the religion-spiritual beings-since these endanger all mankind by arousing the anger of the exalted spirits. Thus the solidarity of the Zoroastrian community is emphasized. To maintain the purity of the community in early times close intermarriage was practised, but in modern times observance of this is less stringent.

VIII. The Parsecs: Modern Zoroastrians are known as Parsecs (Passis), and are found principally in. India. After the Mohammedan conquest of Persia in 641, the Zoroastrians were in large part under the necessity of leaving the country in order to practise their religion, though scattered communities continued to exist there. The Island of Ormuz in the Persian Gulf was the first refuge, but was inadequate for a permanent home. A series of emigrations led them to Diu on the Guff of Cambay on the western coast of India about 700. They settled in Guzerat, and in 721 built their fire temple; this was their home till about 1300, when the Moslem invasion of India again drove them away to take refuge in such places somewhat inland as Broach, Surat, and Thane. In the sixteenth century the Portuguese attempted to force their conversion to Christianity, but the advent of the British in India in the early part of the seventeenth century brought relief from pressure. On the occupation in 1668 of Bombay by the British East India Company as its seat of power, the Parsecs made that city their headquarters. Many of them took service with the company in a wide variety of capacities. They have ever since displayed a remarkable readiness to adapt themselves to modern conditions, and the Parsee community as a whole is noted for its wealth and culture. Their industrial, educational, and charitable enterprises are of a very high type, and they regard as a disgrace to the community the existence of the few Parsec beggars that remain. Small Parsec communities still exist in Persia, chiefly in Yezd, where perhaps 8,000 Parsecs (known as Iranis to distinguish them from their Indian brethren) still live. In India there are not far from 100,000 professing this religion, nearly all of whom are in the Bombay presidency. They claim to have preserved the pure faith taught by Zoroaster, and their principal beliefs and practises may be gathered from the following extracts from a Parsec catechism.

In whom do we, of the Zarthoati community, believe?

We believe in only one God, and do not believe in any beside him.

Who is that one God?

The God who created the heavens, the earth, the angels, the stars, the sun, the moon, the fire, the water, or all the four elements, and all things of the two worlds: that God we believe in, him we worship, him we invoke, him we adore.

Do we not believe in any other god?

Whoever believes in any other god but this is an infidel, and shall suffer the punishment of hell.

What is the form of our God?

Our God .has neither face nor form, color nor shape, nor filed place. There is no other like him; he is him-

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tot den Val van het Oud-Perzische Rajk, Haarlem, 1864; W. D. Whitney, Oriental and Linguistic Studies, pp. 149 197, New York, 1873; C. de Harlez, Les Origenes du Zo roastriame, Paris, 1879; J. Caird and Others, Oriental Religions, New York, 1882; J. Milne, in Faiths of the World, pp. 91-121, London, 1882; L. C. Casartelli, La Philosophie religieuse du Mazddiame sour les Saaaanida; Paris, 1884, Eng. transl., Philosophy of the Mazdayasnian Religion under the Saaaanids, Bombay, 1889; G. de La font, Le Mazd6isme; 1'Aaeata, Paris, 1897; E. Rindtorff, Die Religion des ZaraEhuahtra, Weimar, 1897; M. F10ge1, Zend-Avesta and Eastern Religions, Baltimore, 1898; A. S. Geden, Studies in Comparative Religion, pp. 129 sqq., London, 1898; J. Scheftdowitz, Altiranische Studien, in ZDMG, lvii (1903), 107-172; P. D. Chantepie de la Ssus esye, Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte, ii. 162-234, Tübingen, 1905; H. Hinneberg, Die Kultur der Gegenwart, 1, Die orientalischen Religionen, pp. 77-86, Berl~, 1906; Dastoor Peshotan Sanjans, ut sup.; R. H. Miatri, Zoro aster and Zoroastrianism, London, 1907; O. Gramzov, Kurzer Kommentar gum Zarathustra, Berlin, 1907; H. Hosing, Die iranische Ueberlieferung und das arische Sys tem, Leipsic,1909; H. Brunhofer, Arische Urzeit, Bern, 1910; Geiger's Civilization, ut sup. M. Haug, Essays, ut sup. On various topics, including the eschatology, consult: F. Windieehmann, Die persische Anahita oder Ana£tia, Munich, 1856; M. Wolff, Muhammedanische Eschatologie, Leipsic, 1872; J. Darmeateter, Ormazd et Ahriman, tours origines et lour hist., Paris, 1877; D. P. Sanjana, Position of Woman in Remote Antiquity as Illustrated in the Avesta, Bombay, 1892; J. B. Rifling, Beiträge zur Eaehatologie des Islam, Leipsic, 1895; A. V. W. Jackson, in Biblical World, Aug., 1896; N. Söderblom, Les Frasashia, Paris, 1899; idem, La Vie future d'apri?a Is Mazddiame, Paris, 1901; E. W. West, Notes on Zarathustra's Doctrine Regarding the Soul, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1899, pp. 605-611; F. Baklen, Die Yerwarui6achqft der jüdiach christlichen mit der peraischen Eschatologie, Göttingen, 1902; L. H. Mills, Zarathushtra, Philo, the Aehaemenida and Israel, Oxford, 1906; idem, Avesta Eschatology Com pared with the Books of Daniel and Revelations, Chicago, 1908; Shaporji Aspaniarji, The Teachings of Zoroaater and the Philosophy of the Parsee Religion, New York, 1908; K. Schirmeisen, Die arischen Gdttergeatalten, Brtinn, 1910. On the Parsecs consult: D. F. Karaka, History of the Parsis, London, 1884; D. Menant, Les Paraia, Paris, 1898, new ed., 1908; V. Henry Le Paraame, ib. 1905; S. A. Kapadia, The Teachings of Zoroaater and the Phil osophy of the Parai Religion, London, 1906 (not very valuable).

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