HISTORY of the CHRISTIAN CHURCH*

CHAPTER XIV.

THE SACRAMENTAL SYSTEM.

 § 112. Literature on the Sacraments.

Literature:—General Works: The Writings of Abaelard, Hugo of St. Victor, Peter Lombard, Alb. Magnus, Th. Aquinas, Bonaventura, Duns Scotus, and other Schoolmen.—G. L. Hahn: Lehre von d. Sakramenten, Breslau, 1864.—*J. Schwane: Dogmengesch. der mittleren Zeit, 787–1517, Frei b. 1882, pp. 579–693.—J. H. Oswald: D. dogmatische Lehre von d. hl. Sakramenten d. kathol. Kirche, 5th ed., Munich, 1894. The Histories of Christ. Doctr. of Fisher, pp. 254–263; Harnack, II. 462–562; Loofs, pp. 298–304; Seeberg, II. 107 sqq.—Hergenröther-Kirsch: Kirchengesch., II. 682–701. The works on Canon Law of Hinschius; P. Hergenröther (Rom. Cath.), pp. 667–684; Friedberg, pp. 374–495.—Hefele-Knöpfler, V. VI.—The art. Sakrament in Wetzer-Welte and Herzog.—D. S. Schaff: The Sacramental Theory of the Med. Ch. in "Princeton Rev.," 1906, pp. 206–236.

On the Eucharist, §§ 115, 116: Dalgairns: The Holy Communion, its Philos., Theol., and Practice, Dublin, 1861.—F. S. Renz: D. Gesch. d. Messopfer-Begriffs, etc., 1st vol., Alterthum und Mittelalter, Munich, 1901.—J. Smend: Kelchversagung und Kelchspendung in d. abendländ. Kirche, Götting., 1898.—A. Franz: D. Messe im deutschen Mittelalter, Freib., 1902.—Artt. Communion, Messe, Transubstantiation in Wetzer-Welte and Abendmahl and Kindercommunion in Herzog.

On Penance and Indulgences, §§ 117, 118: Joan Morinus: Comment. hist. de disciplina in administratione sacr. poenitentiae, Paris, 1651.—F. Beringer, S. J., transl. fr. the French by J. Schneider: D. Ablässe, ihr Wesen und Gebrauch, 12th ed., Paderb., 1900.—*K. Müller: D. Umschwung in der Lehre von d. Busse während d. 12ten Jahrhunderts, Freib., 1892.—H. C. Lea: A Formulary of the Papal Penitentiary in the 13th Century, Phil., 1892; *A Hist. of Auricular Confession and Indulgences, 3 vols. Phil., 1896.—* TH. Brieger: D. Wesen des Ablasses am Ausgange des Mittelalters, Leipzig., 1897.—A. Kurtz: D. kathol. Lehre vom Ablass vor und nach dem Auftreten Luthers, Paderb., 1900.—C. M. Roberts: Hist. of Confession until it developed into Auric. Conf. a.d. 1215, London, 1901.—* W. Köhler: Dokumente zum Ablassstreit vom 1517, Tübing., 1902. Very convenient, containing thirty-two of the most important documents on the subject and including Jacob von Juterbocks, Tract. de indulgentiis, c. 1451, and excerpts from the Coelifodina, 1502.—* A. Gottlob: Kreuzablass u. Almosenablass, Stuttg., 1906.—A. M. Koeninger: D. Beicht nach Caesarius von Heisterbach, Mun., 1906.—Artt. Ablass, *Bussdisciplin by Funk, II. 1562–1590. and Busse, II. 1590–1614, in Wetzer-Welte and *Indulgenzen by Th. Brieger in Herzog, IX. 76–94. For other Lit. see Brieger’s art. in Herzog

On Extreme Unction, etc., § 119: See artt. Oelung and Ordo in Wetzer-Welte, IX. 716 sqq., 1027 sqq., and Oelung by Kattenbusch and Priesterweihe in Herzog, XIV. 304 sqq., XVI. 47 sqq. For marriage, the works on Christian Ethics.—Von Eicken: Gesch. u. System der mittelalterl. Weltanschauung, pp. 437–487, Stuttg., 1887.—The artt. Ehe in Herzog, V. 182 sqq. and Wetzer-Welte, IV. 142–231 (including a number of subjects pertaining to marriage).

On Grace and the Future State, §§ 120, 121: Anselm: De conceptu virginali et originale peccato, Migne, 168. 431–467.—P. Lombardus: Sent., II. 31, etc.—H. Of St. Victor: De sacramentis, I. 7, Migne, 176. 287–306. —Alb. Magnus: In Sent., II. 31 sqq., etc., Borgnet’s ed., XXVII.—Bonaventura: In Sent., II., etc.; Peltier’s ed., III.—Th. Aquinas: Summa, II. 71–90, III. 52 sqq.; Supplem., LXIX. sqq., Migne, IV. 1215–1459—Duns Scotus: Reportata. XXIV.-XXVI., etc. The Histories of Doctrine of Schwane, pp. 393–493, Harnack, Loofs, Seeberg. Sheldon.

 § 113. The Seven Sacraments.

As the doctrines of the Trinity and the person of Christ were wrought out in the Nicene and post-Nicene periods, so the Schoolmen of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries wrought out the Catholic doctrine of the sacraments. At no point were the mediaeval theologians more industrious or did they put forth keener speculative force. For the Roman Catholic communion, the results of this speculation continue to be of binding authority. The theologians most prominent in developing the sacramental system were Hugo of St. Victor, Peter the Lombard, Alexander of Hales, and Thomas Aquinas. Hugo wrote the first treatise on the sacraments, De sacramentis. Thomas Aquinas did little more than to reformulate in clear statement the views propounded by Hugo, Peter the Lombard, and especially by Alexander of Hales, and with him the development comes to an end.1610  The substance of his statement was adopted by the councils of Ferrara, 1439, and Trent, 1560.

Through the influence of Peter the Lombard and Thomas Aquinas, the number of the sacraments was fixed at seven,—baptism, confirmation, the eucharist, penance, extreme unction, ordination, marriage.1611  Bernard had spoken of many sacraments and enumerated ten, including footwashing and the investiture of bishops and abbots. Abaelard had named five, —baptism, confirmation, the eucharist, marriage, and extreme unction. Hugo de St. Victor in his Summa also seems to recognize only five, —baptism, confirmation, eucharist, penance, and extreme unction,1612 but in his work on the Sacraments, in which he brought together all he had said on the subjects in other writings, he enumerated thirty. Here, evidently, the word is taken in a wide meaning and is almost synonymous with a religious rite. Hugo divided the sacraments into three classes,—sacraments which are necessary to salvation, baptism and the eucharist, those which have a sanctifying effect such as holy water and the use of ashes on Ash Wednesday, and a third class which prepares for the other sacraments. He called the sprinkling with water a sacrament.1613  Thomas Aquinas also ascribed a quasi-sacramental character to such rites, quaedam sacramentalia.1614

The uncertainty concerning the number of the sacraments was a heritage from the Fathers. Augustine defined any sacred rite a sacrament. The Third Lateran, 1179, used the term in a wide sense and included the investiture of bishops and burial among the sacraments. The Catholic Church today makes a distinction between certain sacred rites, called sacramentalia, and the seven sacraments.1615  Thomas gave as the reason for this number seven—that three is the number of the Deity, four of creation, and seven represents the union of God and man.1616

Ingenious and elaborate attempts were made to correlate the seven sacraments to all of man’s spiritual maladies and to show their "congruity" or adaptation to meet all the requirements of fallen and redeemed human nature.1617  Baptism corresponds to the defect of spiritual life, confirmation to mental weakness found in those recently born, the eucharist to the temptation to fall into sin,—labilitas animi ad peccandum,—penance to sins committed after baptism, extreme unction to the remainders of sin not cleared away by penance, ordination to the lost condition of mankind, matrimony to concupiscence, and the liability of mankind to become extinct by natural death.

The number seven also corresponds to the seven virtues,—baptism, extreme unction, and the eucharist to faith, hope, and love, ordination to enlightenment, penance to righteousness, marriage to continence, and confirmation to endurance. Bonaventura elaborates at length a stimulating comparison to a military career. The sacraments furnish grace for the spiritual struggle and strengthen the warrior on the various stages of his conflict. Baptism equips him on entering the conflict, confirmation encourages him in its progress, extreme unction helps him at the finish, the eucharist and penance renew his strength, orders introduce new recruits into the ranks, and marriage prepares men to be recruits. Augustine had compared the sacraments to the badges and rank conferred upon the soldier, a comparison Thomas Aquinas took up.1618

The sacraments were not needed in man’s estate of innocence. Marriage which was then instituted was a "function of nature" and nothing more. There were sacraments under the old covenant as well as under the new. The Schoolmen follow Augustine in declaring that the former prefigure the grace to come and the sacraments of the New Testament confer grace.1619  With Albertus Magnus and other Schoolmen it was a favorite question why woman was not circumcised.1620

In defining what a sacrament is—quid est sacramentum — the Schoolmen started with Augustine’s definition that a sacrament is a visible sign of an invisible grace,1621 but went beyond him in the degree of efficiency they ascribe to it. Beginning with Hugo, they assert in unmistakable language that the sacraments, or outward symbols, contain and confer grace,—continere et conferre gratiam, —the language afterwards used by the council of Trent. They have a virtue inherent in themselves. The favorite figure for describing their operation is medicine. Hugo1622 said, God is the physician, man is the invalid, the priest is the minister or messenger, grace is the antidote, the sacrament is the vase. The physician gives, the minister dispenses, the vase contains, the spiritual medicine which cures the invalid. If, therefore, the sacraments are the vases of spiritual grace, they do not cure of themselves. Not the bottle, but the medicine, cures the sick. Bonaventura entitled his chapters on the sacraments "Sacramental Medicine."1623

The sacraments are remedies which the great Samaritan brought for the wounds of original and actual sin. They are more than visible signs and channels of grace. They do more than signify. They sanctify. They are the efficient cause of gracious operations in the recipient. The interior effects, Thomas Aquinas says, are due to Christ,1624 or, as he says in another place, to the blessing of Christ and the administration of the priest conjoined. The mode of this efficacy is ex opere operato. This expression, used by William of Auxerre and Alexander of Hales, Thomas adopted and says again and again that the sacraments make righteous and confer grace, ex opere operato, that is by a virtue inherent in themselves.1625

By this, Thomas Aquinas does not mean that the religious condition of the recipient is a matter of indifference, but that the sacrament imparts its virtue, if need be, without the operation of an active faith. The tendency of Protestant writers has been to represent the Schoolmen as ascribing a magical virtue to the visible sacramental symbol, if not irrespective of the divine appointment, then certainly irrespective of the attitude of the recipient. Such is not the view of the Schoolmen. Thomas Aquinas distinguishes between the original cause of grace, which is God, and the instrumental cause, which is the sacrament. The virtue of the latter depends upon God’s appointment and operation.1626  The benefits of Christ’s atonement pass over to the faithful through faith and the sacraments.1627  The Church, said Bonaventura, received the sacraments from Christ and dispenses them to the salvation of the faithful.1628  The sacraments are efficacious only to those who are of a religious disposition.

Duns Scotus, whose opinions were set aside at the council of Ferrara for those of Thomas Aquinas, insisted that God can confer grace apart from the sacraments, and their efficacy is dependent upon an action of the will. They act indirectly, not directly. Duns controverted Thomas’ view that the sacrament is a visible sign containing supernatural virtue in itself absolutely.1629  The sacraments involve a psychological process in the soul. As symbols, they remind the soul of God’s grace and attract it. A good state of the heart, however, is not a meritorious cause of their efficacy. For their reception, it is sufficient if there be no moral impediment, obex, that is, no impeding indisposition.1630  It is the excellency of the sacraments of the new law, Duns says, that the very reception of them is a sufficient disposition to grace.1631

The relation the priest sustains to the sacraments is a vital one, and except in extraordinary cases his ministration is essential. Their efficacy does not depend upon the priest’s personal character, provided only he administer according to the rite of the Church.1632  An immoral priest may confer sacramental grace. To use the mediaeval illustration, pure water may be conveyed through a leaden pipe as truly as through a silver pipe. Even if the intention of conferring grace is absent from the mind of the officiating priest, the efficacy of the sacrament is not destroyed. The priest acts in the name of the Church, and in uttering the words of sacramental appointment he gives voice to the intention of the Church. This intention is sufficient for the perfection of the sacrament in any given case. Ultimately, it is Christ who works the effect of the sacrament and not the priest through any virtue of his own.1633  Here, too, Thomas followed Augustine.

On this point also, Duns differed from the great Dominican by declaring that "a virtual intention" on the part of the celebrant is essential to the efficacy of the sacrament. He illustrates his position by a pilgrim on the way to the shrine of St. James. The pilgrim may not think of St. James during the whole progress of his journey, but he starts out with "a virtual intention" to go to his shrine and keeps on the way. So a priest, during the progress of the sacramental celebration, may allow his mind to wander and forget what he is doing, but he has the virtual intention of performing the rite.1634

The sacraments may be "useful," said Bonaventura, if performed outside of the Church, provided the recipient afterwards enter "holy mother Church." This he illustrates by Augustine’s comparison of the sacraments to the four rivers of paradise. The rivers flowed into different lands. But neither to Mesopotamia nor Egypt did they carry the felicity of life, though they were useful.1635  So it is with the sacraments when administered outside of the pale of the true Church.

The sacraments are not all of equal necessity. Baptism alone is indispensable to eternal life. Baptism and the eucharist are the mightiest, but of all the most mighty—potissimum — is the eucharist, and for three reasons: 1. It contains Christ himself after a substantial manner. 2. The other sacraments are preparatory to it. 3. All the faithful partake of it—adults who are baptized, as well as those who are in orders. Three sacraments have an indelible character,—baptism, ordination, and confirmation. Their mark cannot be effaced nor may they be repeated. They are related to salvation as food is related to life. The other four sacraments are necessary to salvation only in the way a horse is necessary to a journey.1636

The Schoolmen were not fully agreed as to the author of some of the sacraments. Peter the Lombard expressly said that extreme unction was instituted by the Apostles. Alexander of Hales, Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas held they were all instituted by Christ.1637

Hugo of St. Victor said, God might have saved man without the sacraments but no man can be saved who rejects them.1638  They were to the mediaeval mind the essential food of the religious life, and, in building up the sacramental system, the mediaeval theologian felt he was fortifying the very fabric of the Church. In the authority to administer them lay the power of the priesthood to open and shut the kingdom of heaven, to pass the judgment of bliss or woe for this life and for the life to come. This sacramental theory, based now upon a false now upon a one-sided interpretation of Scripture, and compactly knit by argumentation, substituted the mechanical efficiency of sacramental grace for the Saviour into whose immediate presence the soul has a right to approach through penitence of heart and prayer. The sacramental system became the Church’s Babylonish captivity, as Luther called it in his famous tract, in which the rights and liberty of the Christian believer are fettered by the traditions of men.

 § 114. Baptism and Confirmation.

Baptism is the door to the other sacraments and to the kingdom of heaven.1639  It is essential to salvation, except for persons who desire to be baptized and have not the opportunity to receive the rite. The desire on their part to be regenerated by water and the Holy Spirit is certain evidence that the heart is already regenerated. For the necessity of baptism, Thomas Aquinas and the other Schoolmen rely upon John 3:3, "Except a man be born of water and the Spirit, he cannot see the kingdom of God." Of all the sacraments the most necessary, baptism effects regeneration, nay, it is regeneration itself.1640  It removes the guilt and the punishment due original sin and all sins actually committed.1641  The ablution of water signifies the ablution from guilt, and the freezing of water, to use the strange figure of Thomas Aquinas, the subtraction of all punishment. Baptism also has the positive effect of conferring grace, an effect which is symbolized by the clearness of water.

The validity of the sacrament requires the full use of the threefold name of the Trinity. Hugo of St. Victor differs from the later Schoolmen on this point, although in doubt whether the use of the name of Christ alone or the name of God alone be not sufficient. Bernard had allowed the use of the formula "I baptize thee in the name of the Father and of the true and holy cross." These men wrote before the Fourth Lateran Council. Bonaventura and Thomas acknowledged that, in early times, the Church had often been satisfied with baptism into the name of Christ, the Trinity being, in such cases, understood. But since the deliverance of the Fourth Lateran, the omission of a single syllable from the trine formula invalidated baptism.1642  Exorcism, unction with oil, and the giving of salt were prescribed to be used in the solemnization of the rite. Exorcism expelled demons and prevented them from impeding the recipient’s salvation. Salt, put into the ears, signified the reception of the new doctrine, into the nostrils, its approbation, and into the mouth, confession. Oil signified the fitting of the recipient to fight demons.

The proper administrator of baptism is the priest, but, in cases of necessity, laymen may baptize, male or female, and parents may baptize their own children.1643  For in the kingdom of heaven there is neither male nor female. But a woman must administer the rite privately, even as she is not allowed to speak in public. Yea, Thomas Aquinas went so far as to say that an unbaptized man may, in case of necessity, lawfully administer baptism, for Christ is free to use the agent he pleases, and it is he who baptizes inwardly, John 1:33. The main reason for allowing such baptism is to extend the limits of salvation as far as possible.1644

Children are proper subjects of baptism because they are under the curse of Adam. As the mother nourishes her offspring in the womb before it can nourish itself, so in the bosom of mother Church infants are nourished, and they receive salvation through the act of the Church.1645  A child cannot be baptized before it is born; it is of the essence of baptism that water be applied to the body.1646  It was the view of Thomas Aquinas and most of the Schoolmen that it is unlawful to baptize the children of Jews and pagans without the consent of the parents. Duns Scotus was an exception and permitted the forcible baptism of the children of Jews, yea of adult Jews.1647

The definition of baptism excludes all unbaptized children, dying in infancy, from heaven. The question is discussed by that mystic and lovable divine, Hugo of St. Victor, whether the children of Christian parents may be saved who happen to be put to death in a city besieged by pagans and die unbaptized. He leaves it unanswered, remarking that there is "no authority for saying what will become of them."1648  Duns Scotus makes it plain that children yet unborn are under the law of sin, not because they are connected with the bodies of their mothers, but because of their own bodies. He mercifully excepts from the law of perdition unborn infants whose mothers suffer martyrdom or blood baptism.1649  The Reformers, Zwingli excepted, shared the views of the mediaeval theology that unbaptized children dying in infancy are lost. At a later date, about 1740, Isaac Watts and other Protestant theologians, as a relief from the agonizing thought that the children of non-Christian parents dying in infancy are lost and suffer conscious torment, elaborated the view that they are annihilated. It remained for a still later Protestant period to pronounce in favor of the salvation of all such children in view of the superabounding fullness of the atonement and our Lord’s words, "for of such is the kingdom of heaven."

Water is essential to baptism. The Schoolmen agreed that wine, oil, or other liquid will not do. Duns Scotus said in regard to baptism in beer that its validity would depend upon a scientific test whether the beer continued to be a species of water or not.1650  The Lombard declared without qualification for immersion as the proper mode. Thomas Aquinas refers to it as the more general practice of his day and prefers it as the safer mode, as did also Bonaventura and Duns Scotus.1651  At any rate, the water must be applied to the head, for this is the most important part of man, standing as it does for the immortal agent. Both trine immersion, the custom of the Greek Church, and single immersion are valid. Trine immersion symbolizes the three persons of the Trinity and the three days of the Lord’s burial; single immersion the unity of the Deity and the uniqueness of Christ’s death. Synods, as late as the synod of Tarragona, 1391, spoke of the submersion of children in baptism.

The sacrament of confirmation corresponds to the adult period as baptism does to the child period (1 Cor. 13:11). It completes, as it were, the earlier ordinance and confers the graces of strength and hardihood. The baptized thus become full Christians.1652  The Schoolmen differed as to whether the sacrament was instituted immediately by Christ or by the Apostles or by the councils of the Church. Thomas Aquinas took the view that it was founded by Christ, being implied in the promise of the Holy Spirit (John 16:7).

The rite is performed by the bishop, who is the successor of the Apostles, who uses the words,  "I sign thee with the sign of the cross, I confirm thee with the chrism of salvation, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." Chrism, or sacred oil, which is the symbol of the Spirit, is applied, and the cross is signed upon the forehead, the most prominent part of the body.1653  It is there shame shows itself when young Christians lack the courage to acknowledge their profession.

 § 115. The Eucharist.

The eucharist, called by the Schoolmen the crown of the sacraments and the sacrament of the altar, was pronounced both a sacrament and a sacrifice. In the elaboration of the doctrine, scholastic theology reached the highest point of its speculation. Albertus Magnus devoted to it a distinct treatise and Thomas Aquinas nearly four hundred columns of his Summa. In practice, the celebration of this sacrament became the chief religious function of the Church.1654  The festival of Corpus Christi, commemorating it, was celebrated with great solemnity. The theory of the transmutation of the elements and the withdrawal of the cup from the laity were among the chief objects of the attacks of the Reformers.

The fullest and clearest presentation of the eucharist was made by Thomas Aquinas. He discussed it in every possible aspect. Where Scripture is silent and Augustine uncertain, the Schoolman’s speculative ability, though often put to a severe test, is never at a loss. The Church accepted the doctrines of transubstantiation and the sacrificial meaning of the sacrament, and it fell to the Schoolmen to confirm these doctrines by all the metaphysical weapons at their command. And even where we are forced by the silence or clear meaning of Scripture to regard their discussion as a vain display of intellectual ingenuity, we may still recognize the solemn religious purpose by which they were moved. Who would venture to deny this who has read the devotional hymn of Thomas Aquinas which presents the outgoings of his soul to the sacrificial oblation of the altar?

Pange lingua gloriosi corporis mysterium.

Sing my tongue the mystery telling.1655

The culminating point in the history of the mediaeval doctrine of the eucharist was the dogmatic definition of transubstantiation by the Fourth Lateran Council, 1215. Thenceforth it was heresy to believe anything else. The definition ran that "the body and blood of Christ are truly contained in the sacrament of the altar under the forms of bread and wine, the bread being transubstantiated into the body and the wine into the blood by divine power."1656  The council did not foist upon the Church a new doctrine. It simply formulated the prevailing belief.

The word "transubstantiation" is not used by Hugo of St. Victor and the earlier Schoolmen. They used "transition" and "conversion," the latter being the favorite term. The word "transubstantiation" seems to have been first used by Hildebert of Tours, d. 1134.1657  According to Duns Scotus, the doctrine cannot be proved with certainty from the Scriptures and must be accepted upon the basis of the decision of the Church.1658  The passages, chiefly relied upon for proving the doctrine, are John 6 and the words of institution, "this is my body," in which the verb is taken in its literal sense. Rupert of Deutz is the only Schoolman of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries who dissented from it. He seems to have taught the theory of impanation.1659

Three names, applied to the eucharist, had special significance.1660  It is a sacrifice because it repeats Christ’s oblation on the cross. It is a communion because it presents the unity of the Church. It is a viaticum because it is heavenly manna for pilgrims on their way to heaven. Thomas Aquinas also uses the term of John of Damascus, assumption, because the sacrament lifts us up into the Deity of Christ, and calls it hostia, or the host, because it contains Christ himself, who is the oblation of our salvation.1661  It was also called the mass.

The elements to be used are wheaten bread, either leavened or unleavened. Water is to be mixed with the wine as Christ probably mixed them, following the custom in Palestine. Water symbolizes the people, and the wine symbolizes Christ, and their combination the union of the people with Christ. The mixture likewise represents the scene of the passion. Thomas Aquinas also finds in the water flowing in the desert, 1 Cor. 10:4, a type of this custom. He relied much, as did Albertus Magnus1662  before him, upon the words of Prov. 9:5, Come eat of my bread and drink of the wine which I have mingled for you. But the admixture of the two elements is not essential. The synods of Cologne, 1279, Lambeth, 1281, etc., prescribed two or three drops of water as sufficient.

At the moment of priestly consecration, the elements of bread and wine are converted into the very body and blood of Christ. The substance of the bread and wine disappears. The "accidents"—species sensibiles — remain, such as taste, color, dimensions, and weight. What becomes of the substance of the two elements? asks Peter the Lombard. There are three possible answers. First, the substance passes into the four original elements or into the body and blood of Christ. Second, it is annihilated. Third, it remains in part or in whole. Duns Scotus adopted the second explanation, the substance is annihilated.1663  The Lombard, Bonaventura, and Thomas Aquinas adopted the view that the substance is converted into the body and blood of Christ. Against the theory of annihilation Thomas used the illustration that it does not follow because air, from which fire is generated, is not here nor there, that it has been annihilated. The change on the altar is altogether supernatural. The body of Christ is in the sacrament not quantitatively, per modum quantitatis, but in substance; not in its dimensions, but by a sacramental virtue, ex vi sacramenti, in a way peculiar to this sacrament. It is on the altar and is apprehended by faith only.1664

Upon the basis of the separate existence of substance and "accidents" the Schoolmen proceeded to perfect their theory. What the substance of bread is, if it is not its nutritive power, and how it is possible to think of bread without those qualities which make it bread to us, the practical mind cannot understand. Scholastic dialectics professed to understand it, but the statements are nothing more than a fabric of mystifying terms and gratuitous assumptions. Wyclif thoroughly exposed the fallacious reasoning.

Thomas Aquinas went so far as to declare that, though the substance of bread and wine disappears, these elements continue to preserve the virtue of their substance.1665  Luther said the Schoolmen might as well have set up a theory of transaccidentation as of transubstantiation. Thomas Aquinas anticipated his objection and argued that by a providential arrangement this was not so for three reasons: 1. It is not the custom for men to eat human flesh and drink human blood, and we would revolt from eating Christ’s blood and flesh under the form of bread and wine. 2. The sacrament would become a laughing stock to infidels if Christ were eaten in his own form. 3. Faith is called forth by the enveilment of the Lord within the forms of bread and wine. The body of Christ is not broken or divided by the teeth except in a sacramental way.1666  Creation, said this great Schoolman, is easier to understand than transubstantiation, for creation is out of nothing, but in the sacrament the substance of bread and wine disappear while the accidents remain.

A second statement elaborated by the Schoolmen is that the whole Christ is in the sacrament, divinity and humanity, —flesh, bones, nerves, and other constituents, —and yet the body of Christ is not there locally or in its dimensions.1667

This is the so-called doctrine of concomitance, elaborated by Alexander of Hales, Thomas Aquinas, and other Schoolmen with great subtilty. According to this doctrine the divinity of Christ and his body are never separated. Wherever the body is, there is also the divinity, whether it be in heaven or on the altar. The determination of this point was of importance because the words of institution mention only Christ’s body.

A third integral part of the scholastic treatment of the eucharist was the assertion that the whole Christ is in each of the elements,1668 a view which offered full justification for the withdrawal of the cup from the laity. Anselm had taken this view, that the entire Christ is in each element, but he was having no reference to the withdrawal of the cup.1669

Two serious questions grew out of this definition; namely, whether the elements which our Lord blessed on the night of his betrayal were his own body and blood and what it was the disciples ate when they partook of the eucharist during the time of our Lord’s burial. To the second question the reply was given that, if the disciples partook of the eucharist in that period, they partook of the real body. Here Duns Scotus brought to bear his theory that a thing may have a number of forms and that God can do what to us seems to be most unreasonable. As for the first question, Hugo of St. Victor shrank from discussing it on the sensible ground that such divine mysteries were to be venerated rather than discussed.1670  The other Schoolmen boldly affirmed that Christ partook of his own body and blood and gave them to the disciples. "He had them in His hands and in His mouth." This body, according to Thomas, was "immortal and not subject to pain."1671  Thomas quoted with approval the lines:1672 —

The King, seated with the twelve at the table,

Holds Himself in His hands. He, the Food, feeds upon Himself.

This monstrous conception involved a further question. Did Judas partake of the true body and blood of the Lord?  This the Schoolmen answered in the negative. The traitor took only natural and unblessed bread. Leaning upon St. Augustine, they make the assertion, upon a manipulation of Luke 22 and John 13 according to which Christ distributed the bread and the wine before Judas took the sop, that the sop, or immersed morsel, was delusive. Judas was deceived.1673

Another curious but far-reaching question occupied the minds of Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, Thomas Aquinas, and other Schoolmen. Does a mouse, in eating the consecrated host, actually partake of its consecrated substance?  Thomas argued in this way: the body and blood of Christ would not be withdrawn, if the consecrated host should be cast into the mire, for God allowed Christ’s body even to be crucified. As for mice, they were not created to use the bread as a sacrament, and so they cannot eat Christ’s body after a sacramental manner, sacramentaliter, but only the accidents of the elements, per accidens, just as a man would eat who took the consecrated host but did not know it was consecrated.1674  Bonaventura, quoting Innocent III., took the more reasonable view that the body of Christ is withdrawn under such circumstances. Peter the Lombard had said that an animal does not take the body of Christ in eating the bread. But what it does take and eat, God alone knows. Duns Scotus took up the similar question, what occurs to an ass drinking the water consecrated for baptism and sensibly called it a subtilitas asinina, an asinine refinement, for the virtue of ablution inhering in such water an ass could not drink.1675  To the theory of transubstantiation, Rupert of Deutz has been referred to as an exception. John of Paris was deprived of his chair at the University of Paris for likening the union of Christ’s body and the bread to the coexistence of the divine and human natures in Christ’s person. He died, 1306, while his case was being tried at Rome. Ockam tentatively developed the theory of impanation whereby Christ’s body and the bread are united in one substance, but he expressed his readiness to yield to the dogma of the Church.

The sacrificial aspect of the eucharist was no less fully developed. In Hugo of St. Victor we hear nothing of a repetition of the sacrifice on the cross. He speaks of the mass as being a transmission of our prayers, vows, and offerings—oblationes — to God.1676  Peter the Lombard said the sacrifice on the altar is of a different nature from the sacrifice on the cross, nevertheless it is a true sacrifice. The later Schoolmen, following Alexander of Hales, laid stress on the sacrificial element. The eucharist is an unbloody but "real immolation" performed by the priest.

The altar represents the cross, the priest represents Christ in whose person and power he pronounces the words of consecration,1677 and the celebration represents the passion on the cross. The priest’s chief function is to consecrate the body and blood of Christ.1678

The sacrifice may be offered daily, just as we stand daily in need of the fruits of Christ’s death and as we pray for daily food. And because Christ was on the cross from nine till three o’clock, it is proper that it should be offered between those hours, at any rate during the daytime and not in the night, for Christ said, "I must work the works of him that sent me, while it is day: for the night cometh, when no man can work," John 9:4.

To the discussion of the twofold effect of the eucharist as a sacrament and as a sacrifice, the Schoolmen also give much attention. Like the other sacraments, the eucharist has the virtue of conferring grace of itself.1679  As a sacrament it inures to our nourishment and perfection in Christ; as a sacrifice to the removal of sins venial and mortal. As a sacrament it benefits those who partake; as a sacrifice its benefits accrue also to persons who do not partake, living and dead.1680  For this position Thomas Aquinas quotes side by side the words of our Lord, Luke 22 and Matt. 26, "which is shed for you" and "which is shed for many for the remission of sins," the latter passage being taken to include parties not present in the benefits of the sacrifice on the altar.

 § 116. Eucharistic Practice and Superstition.

The celebration of the eucharist is the central part of the service of the Latin Church. Thomas Aquinas said it is to be celebrated with greater solemnity than the other sacraments because it contains the whole mystery of our salvation. He gives the meaning of the various ceremonies, 1681 such as the signing with the cross, the priest’s turning his face to the people a certain number of times with reference to Christ’s appearances after the resurrection, the use of incense, the stretching forth of the priest’s arms, the breaking of the bread, and the rinsing of the mouth after the wine has been taken. How important the prescriptions were considered to be, may be inferred from the careful attention this great Schoolman gives to them. If a fly, he says, or a spider, be found in the wine after consecration, the insect must be taken out, carefully washed and burnt, and then the water, mingled with ashes, must be thrown into the sacrary. If poison be found in the consecrated wine, the contents of the cup are to be poured out and kept in a vessel among the relics.1682

The priest’s fitness to consecrate the elements lies in the sacerdotal power conferred upon him at his ordination. He consecrates the elements not in his own name but as the minister of Christ, and he does not cease to be a minister by being bad, malus.1683  He alone is the mediator between God and the people, so that it lies not within the power of a layman to administer the eucharist. The Angelic doctor declares that, while in the other sacraments the benefits accrue through the use of the elements, in the eucharist the benefit consists in the consecration of the elements by the priest and not in their use by the people.1684

Ecclesiastical analysis and definition could go no farther in divesting the simple memorial meal instituted by our Lord of the element of immediate communion between the believer and the Saviour, and changing it as it were into a magical talisman. It would be disingenuous to ignore that with the Schoolmen the devotional element has a most prominent place in their treatment of the eucharist. Especially when they are treating it as a sacrifice is emphasis laid upon devotion on the part of the participants.1685  But, after this is said, the Protestant Christian still feels that they did not appreciate in any adequate degree, the place of faith as the necessary organ of receiving the divine grace extended through this sacred ordinance. The definition which the mediaeval theologians gave to the Church and the mediatorial power they associated with the priesthood precluded them from estimating faith at its true worth.1686

The theory of the sacrificial efficacy of the mass encouraged superstition. It exalted the sacerdotal prerogative of the priest1687 who had it in his power to withhold or give this viaticum, the spiritual food for pilgrims looking forward to heaven. The people came to look to him rather than to Christ, for could he not by the utterance of his voice effect the repetition of the awful sacrifice of the cross!  The frequent repetition of the mass became a matter of complaint. Albertus Magnus speaks of women attending mass every day from levity and not in a spirit of devotion who deserved rebuke.1688  Councils again and again forbade its being celebrated more than once a day by the same priest, except on Christmas and Easter, and in case of burial. Masses had their price and priests there were who knew how to sell them and to frighten people into making provision for them in their wills.1689

The elevation and adoration of the host were practised in the Latin Church as early as the twelfth century. Honorius III., 1217, made obligatory the ringing of a bell at the moment the words of institution were uttered that the worshippers might fall on their knees and adore the host. The Lambeth synod of 1281 ordered the church bells to be rung at the moment of consecration so that the laboring man on the field and the woman engaged in her domestic work might bow down and worship. Synods prescribed that the pyx, the receptacle for the host, be made of gold, silver, ivory, or, at least, of polished copper. A light was kept burning before it perpetually. In case a crumb of the bread or a drop of the wine fell upon the cloth or the priest’s garments, the part was to be cut out and burnt and the ashes thrown into the sacrary. And if the corporale, the linen cover prescribed for the altar, should be wet in the blood, it was to be washed out three times and the water drunk by a priest. If a drop happened to fall on a stone or a piece of wood or hard earth, the priest or some pious person was to lick it up.

The festival of the eucharist, Corpus Christi, celebrated the first Thursday after Trinity Sunday, had its origin in the vision of Juliana, a nun of Liege, who saw the full moon, representing the church year, with one spot on its surface. This spot indicated the Church’s neglect to properly honor the real presence. She made her vision known to the bishop of Liege and the archdeacon, James Pantaleon. A celebration was appointed for the diocese, and when James became pope, under the name of Urban IV., he prescribed, in 1264, the general observance of the festival. John XXII. inaugurated the procession wherein, on Corpus Christi day, the host was carried about the streets with great solemnities.1690  The liturgical service used on Corpus Christi was prepared by Thomas Aquinas at the appointment of Urban IV. Two important changes occurred in this period in the distribution of the elements,—the abandonment of the communion of children and the withdrawal of the cup from the laity.

The communion of children practised in the early Church, and attested by Augustine and still practised in the Greek Church, seems to have been general as late as the reign of Pascal II. Writing in 1118, Pascal said it was sufficient to give the wine to children and the very sick, as they are not able to assimilate the bread. In their case the bread was to be dipped into the wine.1691  Just how the change took place is unknown. Odo, bishop of Paris, 1175, forbade the communion of children. The synod of Treves, 1227, denied to them the bread, and the synod of Bordeaux, 1255, the wine as well as the bread. The greater Schoolmen do not treat the subject. The Supplement of Thomas Aquinas’ Theology says that the extreme unction and the eucharist were not administered to children because both sacraments required real devotion in the recipients.1692

The denial of the cup to the laity, the present custom of the Roman Catholic Church, became common in the thirteenth century. It was at first due to the fear of profanation by spilling the consecrated blood of Christ. At the same time the restriction to the bread was regarded as a wholesome way of teaching the people that the whole Christ is present in each of the elements. Among other witnesses in the twelfth century to the distribution of both the bread and the wine to the laity are Rupert of Deutz and pope Pascal II. Pascal urged that this custom be forever preserved.1693  But it is evident that there was already at that time divergence of practice. The Englishman, Robert Pullen, d. ab. 1150, refers to it and condemned the dipping of the host into the wine as a Judas communion, with reference to John 13:26.1694

By the middle of the thirteenth century the feeling had grown strong enough for a great authority, Alexander of Hales, to condemn the giving of the cup to the laity and on the doctrinal ground that the whole Christ is in each of the elements. As a means of instructing the people in this doctrine he urged that the cup be denied. But Albertus Magnus, his contemporary, has no hint justifying the practice.1695  Thomas Aquinas followed Alexander, giving as his chief reason the danger of profanation by spilling the sacred contents of the chalice. It is sufficient, he said, for the priest to partake of the cup, for the full benefit accrues by the participation of a single element, communio sub una specie.1696  Christ distributed bread only and not drink to the five thousand.

The usage gradually spread. The chapter of the Cistercians in 1261 forbade monks, nuns, and lay brethren of the order to take the cup. The few Councils which expressed themselves on the subject were divided.1697

The council of Constance threatened with excommunication all who distributed the wine to the laity. It spoke of many "perils and scandals" attending the distribution of the wine. Gerson, who voted for the enactment, urged the danger of spilling the wine, of defilement to the sacred vessels from their contact with laymen’s hands and lips, the long beards of laymen, the possibility of the wine’s turning to vinegar while it was being carried to the sick, or being corrupted by flies, or frozen by the cold, the difficulty of always purchasing wine, and the impossibility of providing cups for ten thousand or twenty thousand communicants on Easter. The council of Trent reaffirmed the withdrawal of the cup as an enactment the Church was justified in making. Gregory II. had commanded the use of a single chalice at communion.1698

Some strange customs came into vogue in the distribution of the wine, such as the use of a reed or straw, which were due to veneration for the sacred element. Many names were given to this instrument, such as fistula, tuba, canna, siphon, pipa, calamus. The liturgical directions required the pope to drink through a fistula on Maundy Thursday and Good Friday. He still follows this custom at the public mass. The practice maintained itself in some parts of the Lutheran Church as in Hamburg and vicinity, and Brandenburg down to the eighteenth century.1699

Another custom was the practice of cleaning the mouth with a rinsing cup of unconsecrated wine, after one or both the elements had been received, and called in German the Spülkelch. A synod of Soissons of the twelfth century enjoined all to rinse their mouths after partaking of the elements. Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, 1281, enjoined priests to instruct the people that in partaking of the bread they were partaking of the whole Christ, and that what was given them in the cup was only wine, given that they might the more easily swallow the sacred body.1700  The custom of taking a meal immediately after the sacrament, dating back to the fifth century, is also found in this period.1701

This treatment of the mediaeval theory of the eucharist would be incomplete without giving some of the marvellous stories which bear witness to the excessive reverence for the sacred host and blood. One of the most famous, the story of the monk, who was cured of doubts by seeing the host exude blood, is told by Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura,1702 and others. Cases when real blood was seen in the chalice were not infrequent. The host sometimes remained uninjured amid the ashes of a burnt church.1703  Caesar of Heisterbach relates several cases when a snow-white dove was seen sitting near the chalice at the celebration of the mass and a number of cases of the appearance of Christ in visible form in the very hands of the consecrating priest. Thus one of the monks, present when the mass was being said by Herman, abbot of Himmelrode, saw after the consecration of the host the Christ as a child in the abbot’s hands. The child rose to the height of the cross and then was reduced again in size to the dimensions of the host, which was eaten by the abbot.1704  The same writer narrates that a certain monk, Adolf, of the Netherlands, after consecrating the host, saw in his hands the virgin carrying the child, Christ, in her arms. Turning the host, he saw on the other side a lamb. Turning it back again, he saw Christ on the cross. Then there was nothing left but the visible form of the bread, which the pious monk ate. The writer goes on to say that Adolf did not feel full joy over this vision, for he kept a concubine.1705  A Fleming woman of the town of Thorembais, who had been refused the sacrament by a priest, was visited the same night by Christ himself, who gave her the host with his own hands.1706

At a church dedication in Anrode, the invited priests engaged in conviviality and while they were dancing around the altar, the pyx was overthrown and the five hosts it contained scattered. The music was at once stopped and search was made but without result. The people were then put out of the building and every corner was searched till at last the hosts were found on a ledge in the wall where the angel had placed them.1707

Perhaps the most remarkable case related by the chronicler of Heisterbach is that of the bloody host of St. Trond, Belgium. This he had himself seen, and he speaks of it as a miracle which should be recorded for the benefit of many after generations. In 1223 a woman in Harbais, in the diocese of Liège, kissed her lover with the host in her mouth, in the hope that it would inflame his love for her. She then found she could not swallow the host and carefully wrapped it up in a napkin. In her agony, she finally revealed her experience to a priest who called in the bishop of Livland who happened to be in the town. Together they went to the place where the host was concealed and lo! there were three drops of fresh blood on the cloth. The abbot of Trond was called in and it was then found that half of the host was flesh and half bread. The bishop thought so highly of the relic that he attempted to carry off two of the drops of blood, but sixty armed men interfered. The sacred blood was then put in a vase and deposited among the relics of the church of St. Trond.1708  This case was fully believed by Caesar, and he expresses no doubt about the many other cases he reports.

Another case related by Etienne of Bourbon1709 is of a farmer who, wanting to be rich, followed the advice of a friend and placed the host in one of his beehives. The bees with great reverence made a miniature church, containing an altar, on which they placed the sacred morsel. All the bees from the neighborhood were attracted and sang beautiful melodies. The rustic went out, expecting to find the hives overflowing with honey but, to his amazement, found them all empty except the one in which the host had been deposited. The bees attacked him fiercely. He repaired to the priest, who, after consulting with the bishop, went in procession to the hive and found the miniature church with the altar and carried it back to the village church while the bees, singing songs, flew away.

These stories, which might be greatly multiplied, attest the profound veneration in which the host was held and the crude superstitions which grew up around it in the convent and among the people. The simple and edifying communion meal of the New Testament was set aside by mediaeval theology and practice for an unreasonable ecclesiastical prodigy.

 § 117. Penance and Indulgences.

The sacrament of penance was placed in close connection with baptism by the Schoolmen, as it was later by the council of Trent, which called it a "sort of laborious baptism."1710  Baptism serves for the deletion of original sin; penance for the deletion of mortal sins committed after baptism. Using Tertullian’s illustration, the Schoolmen designated penance the second plank thrown out to the sinner after shipwreck as baptism is the first.1711  In daily religious life, penance became the chief concern of the people and also the chief instrumentality of the priesthood in securing and strengthening its authority. The treatment given to it by the Schoolmen is even more elaborate than the treatment they give to the eucharist.1712

One feature in which this sacrament differs from the others is the amount of positive activity it requires from those who seek the grace involved in it. Contrition, confession to the priest, and the performance of good works prescribed by the priest were the conditions of receiving this grace. Everything depends upon God, and yet everything depends upon the subjection of the penitent to the priest and his act of absolution. It is in connection with this sacrament that the doctrine of the keys comes to its full rights. Here a man is absolved from sin and reunited with the Church, and reconciled to Christ through the mediation of the sacerdotal key.1713

Two perversions of Scripture were the largest factors in developing the theory of meritorious penance. The first was the false interpretation of John 20:23, "Whosoever sins ye forgive they are forgiven, and whosoever sins ye retain they are retained."  The passage was interpreted to mean that Christ conferred upon the Apostles and the Church judicial authority to forgive sins. The Protestant theory is that this authority is declarative. The second factor was the Vulgate’s translation of the New Testament for the word "repent," poenitentiam agite, "do penance," as if repentance were a meritorious external exercise, and not a change of disposition, which is the plain meaning of the Greek word metanoevw, "to change your mind."1714

The confusion of the New Testament idea and the Church’s doctrine is evident enough from the twofold meaning Peter the Lombard and Thomas Aquinas give to the thing called penance. Baptism, they said, is a sacrament, but penance is both a sacrament and a virtuous state of the mind. In the New Testament the latter is intended. The theologians added all the mechanism of penance.1715

At the close of the twelfth century a complete change was made in the doctrine of penance. The theory of the early Church, elaborated by Tertullian and other Church fathers, was that penance is efficient to remove sins committed after baptism, and that it consisted in certain penitential exercises such as prayer and alms. The first elements added by the mediaeval system were that confession to the priest and absolution by the priest are necessary conditions of pardon. Peter the Lombard did not make the mediation of the priest a requirement, but declared that confession to God was sufficient. In his time, he says, there was no agreement on three aspects of penance: first, whether contrition for sin was not all that was necessary for its remission; second, whether confession to the priest was essential; and third, whether confession to a layman was insufficient. The opinions handed down from the Fathers, he asserts, were diverse, if not antagonistic.1716

Alexander of Hales marks a new era in the history of the doctrine. He was the first of the Schoolmen to answer clearly all these questions, and to him more than to any other single theologian does the Catholic Church owe its doctrine of penance. Thomas Aquinas confirmed what Alexander taught.1717

In distinction from baptism, which is a regeneration, Thomas Aquinas declared penance to be a restoration to health and he and Bonaventura agreed that it is the efficacious remedy for mortal sins. Thomas traced its institution back to Christ, who left word that "penance and remission of sins should be preached from Jerusalem," Luke 24:47. James had this institution in mind when he called upon Christians to confess their sins one to another.1718  Penance may be repeated, for we may again and again lose our love to God.

Penance consists of four elements: contrition of heart, confession with the mouth, satisfaction by works, and the priest’s absolution. The first three are called the substance of penance and are the act of the offender. The priest’s absolution is termed the form of penance.1719

1. Contrition was defined as the sorrow of the soul for its sins, an aversion from them, and a determination not to commit them again. The Lombard and Gratian taught that such contrition, being rooted in love, is adequate for the divine pardon without confession to a priest or priestly absolution.1720

At the side of the doctrine of contrition the Schoolmen, beginning with Alexander Hales, placed the novel doctrine of attrition, which was most fully emphasized by Duns Scotus. Attrition is the negative element in contrition, a sort of half repentance, a dread of punishment, Galgenreue, "scaffold-repentance," as the Germans call it.1721  This state of the heart the Schoolmen found represented in the experience of the prodigal at the moment when the father went out to meet him. According to this doctrine, a man may be forgiven and saved who is actuated simply by the fear of hell and punishment and has neither faith nor filial love in his heart. All he is required to do is to diligently go through the other steps of the process of penance, and the priest’s pardon will be forthcoming.1722

2. Confession to the priest, the second element in penance, is defined by Thomas Aquinas as the making-known of the hidden disease of sin in the hope of getting pardon.1723  Not even the pope has the right to grant a dispensation from it any more than he may offer salvation from original sin without baptism.1724  It covers mortal sins. For the remission of venial sins, confession is not necessary. The Church makes daily supplication for such offences and that is sufficient. They do not separate the soul either from God or the Church.1725  They are simply a sluggish movement of the affections toward God, not an aversion to Him. They are removed by holy water and other minor rites.

By the action of the Fourth Lateran, 1215, confession to the priest at least once a year was made a test of orthodoxy. Beginning with Alexander of Hales, the Schoolmen vindicate the positions that confession, to be efficacious, must be made to the priest, and that absolution by the priest is an essential condition of the sinner’s pardon. Bonaventura, after devoting much time to the question, "Whether it is sufficient to confess our sins to God," answered it in the negative. At greater length than Peter the Lombard had done, he quoted the Fathers to show that there was no unanimity among them on the question. But he declared that, since the decision of the Fourth Lateran, all are to be adjudged heretics who deny that confession to the priest is essential. Before that decision, such denial was not heresy.1726

Confession must be made to the priest as Christ’s vicar. In case of necessity, no priest being available, a layman may also hear confession.1727  By such confession the offender may be reconciled to God but not to the Church, and in order to be so reconciled and admitted to the other sacraments he must also, as opportunity offers, confess again to the priest.

Priests were forbidden to look at the face of a woman at the confessional, and severe punishments were prescribed for betraying its secrets, even to degradation from office and life-long confinement in a convent.1728  The mendicant monks were confirmed by Clement IV. and Martin IV. in their right to shrive everywhere. A contemporary declared that the whole of the Jordan ran into their mouths.1729

3.  Satisfaction, the third element in penance, is imposed by the priest as the minister of God and consists of prayer, pilgrimages, fastings, payments of money, and other good works. These penal acts are medicines for spiritual wounds and a compensation to God for offences against Him, as Thomas Aquinas,1730 following Anselm, taught. The priest is the judge of what the act of satisfaction shall be. Among the more notable cases of public penance were those of Henry II. after Becket’s death, Philip I. of France, and Raymund of Toulouse.

Satisfaction differs from contrition and confession in the very important particular that one person can perform it for another. To prove this point, Thomas Aquinas used the words of the Apostle when he said, "Bear ye one another’s burdens."  Gal. 6:2.

4. The fourth element in the sacrament of penance was the formal sentence of absolution pronounced by the priest. This function, which Schwane calls the main part of the sacrament of penance,1731 or the power of the keys, potestas clavium, belongs primarily and in its fulness to the pope and then, by distribution, to bishops and priests. Its use opens and shuts the kingdom of heaven to immortal souls.

 § 118. Penance and Indulgences.

The year 1200 marks the dividing line between opinions differing most widely on the meaning of the priests absolution. Peter the Lombard represented the prevailing view of the earlier period when he pronounced the absolution, a declarative announcement. Alexander of Hales represented the later period, when he pronounced it a judicial sentence. According to Peter, God alone remits sins. It was the Lord who restored the lepers to health, not the priests to whom be sent them. They did nothing more than bear witness to the healthy condition of the lepers. The priest’s prerogative is ended when he "shows or declares those who are bound and those who are loosed."1732  This view of the Master of Sentences the later theology set aside.

Before the end of the thirteenth century, the petitional form of absolution was in general, though not exclusive, used and the priest made intercession for the grace of forgiveness upon the offender.1733  After that, the positive forensic form was substituted, "I absolve thee in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost," the form which Thomas Aquinas vindicated against all others.1734  Hugo of St. Victor had advocated this form and pronounced the contrary form more laughable and frivolous than worthy of refutation. He was followed by Richard of St. Victor who emphasized the distinction between the priest’s right to remit the punishment of sin and God’s prerogative which is to forgive the guilt of sin.1735  The priest’s absolution effects the deletion of sin. He acts towards the sinner as Christ did toward Lazarus when he said, "Loose him and let him go."

The absolution from certain offences was reserved to the bishops, such as murder, sacrilege in the use of the eucharist or the baptismal water, perjury, poisoning, and letting children die without being baptized.1736  Other offences came under the exclusive jurisdiction of the papal chair, such as the abuse of the person of a priest or monk, the burning of church buildings, and falsifying of papal documents.

In the article of death, the sacrament of absolution is in no case to be refused. At such times works of satisfaction cannot be required, even as they were not required of the thief on the cross.

The extent to which absolution is efficacious called forth careful discussion and statement. Does it cover guilt as well as punishment and does it extend to the punishments of purgatory?  The answer to these questions also was positive and distinct from the time of Alexander of Hales. Peter the Lombard was the last of the prominent Schoolmen to declare that the priest did not give absolution for guilt. The later Schoolmen with one consent oppose him at this point and teach that the priest absolves both from the guilt and the punishments of sin in this world and in purgatory. Thomas Aquinas asserted that, "if the priest cannot remit these temporal punishments,—for the punishments of purgatory are temporal,—then he cannot remit at all and this is contrary to the words of the Gospel to Peter that whatsoever he should loose on earth should be loosed in heaven."1737

The ultimate and, as it proved, a most vicious form of priestly absolution was the indulgence. An indulgence is a remission of the guilt and punishment of sin by a mitigation or complete setting aside of the works of satisfaction which would otherwise be required. A lighter penalty was substituted for a severer one.1738  Gottlob1739 has recently divided indulgences into three classes: (1) indulgences which are secured by going on a crusade; (2) such as are secured by the payment of money for some good church cause, and (3) such as are secured by the visiting of certain churches.

Towards the close of this period this substitution usually took the form of a money-payment. For a lump sum absolution for the worst offences might be secured. It became a tempting source of gain to churches and the Roman curia, which they were quick to take advantage of. The dogmatic justification of this method of remission found positive expression before the practice became general. Alexander of Hales here again has the distinction of being the first to give it careful definition and unequivocal emphasis. Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventura, and the other Schoolmen follow him closely and add little. Thomas Aquinas declared it impious to say the Church might not dispense indulgences.1740

The first known case occurred about 1016 when the archbishop of Arles gave an indulgence of a year to those participating in the erection of a church building.1741  The Crusades furnished the popes the occasion to issue indulgences on a magnificent scale. Urban II,’s indulgence, 1095, granting plenary absolution to all taking the journey to Jerusalem was the first of a long series of such papal franchises. That journey, Urban said, should be taken as a substitute for all penance. Granted at first to warriors fighting against the infidel in the Holy Land, they were extended so as to include those who fought against the Slavs, as by Eugenius III., 1147, against the Stedinger, Albigenses, and the Hussites, 1425, and against all enemies whatsoever of the papacy, such as Frederick II. and Manfred. Innocent II., in 1135, promised full remission to those who fought the battle of the papal chair against Roger of Sicily, and the anti-pope, Anacletus II. In these cases such expressions are used as "remission and indulgence of penances," "relaxation or remission from the imposed penance," "the relaxation of the imposed satisfaction," and also "a lightening or remission of sins."1742

The free-handed liberality with which these franchises were dispensed by bishops became so much of a scandal that the Lateran council of 1215 issued a sharp decree to check it. More than half a century before, in 1140, Abaelard had condemned the abuse of this prerogative by bishops and priests who were governed in its lavish exercise by motives of sordid cupidity.1743

The construction of bridges over rivers, the building of churches, and the visiting of shrines were favorite and meritorious grounds for the gifts of indulgence. Innocent III., 1209, granted full remission for the building of a bridge over the Rhone; Innocent IV. for rebuilding the cathedrals of Cologne, 1248, and Upsala, 1250, which had suffered from fire.1744  According to Matthew Paris, Gregory IX., in 1241, granted an indulgence of forty days to all worshipping the crown of thorns and the cross in the chapel at Paris and, in 1247, the bishop of Norwich, speaking for the English prelates, announced a remission of all penances for six years and one hundred and forty days to those who would worship the Holy Blood at Westminster.1745  Indulgences for building bridges and roads were common in England.1746

To the next period belongs the first cases of indulgence granted in connection with the Jubilee Year by Boniface VIII., 1300. Among the more famous indulgences granted to private parties and localities was the Portiuncula indulgence giving remission to all visiting the famous Franciscan shrine at Assisi on a certain day of the year,1747 and the Sabbatina, granting to all entering the Carmelite order or wearing the scapulary deliverance from purgatory the Saturday after their death.1748

The practice of dispensing indulgences grew enormously. Innocent III. dispensed five during his pontificate. Less than one hundred years later, Nicolas IV., in his reign of two years, 1288–1290, dispensed no less than four hundred. By that time they had become a regular item of the papal exchequer.

On what grounds did the Church claim the right to remit the works of penance due for sins or, as Alexander of Hales put it, grant abatement of the punishment due sin?1749The statement was this: Christ’s passion is of infinite merit. Mary and the saints also by their works of patience laid up merit beyond what was required from them for heaven. These supererogatory works or merits of the saints and of Christ are so abundant that they would more than suffice to pay off the debts of all the living.1750  Together they constitute the thesaurus meritorum, or fund of merits; and this is at the disposal of the Church by virtue of her nuptial union with Christ, Col. 1:24. This fund is a sort of bank account, upon which the Church may draw at pleasure. Christ relaxed the punishment due the woman taken in adultery, not requiring her to do the works of satisfaction which her offences would, under ordinary circumstances, have called for. So, likewise, may the pope, who is Christ’s viceregent, release from sin by drawing upon the fund of merit. Thus the indulgence takes the place of the third element of penance, works of satisfaction.

These statements of the Schoolmen received explicit papal confirmation at the hands of Clement VI. in 1343. This pontiff not only declared that this "heap of treasure,"—cumulus thesauri,—consisting of the merits of "the blessed mother of God and the saints," is at the disposal of the successors of Peter, but he made, if possible, the more astounding assertion that the more this storehouse is drawn upon, the more it grows.1751  Like the wood of the true cross, it has the power of infinite self-expansion. It is, however, fair to say that the papal briefs granting this saving grace almost invariably gave it on condition of contrition and confession of the recipient.1752

Down to the latter part of the thirteenth century, the theory prevailed that an indulgence dispensed with the usual works of penance by substituting some other act. Before the fourteenth century, another step was taken, and the indulgence was regarded as directly absolving from the guilt and punishment of sins, culpa et poena peccatorum. It was no longer a mitigation or abatement of imposed penance. It immediately set aside or remitted that which acts of penance had been designed to remove; namely, guilt and penalty. It is sufficient for the Church to pronounce offences remitted. Wyclif made a bold attack against the indulgence "from guilt and punishment," a culpa et poena, in his Cruciata. Now that it is no longer possible to maintain the spuriousness of such papal indulgences, some Roman Catholic writers construe the offensive phrase to mean "from the penalty of guilt," a poena culpae.

Such was the general indulgence given by pope Coelestin V., 1294, to all who should on a certain day of the year enter the church of St. Mary de Collemayo in which he had been consecrated.1753  This view had been stated almost thirty years before by Thomas of Chantimpré.1754  And, about 1280, Peter of Olivi declared the indulgence granted to the Portiuncula church to be an "indulgence for all sins and from all guilt and penalty."1755  It is evident from these documents that, at the close of the thirteenth century, the formula a culpa et poena, "from guilt and punishment," was quite familiar.

Boniface VIII. probably included the guilt of sin when he announced "full pardon for all sins," and succeeding popes used the form constantly.1756  John XXIII., at the beginning of the fifteenth century, was especially prodigal in the distribution of this kind of indulgence and in vain did the council of Constance attempt to put some check upon the practice. Tetzel was following the custom of two centuries when he offered "remission and indulgence of guilt and penalty."

As for the application of the sacrament of penance to souls in purgatory, Alexander of Hales argued that, if the sacrament did not avail for them, then the Church prays in vain for the dead. Such souls are still under the cognizance of the Church, that is, subject to its tribunal,—de foro ecclesiae.1757  Altars and chapels, called in England chantries, were built and endowed by persons for the maintenance of a priest, in whole or in part, to pray and offer up masses for their souls after their departure from this life. The further treatment of the subject belongs properly to the period just preceding the Reformation. It is sufficient to say here, that Sixtus IV., in 1476, definitely connected the payment of money with indulgences, and legislated that, by fixed sums paid to the papal collectors, persons on earth may redeem their kindred in purgatory. Thus for gold and silver the most inveterate criminal might secure the deliverance of a father or mother from purgatorial pain, and neither contrition nor confession were required in the transaction.1758  Such was the ultimate conclusion of the sacramental doctrine of penance, the sacrament to whose treatment the Schoolmen devoted most time and labor. The council of Trent reasserted the Church’s right to grant indulgences.1759  But what could seem to be more agreeable to the plain statements of Scripture than that men have the right of immediate access to Christ, who said, "Him that cometh unto me, I will in no wise cast out," and what more repugnant to its plain teachings than to make confession to a priest and the priest’s absolution conditions of receiving pardon!

The superstitious, practical extravagances, which grew out of this most unbiblical penitential theory of the Middle Ages, are reported in the pages of the popular writers of the age, such as Caesar of Heisterbach and De Voragine, who express no dissent as they relate the morbid tales. Here are two of them as told by De Voragine which are to be taken as samples of a large body of similar literature. A bishop, by celebrating thirty masses, helped out of purgatory a poor soul who was frozen in a block of ice. In the second case, a woman who had neglected, before dying, to make a confession to the priest, was raised from her bier by the prayer of St. Francis d’Assisi. She went and confessed to the priest and then had the satisfaction of lying down in peace and dying over again.1760

 § 119. Extreme Unction, Ordination, and Marriage.

Extreme Unction,—unctio infirmorum,—the fifth in the list of the sacraments, is administered to those who are in peril of death, and is supposed to be referred to by James 5:14. "Is any among you sick? let him call for the elders of the church; and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord."  The earlier view, represented by Hugo of St. Victor, Peter the Lombard, and also by Bonaventura, was that the sacrament is of Apostolic institution. Thomas Aquinas traced it directly to Christ. Many things, he said, were spoken by Christ to the Apostles which are not contained in the Gospels.1761  Thomas was followed by Duns Scotus and the council of Trent. The effect of the sacrament is to remit venial sins and the remainders of sin left after penance, and to heal the body. It may be repeated. Extreme unction as well as the eucharist is to be denied to children on the ground that their bodily diseases are not caused by sin.1762  Some Councils restricted it to those over fourteen.1763  The element used is oil, consecrated by the bishop, and it is to be touched to the eyes, ears, nostrils, lips, hands, feet, and loins.

Ordination conveys sacramental grace to seven orders of the ministry: presbyters, deacons, subdeacons, acolytes, exorcists, lectors, and ostiarii or door-keepers. These seven correspond to the seven graces of the Spirit mentioned in 1 Cor. 12. The first three orders were instituted by Christ; the last four by the Church.1764  The bishops do not constitute a distinct order, but are of the order of the priesthood. The episcopate is an office, a function; and as Peter Lombardus and Thomas Aquinas say again and again, it is not an order. Consecration to it has no sacramental character. The Schoolmen do not fail to insist upon the superior dignity of the bishop, but sacramental grace is exhibited in its highest form in empowering the priest to celebrate the mass. For the sake of "fulness" there are placed above the priesthood, the episcopate, patriarchate, and papacy.1765

The tonsure, a requirement for admittance to orders, is a sign of rule and perfection, for it is made in a circle. It also indicates that the mind is withdrawn from temporal things and fixed upon the contemplation of divine things.1766

According to Thomas Aquinas, there is more reason for regarding ordination a sacrament than for ascribing a sacramental character to the other six sacred ordinances, for ordination confers the power of administering the others. Its efficacious potency resides chiefly with the person dispensing the sacrament.1767  From him grace is transmitted. The form or the symbols, used in the ceremony, are of subordinate or little importance. In fact, the symbols are scarcely referred to by Councils or Schoolmen in this period.1768

Ordination confers an indelible character upon those admitted to any of the orders. Its virtue is not affected by the character of the person ordained.1769

As for the validity of the sacramental acts of heretic and schismatic clergymen, great difference of opinion existed. The problem was so difficult as to appear to Gratian and Peter the Lombard insoluble or almost so. The difficulty was increased by the acts of Councils, condemning as invalid the ordinations of anti-popes and the ordinations performed by bishops whom anti-popes had appointed.1770  The statements of Thomas Aquinas are difficult to understand. He made a distinction between the power—potestas — of ordination and the jurisdiction to perform the sacrament. Schismatic or heretic bishops retain the power; otherwise when such a bishop is reconciled to the Church, he would be ordained over again, which is not the case.1771  But they have not the jurisdiction. As the bishop by his promotion to the episcopate receives no sacramental grace, so, as bishop, he possesses no indelible character. He is ordained not directly for God but for the mystical body of Christ. And those whom a schismatic bishop ordains do not in reality receive ordination, for they are ordained in the face of the prohibition of the Church.

As far as we can understand the Angelic doctor’s position it is: the Church may withdraw from a bishop his right to confer orders while at the same time he retains the episcopal power to confer them. He insisted most strenuously on the permanence of the "bishop’s power" received at consecration. The solution of the problem is of far-reaching importance, for it has a bearing on the sacramental efficacy of the acts of many priests who have been cut off from the Latin Church and the ecclesiastical titles of schismatic bodies, such as the Old-Catholics and the Jansenist Church of Holland.

Marriage has the last place among the sacraments because it has the least of spirituality connected with it.1772  At first, the bed was undefiled, conception was without passion, and parturition without pain. Since the fall, marriage has become a remedy against lust and a medicine for unholy desire.1773  At first it signified the union of the soul with God. Since it became a sacrament, it signifies, in addition, the union of Christ and the Church and the union of two natures in one person. The Vulgate’s false translation of Ephes. 5:31, "this is a great sacrament," confirmed the Schoolmen in placing matrimony among the sacraments. That which constitutes the sacramental element is the verbal consent of the parties, and also, as Thomas Aquinas thought, the priest’s Benediction.1774

Thomas was inclined to permit marriage for boys after the age of fourteen and girls after the age of twelve.1775  According to the same authority, children are to follow the social condition of the mother.1776  The impediments to marriage were carefully catalogued and discussed. Their number was put at twelve, such as kinship, mistake, vows, and misrepresentation, and couched in the lines which Bonaventura and Thomas Aquinas quote:—

error, conditio, votum, cognatio crimen,

cultus disparitas,1777 vis, ordo, ligamen, honestas,

si sis affinis, si forte coire nequibis

haec socianda vetant connubia, facta retractant.

The Fourth Lateran modified some of the more severe restrictions of marriage within the limits of consanguinity, but declared children illegitimate whose parents were within the forbidden limits, even though the ceremony were performed in the church. The Councils of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries give frequent rules for marriage. They were to be performed before the Church and only after public announcement. The children of parties marrying unbelievers and the offspring of clandestine marriages were made illegitimate.1778

Death dissolves marriage and the surviving party has the right to marry again to the fourth time or even more often. Otherwise the marriage bond is perpetual—vinculum matrimonii est perpetuum. This follows from two considerations: marriage involves the training of the children and is a symbol of the union between Christ and the Church. Matrimony becomes absolutely binding only upon copulation. Before that has taken place, one party or the other may go into an order and in this case the other party has the right to marry again.

Divorce was allowed for one cause only, fornication. The Schoolmen supported this position from the words of Christ. Divorce, however, is a separation, not a release with license to marry again. Marriage can never be annulled by the act of man. What God hath joined together, no man can put asunder.1779  Only after the death of the offending party may the innocent party enter again into a marriage contract.1780  The second and subsequent marriages are a sacrament as the first marriage is.

 § 120. Sin and Grace.

Sin.—The Schoolmen are unanimous in affirming that the infection of original sin has passed down upon all Adam’s descendants and involved them all in guilt and eternal death. Following Augustine, Anselm called the race a sinning mass—peccatrix massa. By the Fall, man’s body, or flesh, was made, like the beast, subject to carnal appetites and the mind, in turn, became infected with these appetites.1781  If man had not sinned, his nature would have been propagated as it was originally created by God. In condemning Abaelard, the synod of Sens, 1141, condemned the heresy that Adam’s guilt does not pass down to his posterity.

Man does not secure his sinful nature by imitation of Adam, but by inheritance through generation from Adam. The flesh is tainted, being conceived in concupiscence, and concupiscence is both a taint and guilt. Nay, it is original sin, as the Lombard says.1782  Before the first sin, the man and the woman came together without the passion of concupiscence and the bed was undefiled; but, after the Fall, they could not join in marital intercourse without libidinous lust.1783  These are the views of all the Schoolmen, yet they agree in rejecting the doctrine of traducianism.1784  The flesh only is carried down from parent to child, not the spirit.

Original sin is defined by Alexander of Hales and by Thomas Aquinas as the want or the "deficiency of original righteousness."1785  It involves the loss of superadded grace and a wounding of the natural powers.1786  This wound, or original sin, is a lasting quality or condition of depravity—a habitus corruptionis or vitium — like a bodily disease. It is not merely a defect. It is a depraved tendency—inordinata dispositio. In another place, Thomas defines original sin to be in substance concupiscence or lust and in form a defect of original righteousness.1787  God cannot be the author of sin because sin is an offence against order.

Thomas taught that the taint of original sin is inherited not from the mother but from the father who is the active agent in generation. If Eve only had sinned and not Adam, the children would not have inherited the taint. On the other hand, if Adam had sinned and Eve remained innocent, their descendants would have inherited original sin.1788  According to Peter the Lombard, Albertus Magnus, and others, pride was the original root of sin.1789

At much length, the Schoolmen elaborate upon the sin against the Holy Ghost and the seven "capital or principal" offences,1790 the number of which they base on Proverbs 6:16, "These six things doth the Lord hate, yea, seven are an abomination unto Him."  The question as to whether there would have been any admixture of the sexes if Adam had not sinned was answered in the affirmative, in view of the command to be fruitful and to replenish the earth. Bonaventura also elaborately discussed the question whether the number of male and female descendants would have been equal had man not sinned. This he also answered in the affirmative, partly on the ground that no woman would have been without a husband and no husband without a wife, for in paradise there would be neither polygamy or polyandry. He also based his conclusion upon Aristotle’s reason for the unequal conception of male and female children which is now due to some weakness or other peculiarity on the part of one of the parents.1791  The ultimate purpose in the birth of children, had our first parents remained innocent, was that they might fill up the number of the elect angels.

Another question which was discussed with much warmth was which of the two sinned the more grievously, Adam or Eve, a question Hugo of St. Victor, Peter the Lombard, Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, and other great Schoolmen united in attempting to solve—a question which arose quite naturally from Paul’s statement, 1 Tim. 2:14, that the woman was beguiled and not the man. The conclusion reached was that the preponderance of guilt was with Eve. The Lombard is inclined to be lenient with Adam and makes out that when he yielded to the persuasions of his wife, he was actuated by sympathy and was unwilling to give her pain by refusing her request. He was inexperienced in the divine severity and his sin was a venial, not a mortal fault. In fact this theologian distinctly gives it as his belief that Adam would not have given way to the temptation of the devil.1792  Eve sinned by pride, desiring to be equal with God. Adam was not seduced by the devil at all and had in mind the mercy of God and intended later to make confession of his sin, and secure absolution. Eve’s sin was the more grievous for she sinned against herself, against God, and against her neighbor. Adam sinned against himself and God, but not against his neighbor. Hugo of St. Victor said that the woman believed that God was moved by envy in forbidding them to eat the fruit of the tree. Adam knew this to be false. His sin was in consenting to his wife and not correcting her.1793  Albertus Magnus seems inclined to draw a more even balance. In that which pertained to the essence of sin, he said, Eve was the greater offender, but if we look at Adam’s endowment and at other circumstances, Adam was the greater offender.1794  Bonaventura laid down the proposition that the gravity of sin depends upon three things: ingratitude, lust, and the corruption which follows the sinful act.1795  Applying these rules to the Fall, he declared that, so far as ingratitude goes, Adam’s sin was the greater and, so far as lust goes, the woman’s sin was the greater. As for the evil consequences flowing from the sin, Adam sinned the more grievously as the cause of damnation to his posterity and Eve the more grievously as the occasion of such damnation. But as Eve was also the occasion of Adam’s sinning, her sin and guilt must be pronounced the greater.

Grace.—In the doctrine of grace, the mediaeval theology used the terminology of Augustine but makes the impression of departing from him in the direction of semi-Pelagianism.1796  The treatment which Thomas Aquinas gave to two elements he found in the African father, namely, freewill which man preserves after the Fall, and the doctrine of merit, has the appearance of a de-Augustinianizing tendency. In reality Thomas taught that all that is good in man is from God and he can have no merit before God except by the prearrangement of a divine decree.1797  In no other sense is an act of righteousness—that is, the doing of what we owe—to be called a meritorious act. Without the grace of the Holy Spirit it is not possible to merit eternal life. Man is not even able to make the preparation necessary to receive the light of grace. Prevenient grace is essential to beget in him the disposition to holiness,—interior voluntas. The number of the elect is fixed even to the persons of the saved, and persevering grace is given to those who remain steadfast to the end. Man cannot even know the truth without help from above.1798

Thomas distinguished two kinds of merit or meritorious works: the merit which comes by the proper use of our natural gifts, — meritum de congruo,—and the merit which comes from the proper use of the gifts of grace,—meritum de condigno. In his original state, man was enabled by the superadded gift of grace to love God above all things. In the fallen state, grace is required to restore this ability, and no works of this second sort can be done without the assistance of the Holy Spirit. Such statements as these could be multiplied almost indefinitely. There is, however, notwithstanding these clear statements, a tone in Thomas’ treatment which makes the impression that he modified strict Augustinianism and made a place for the real merit of works, and in this the Catholic Church follows him.

As for the satisfaction of Christ, Thomas Aquinas followed Anselm in holding that Christ’s death was not a price paid to the devil.1799  He did not lay down a very exact definition of the mode in which the atonement was made efficacious; but he laid stress upon the merit which Christ won by the assent of his own will to the will of God. He does not speak of the propitiation of Christ in the way Abaelard and Peter the Lombard1800 did as an exercise of love drawing man to God. The love and obedience of Christ are efficient, through the sufferings he endured on the cross, in reconciling man to God and redeeming man from the power of the devil.

Thomas very clearly states the consequences of Christ’s atonement. The first is that thereby man comes to know how great the love of God is, and is provoked to love God in return.1801  By the cross Christ set an example of humility, righteousness, and other virtues. He also taught men the necessity of keeping free from sin, overcoming the devil, and conquering death by dying to sin and the world. God might have pardoned man without the satisfaction of the cross, for all things are possible with Him. This was in opposition to Anselm’s position that God could have redeemed man in no other way than by the cross.

Bonaventura went further in opposition to Anselm and distinctly asserted that God could have liberated and saved the race otherwise than He did. He might have saved it by the way of pity—per viam misericordiae —in distinction from the way of justice. And in choosing this way he would have done no injury to the claims of justice.1802  His chapter on this subject he closes with the words, "It would be dangerous for me to put a limit on God’s power to redeem, for He is able to do above what we are able to think."

No distinction was made by the mediaeval theologians between the doctrine of justification and the doctrine of sanctification, such as is made by Protestant theologians. Justification was treated as a part of the process of making the sinner righteous, and not as a judicial sentence by which he was declared to be righteous. Sanctification was so thoroughly involved in the sacramental system that we must look for its treatment in the chapters on the seven sacraments, the instrumentalities of sanctification; or under the head of the Christian virtues, faith, hope, and love, as in Bonaventura’s treatment.1803  Thomas Aquinas discusses it under the head of the atonement and in special chapters entitled "the division of grace,"1804 by which he means the distinction between prevenient, or preparatory, and cooperant grace,—gratia gratis data, or the grace which is given freely, and the gratis gratum faciens, or the grace which makes righteous.

Justification, says Thomas, is an infusion of grace.1805  Four things are required for the justification of the sinner: the infusion of grace, the movement of the freewill to God in faith, the act of the freewill against sin, and the remission of sins. As a person, turning his back upon one place and receding from it, reaches another place, so in justification the will made free at once hates sin and turns itself to God.

Setting aside the distinction between justification and sanctification, there seems to be complete religious accord between Thomas Aquinas, the prince of the Schoolmen, and our Protestant view of redeeming grace as being from beginning to end the gracious act of God in view of the death of Christ. His theory of the sacraments, it is true, seems to modify this position. But this is an appearance rather than a reality. For the sacraments have their efficacious virtue by reason of God’s prior and gracious enactment attaching efficacy to them.

Faith.—In its definition of faith, the mediaeval theology came far short of the definition given by the Reformers. The Schoolmen1806 begin their discussion with the words of the Epistle to the Hebrews 11:1, that faith is the substance of things hoped for, and define faith as the grace by which things which are not seen are believed. And they scarcely get beyond this definition. Although several of Paul’s statements in the Epistle to the Romans are quoted by Thomas Aquinas, neither he nor the other Schoolmen rise to the idea that it is upon the basis of faith that a man is justified. Faith is a virtue, not a justifying principle, and is treated at the side of hope and love. These are called the "theological virtues" because they relate immediately to God and are founded ultimately upon the testimony of His Word alone. Christian faith works by love and is not a grace unless it be conjoined with love. The devils have intellectual faith without love, for they believe and tremble.

Faith manifests itself in three ways, in believing God, in trusting God, and believing in God.1807  To believe God is to believe that He is. To trust God is to accept what He says as true. These two kinds of faith the devils have. To believe in God is to love God in believing, to go to Him believing, to be devoted to Him in believing, and to be incorporated with His members. This knowledge of faith is more certain than other knowledge because it is based upon God’s Word and is enlightened by the light which proceeds from the Word.

The Schoolmen insist that without faith it is impossible to please God, and preachers, like Honorius of Autun, declared that as a fish cannot live without water, so no one can be saved without faith.1808  And yet Thomas Aquinas scarcely gets beyond the definition that faith is an assent of the intellect, assensus intellectus.1809  However, love and faith, he says, are so closely conjoined that love may be called a form of faith, a mode of its expression,1810 and without love faith is dead. A sufficient faith in Christ demands four things, said the Lombard: assent to his nativity, his death, his resurrection, and his coming again for judgment.1811  Thomas requires an explicit acceptance of the doctrine of the Trinity even by the Old Testament saints, for the Trinity was revealed in the beginning when God said, "Let us make man in our own image."  There can be no belief in the incarnation without belief in the Trinity. Faith ceases when the mind disbelieves a single article of the faith.1812  He who disbelieves a single one of the articles of the Apostles’ Creed has no faith at all.1813  After quoting Rom. 4:5, this great theologian stops with saying, that, in justification, an act of faith is required to the extent that a man believe that God is the justifier of men through the atonement of Christ.1814

The Schoolmen did not understand Paul. The Reformers were obliged to re-proclaim the doctrine of justifying faith as taught in the epistles to the Romans and the Galatians. On the other hand, it is the merit of the Schoolmen that they emphasize the principle, that true faith worketh by love and that all other faith is vain, inanis. The failure of Protestant theologians always to set this forth distinctly has exposed the Protestant doctrine to the charge that faith is sufficient, even if it be unaccompanied by good works, or works of love towards God and man.1815  The fault of the Schoolmen lay chiefly in their unscriptural and dangerous theory of sacramental grace which led to the substitution of a series of outward exercises, recommended by the priest, for simple trust in Christ’s free grace.

 § 121. The Future State.

The unseen world of spirits was divided by the mediaeval theology into five distinct regions or abodes,—receptacula animarum,—as Thomas Aquinas calls them—heaven, hell, purgatory, the limbus patrum, or the temporary abode of the Old Testament saints, and the limbus infantum, or the abode of children who die without being baptized.

Hell, the place of punishment or eternal dolors,1816 is the lake of sulphur and fire in which lost men and demons suffer eternal torment. It is a region of jet darkness, a deep prison as compared with heaven, into which the demons are thrust down.1817  The longings and passions of those confined there go on continually burning and are never satisfied. Its fires burn but do not consume. No other heat can compare with its heat.1818  The Schoolmen are agreed that the passages of Scripture, bearing on the fire of hell, are not figurative. The fire is material fire which afflicts both the spirits and bodies of the lost.1819  The degree of torture is according to the desert.

The limbus patrum corresponds to Abraham’s bosom in the parable of Dives and Lazarus, the place where the worthies of the Old Testament dwelt till Christ descended into hades and released them. Before that time they enjoyed exemption from pain. Since then they have enjoyed heavenly bliss. Circumcision released them from original sin. Hell and this locality are probably in the same region or, at any rate, contiguous.1820  The view, that the patriarchs remained in hades till Christ’s death, goes back to Hermas and Clement of Alexandria.

The limbus puerorum or infantum is the abode of children dying in infancy without having been baptized. They are there for original sin which only baptism can wash away.1821  According to Thomas Aquinas, this region is probably a little lower than the limbus patrum. These children are free from pain, but are like the lost in being deprived of the vision of God and physical light. Theirs is the punishment of eternal death,—supplicium mortis aeternae,—but their damnation is the lightest of all—omnium levissima. They have no hope of beatitude. God, in His justice, provides that they never make any advance nor go back, that they neither have joy nor grief. They remain forever unchanged.1822  Such is the hopeless doom to which the great Dominican and the great Franciscan theologians of the Middle Ages consigned all children dying unbaptized. Strange that the Schoolmen, in the interest of a more merciful doctrine, did not use Christ’s blessed words, "Suffer the little children to come unto me for of such is the kingdom of God."  But they did not. The doctrine of original sin and the doctrine of the necessity of water baptism for salvation were carried to their extreme logical conclusions without regard for the superabounding grace of God. So also Augustine had taught and so most of the Reformers taught at a later time.

Christ’s descent into hades was carefully discussed by the Schoolmen. It occurred as soon as his soul was separated from the body at his death. He was in the infernal regions during the three days of his burial, but did not assume their pains. The reason for this visit was twofold, says Bonaventura, —to release the Old Testament saints and to confound the adversaries of the Gospel, the demons.1823  Thomas Aquinas tried to show that, when Job said, Job 17:16, "my hope shall go down to the bars of Sheol," or into the "deepest hell," as the Vulgate puts it, he meant that he went no farther than the limbus patrum and not to the abode of the lost.1824  Christ descended into hades, according to Thomas,1825 for a threefold purpose, to deliver us from the necessity of going there ourselves; to release the Hebrew saints by breaking the bars of hell—vectes inferni,—that is, by "spoiling principalities and powers," Col. 2:15; and third, to make show of his divinity—manifestatio divinitatis — to the demons by preaching, 1 Pet. 3:19, and by enlightening those dark spaces with his presence, as it is said, Ps. 24:7, "Lift up your doors, O ye princes, and the king of glory shall come in."  Here again the Vulgate is responsible for a mistake, the word "gates" being translated "princes."1826  Christ’s descent into hades did not help the unbaptized children. After this life it is too late to acquire grace.1827

Purgatory is a sort of reformatory school for baptized Catholics who are not good enough at death to go directly to heaven. They are there in that intermediate region for actual transgressions,1828 whose guilt the sacrament of penance and extreme unction had not fully removed. The existence of purgatory is based mainly upon 2 Mac. 12:40 and the universal teaching of the Church.1829  Its inhabitants belong to the communion of saints and are within the reach of human intercession. Masses for the dead are instituted to meet their case. For infants in the limbus puerorum, such intercessory works are of no avail. But one who has been baptized in infancy or manhood, no matter how flagitious or criminal his career may have been, for him there is hope, nay there is certainty, that in time he will pass out of purgatory into the company of the blessed.

Heaven includes three kinds of rewards, said Bonaventura: the substantial reward or the vision of God; the consubstantial or the glorification of the body to which belong the qualities of transpicuity, lightness, agility, and impassibility which are granted in the degree we exercise love here on earth;1830 and the accidental reward or the ornament of the aureole given for preaching and leading others to salvation, for virginal purity and martyrdom.

The bliss of heaven, said Thomas Aquinas, consists in the immediate vision of God.1831  It is a state from which there will be no lapse. The beatified know what is occurring on earth, hear the prayers that ascend to them, and by their merits intercede for their brethren here. St. Bernard, in his homilies on the Canticles,1832 and Anselm1833 give us lofty descriptions of the blessedness of the heavenly estate. And the satisfaction and glory of the soul in heaven has never been quite so well portrayed as in the poem of Bernard of Cluny:—

O sweet and blessed country, the home of God’s elect,

O sweet and blessed country, that eager hearts expect;

Jesus in mercy bring us to that sweet land of rest,

To be with God the Father and Spirit ever blest.

It remained for Dante to give to the chilling scholastic doctrines of purgatory and the lower regions a terrible reality in poetical form and imagery and also to describe the beatific vision of paradise.

The remarkable vision which a certain Englishman, Turchill, had of the future world, as related at length by Roger of Wendover1834 and others, reveals the crass popular ideas of the future state. St. Julian appeared to this honest laborer, and took him off to "the middle of the world," where they entered a church which, as Turchill was told, received the souls of all those who had recently died. Mary, through her intercession, had brought it about that all souls born again should, as soon as they left the body, be taken to this church and so be freed from the attacks of demons. Near one of the church walls was the entrance to hell through which came a most foul stench. Stretching from another wall was the great lake of purgatorial fire in which souls were immersed, some to their knees, some to their necks. And above the lake was a bridge, paved with thorns and stakes, over which all had to pass before they could arrive at the mount of joy. Those who were not assisted by special masses walked over the bridge very slowly and with excruciating pain. On the mount was a great and most wonderful church which seemed to be large enough to contain all the inhabitants of the world. St. Nicolas, St. James, and other saints had charge of the church of Mary and the purgatorial lake and bridge. Turchill also saw St. Peter in the church of Mary and before him the souls were brought to receive sentence. The devil and his angels were there to hurry off to the infernal regions those whose evil deeds tipped the balances. Turchill was also taken by a certain St. Domninus to behold the sports the devils indulge in. Coming to the infernal realm, they found iron seats, heated to a white heat and with nails driven in them, on which an innumerable multitude was sitting. Devils were sitting around against the walls poking fun at the unfortunate beings for the evils they had been guilty of in this life. Men of different occupations and criminal practices, the soldier, tradesman, priest, the adulterer, thief, and usurer, were then brought forth and made to enact over again their wicked deeds, after which their flesh was fiercely torn by the demons and burnt, but again restored. Such are the popular pictures which form the vestibule of Dante’s Inferno.

Of all the gruesome religious tales of the Middle Ages, the tales representing the devil as torturing the naked soul were among the most gruesome. The common belief was that the soul, an entity with form as the Schoolmen defined it, is at death separated from the body. Caesar of Heisterbach tells of an abbot of Morimond with whose soul the demons played ball, rolling it from hill to hill, across the valley between, until God allowed the soul to enter the body again. This was before the abbot became a monk.

Another of these stories, told by Caesar of Heisterbach,1835 concerned a student to whom the devil gave a stone. As long as the student held it in his hand, he had supernatural knowledge. When he died, his body was taken to the church, and while his fellow-students stood around it singing, the devil carried his soul to hell. There the demons played ball with it. Their sharp claws stuck deep into it and gave it unspeakable pain. But, at the intercession of the saints, the Lord rescued the soul and reunited it with the body and the young man suddenly arose from his bier. In telling his experience he related that his soul had been like a round piece of glass through which he could see on every side. Fortunately, the fellow was scared badly enough to go to a convent and do sound penance. Bernard of Thiron bore witness that he saw the devils carry an unfaithful monk’s soul out of the window.1836

The severity of the purgatorial pains is vouched for in this story by Thomas of Chantimpré,1837 for which he quotes Albertus Magnus. A good man, after suffering from a severe sickness for a year, had this alternative offered him by an angel: to go to purgatory and suffer for three days or endure for a year longer his sickness and then go directly to glory. He chose the first. So his soul took its departure, but the purgatorial agony of a day seemed like the pains of ages and the sufferer was glad to have the opportunity of returning to his body, which was still unburied, and endure his sickness for another year.

Such stories are numerous and reveal the coarse theology which was current in convent and among the people.

---

* Schaff, Philip, History of the Christian Church, (Oak Harbor, WA: Logos Research Systems, Inc.) 1997. The material has been carefully compared and corrected according to the Eerdmans reproduction of the 1907 edition by Charles Scribner's sons, with emendations by The Electronic Bible Society, Dallas, TX, 1998.

1610  Some idea of the importance attached to the subject of the sacraments may be derived from the space given by the Schoolmen to their treatment. Hugo of St. Victor gives 440 columns, Migne’s ed., 176. 183-617, the Lombard 90 columns out of the 462 of his Sentences, Bonaventura 1003 pages out of 3875 of his System of Theology, Peltier’s ed. and Thomas Aquinas 670 columns out of 4854 of his Summa, Migne, IV. 543-1217. Dr. Charles Hodge’s System. Theol. devotes 207 pages out of its 2260 to the sacraments, Dr. Shedd’s Dogm. Theol. 25 pages out of 1348, Dr. E. V. Gerhart’s Institutes 84 pages out of 1666, and Dr. A. H. Strong’s Sys. Theol. 30 out of 600 pages.

1611  Others about the time of Peter the Lombard had given the number as seven, as Rolandus (afterwards Alexander III.) in his Sentences and Otto of Bamberg in a sermon, 1158, reported by his biographer Herbord.

1612  Migne, 176. 127 sqq. Hugo follows up the treatment of the five sacraments with a treatment of marriage, but I do not see that he calls it a sacrament.

1613 De sacr., II. 9, Migne, 176. 473. The aqua aspersionis, or water of sprinkling mixed with salt, Hugo derived from Alexander, fifth pope from Peter. The sprinkling of ashes on the head, susceptio cineris, he placed under "the minor sacraments," but in his definition calls it an "ecclesiastical rite," as he does also the use of palm branches on Palm Sunday; Migne, 176. 423.

1614  Migne, IV. 597, 1025.

1615  Hergenröther, Kathol. Kirchenrecht., pp. 667 sq.

1616  Alb. Magnus has a long treatment, Cur sint sacr. septem, In IV. Sent., I. 2, vol. XXIX. 6-11.

1617  SeeBonaventura, Brevil., Vl. 3, Peltier’s ed., VII. 314; Thomas Aq.,Summa, Migne’s ed., IV. 594. sq.

1618  Bonaventura, Brevil., VI. 3; Th. Aq., Summa, III. 63. 1, Migne’s ed., IV. 571.

1619  Th. Aq., Summa, III. 62. 6, Migne, IV. 569, Sacramenta veteris legis non habebant in se aliquam virtutem qua operarentur ad conferendam gratiam justificantem. See for quotations from the Sentences of Thomas, Loofs, p. 301.

1620 In IV. Sent., I. 21, vol. XXIX. 37.

1621  Abaelard, Introd. ad Theol., Migne’s ed., p. 984, had quoted this definition. Albertus Magnus and other Schoolmen subsequent to Hugo, after quoting Augustine, usually quote Hugo, e.g. Peter the Lombard and Th. Aq, III. 66. 1.

1622 De sacr., I. 9. 4, Migne, 176. 325.

1623 Brevil., VI., Peltier’s ed., VII. 311-330. The Lombard, Alb. Magnus, Th. Aquinas, etc., also use the illustration of medicine.

1624 Interiorem sacramentorum effectum operatur Christus, III. 64. 3, Migne, IV. 583.

1625 Sacr. justificant et gratiam conferunt ex opere operato. See references in Schwane, p 581.

1626 Summa, III. 62. 1, Migne, IV. 562, causa vero instrumentalis non agit per virtutem suae formae sed solum per motum quo movetur a principali agente.

1627  Migne, IV. 568 sq. Virtus passionis Christi copulatur nobis per fidem et sacramenta.

1628 Ecclesia sicut sacramenta a Christo accepit sic ad fidelium salutem dispensat. Breviloq., VI. 5, Peltier’s ed., VII. 316.

1629  See Seeberg, Duns Scotus, pp. 356-358.

1630 Non requiritur bonus motus qui mereatur gratiam sed sufficit quod suscipiens non ponat obicem. In Sent., IV. 1. 6, quoted by Schwane, p. 581. Nisi impediat indispositio, quoted by Seeberg, p. 343.

1631 Susceptio est dispositio sufficiens ad gratiam. Seeberg, p. 349. For the differences between the Thomists and Scotists on the sacraments, see also Harnack, II. 483

1632 Ministri ecclesiae possunt sacramenta conferre etiamsi sint mali. Th. Aq., Migne’s ed., IV. 586. 821, 824.

1633 Ministri non gratiam conferunt sua virtute, sed hoc facit Christus sua potestate per eos sicut per quaedam instrumenta. Th. Aq., III. 64. 5, Migne, IV. 586.

1634  Seeberg, p. 350.

1635 Brevil., Peltier’s ed., p. 317. The illustration is carried out at length and is very interesting as an example of pious mediaeval homiletics.

1636  Th. Aq., III. 65. 4, Migne, IV. 601.

1637  See also Duns Scotus, see Seeberg, p. 338.

1638 De sacr., II. 9, 5, Migne, 176. 325. potuit Deus hominem salvare si ista non instituisset, sed homo nullatenus salvari posset si ista contemneret.

1639 Janua omnium aliorum sacramentorum. Bonavent., Brevil. VII., Peltier’s ed., p. 318; Th. Aq., Summa, III. 62. 6, Migne, IV. 569; Supplem. XXXV. 1, Migne, IV. 1047.

1640 Baptismus qui est regeneratio hominis in vitam spiritualem. Th. Aq., III. 66. 9; 67. 3; 68. 9; 72. 1, Migne, IV. 617, 626, 646, 678.

1641 Omne peccatum per baptismum tollitur. Th. Aq., 69. 1, Migne, p. 652. Baptismus institutus est contra vulnus originalis peccati. Alanus ab Insulis cont. haer., I. 39, 43, Migne, 210. 345, 347.

1642 Brevil. VI., Peltier’s ed., p. 318; Th. Aq., III. 66. 6, Migne, p. 611, quicquid desit ad plenam invocationem trinitatis tollit integritatem baptismi.

1643  They were allowed to use the vernacular in the ceremony. Synods of Treves, 1227, Mainz, 1233. And priests were instructed to teach laymen the baptismal ceremony in the vulgar tongue that they might use it if the exigency arose. Fritzlar, 1243, Hefele, V. 1099. A child taken from its mother after her death, and itself dead, was to be buried unbaptized in unconsecrated ground Treves, 1310.

1644  Th. Aq., III. 67. 4 sq., Migne, IV. 628 sq.

1645 Pueri non se ipsos sed per actum eccl. salutem suscipiunt. Th. Aq., III. 68. 9, Migne, 646; Bonavent., Brevil. VII. Peltier’s ed., VII. 320; Duns Scotus, see Seeberg, p. 360.

1646  P. Lomb., IV. 6. 2, Migne, II. 853. Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 649, and Duns Scotus (Seeberg, p. 360) agree that if the head of the infant protrude from the womb, it may be baptized, for the head is the seat of the immortal agent.

1647  Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 648. One reason Duns gives is that the children of such Jews, if they are well educated, turn out to be good Christians (vere fideles) in the third and fourth generations. Seeberg, p. 364.

1648 Summa, V. 6, Migne, 176. 132.

1649 In Sent., IV. 4, 3. 3, Paris ed., XVI. 406, 410.

1650  Seeberg p. 359, Summa, III. 66. 7, Migne, IV. 613 sq.; P. Lomb., IV. 3, 8, Migne, II. 845; Bonav., Brevil. VII., Peltier’s ed., p. 319, Duns Scotus. In IV. Sent., vol. XVI. 272. Gregory IX., on being asked by the archbishop of Drontheim whether a certain baptism administered with beer was valid, water not being at hand, replied in the negative. Potthast, 11,048. The synod of Aurillac, 1278, pronouced sweet, salt, or melted snow water proper material.

1651 Quamvis tutius sit baptizare per modum immersionis, potest tamen fieri baptismus per modum aspersionis vel etiam per modum effusionis.

1652 Confirmatio est quasi ultima consummatio baptismi. Th. Aq., III. 72. 11, Migne, IV. 693

1653  Th. Aq., III. 73. 9, quotes Ezek. 3:8, "I have made thy forehead hard against their foreheads." He commends the custom whereby the candidate for confirmation is supported by another, for "though he be an adult in body he is not yet an adult spiritually."

1654 Quasi omnis devotio in ecclesia est in ordine ad illud sacramentum. Duns Scotus as quoted by Seeberg, Dogmengesch., II. 113.

1655  See Schaff’s Christ in Song, pp. 465 sqq. The verse, depicting the doctrine of transubstantiation, runs:—

Verbum caro, panem verum verbo carnem efficit

Fitque sanguis Christi merum; etsi sensus deficit

Ad firmandum cor sincerum sola fides sufficit.

1656 Corpus et sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis et vini veraciter continentur, transubstantiatis pane in corpore et vino in sanguinem potestate divina.

1657  Migne, 171. 776.

1658  See Schwane, p. 656.

1659  Schwane, p. 641, and Rocholl under Rupert in Herzog, XV. 229 sqq

1660  Th. Aq., III. 73. 4, Migne, IV. 701; Bonaventura, Brev. VI. 9, Peltier’s ed., 322, eucharistiae dedit in sacrificium oblationis, et sacramentum communionis et viaticum refectionis.

1661 Hostia salutaris. Eph. 5:2, is quoted where the word hostia is used in the Vulgate for Christ’s sacrifice.

1662 De euchar. vol. XIII. 668. Th. Aquinas, III. 74. 1, Migne, IV. 705, speaks of the Cataphrygae and Pepuziani as mixing with the dough of the sacramental bread the blood of children gotten by pricking their bodies, and also of the Aquarii who, from considerations of temperance, used only water.

1663  He defined transubstantiation as transitus totalis substantiae in substantiam. Seeberg, p. 378.

1664  Th. Aq., III. 75. 1, Migne, IV. 716, neque sensu, neque intellectu deprehendi potest sed sola fide. Bonaventura says, Brevil. VI 9, in specierum utraque continetur totaliter, non circumscriptibiliter, nec localiter sed sacramentaliter totus Christus.

1665 Quamvis non sint substantia, habent virtutem substantiae. Th. Aq., III. 77. 6, Migne, IV. 755.

1666  Th. Aq., III. 77. 7, Migne, IV. 756; Bonaventura, Brevil., 322.

1667 Non solum caro sed totum corpus Christi, scilicet ossa, nervi et alia hujusmodi. Th. Aq., 76. 1, Migne, IV. 732. He lays stress upon the word "body," which is made up of constituent parts, and the "flesh" of John 6:56, he explains as standing for the body. Following the Aristotelian distinction of substance and form, Thomas Aquinas, Migne, IV. 726, and the other Schoolmen (see Schwane, p. 648) declared that the form of the bread and wine is also changed into the body and blood of Christ. The words forma and species are distinguished. The species of bread and wine remain, the forma disappears. Duns Scotus devoted much space to proving that a substance may have a variety of forms.

1668 Sub utraque specie sacramenti totus est Christus. Th. Aq., 76. 2, Migne, 733. Sub utraque specie est unus Christus et totus et indivisus, scilicet corpus, et anima, et Deus. Bonaventura, Brevil. Vl. 9, Peltier’s ed., VII. 322.

1669 In acceptatione sanguinis totum Christum, Deum et hominem, et in acceptatione corporis similiter totum accipimus. Ep. 4:107, Migne, vol. 159 p. 255. Anselm was making a distinction between the body and spirit of Christ, the spirit being represented by the blood and wine, and the body by the bread and flesh.

1670 Summa, II. VIII., Migne, 176. 462, ego in ejusmodi divina secreta magis venerenda quam discutienda cerneo.

1671 Summa, 81. 3, Migne, IV. 810-813. Anselm used the same words. Migne, 159. 255. Schwane agrees that this conception, that Christ ate His own body, was general among the Schoolmen, p. 645.

1672 Rex sedet in coena turba, cinctus duodena

Se tenet in manibus et cibat ipse cibus.

1673  So Hugo, II, 8. 4; the Lombard, XI. 8; Thomas Aquinas, 81. 2, Migne. pp. 811 sq. The delusion is called a fictio and also "Judas’communion." Synod of London, 1175. The argument is in clear contradiction to the meaning of the Gospel narratives on their face.

1674  For this theological and metaphysical curiosity, see Th. Aq., 80. 3, Migne, 789, non tangit mus ipsum corpus Christi, secundum propriam speciem sed solum secundum species sacramentales … nec tamen animal brutum sacramentaliter corpus Christi manducat quia non est natum uti eo ut sacramento, unde non sacramentaliter sed per accidens corpus Christi manducat, etc. Alb. Magnus, In Sent., IV. 13. 38. Borgnet’s ed., XXIX. 397, Bonaventura, Sent., IV. 13. 2. 1, Peltier’s ed., V. 550.

1675  Seeberg, p. 360.

1676  The priest being the mediator. Summa, Migne, 176. 472.

1677 Sacerdos gerit imaginem Christi, Th. Aq., III. 83. 1, Migne, IV. 830.

1678  Th. Aq., Supplem. 37. 5, Migne, IV. 1062.

1679 Ex seipso virtutem habet gratiam conferendi. Th. Aq., III. 79. 1, Migne, IV. 774.

1680  Th. Aq., 79. 7, Supplem. III. 71. 10, Migne, IV. 782, 1246 sq.; Al. Magnus, I. 4, extended the benefits of the mass also to the glorified pro salute vivorum, pro requie defunctorum, pro gloria beatorum.

1681 Summa, III. 83. 5 sq., Migne, IV. 844-853.

1682  Th. Aq., III. 83. 5, Migne, IV. 850.

1683 Non ex hoc desinit aliquis minister esse Christi quod est malus, Th. Aq., 82. 5, 7, Migne, IV. 821, 824; Anselm, ep. IV. 107, Migne, 159. 257, had said the same thing, nec a bono sacerdote majus, etc.

1684  Th. Aq., III. 80. 12, Migne, IV. 809. Perfectio hujus sacramenti non est in usu fidelium sed in consecratione materiae.

1685 Requiritur ut cum magna devotione et reverentia ad, hoc sacramentum accedat .... Eucharistia exigit actualem devotionem in suscipiente, Th. Aq., III. 80. 10, Supplem. III, 32. 4, Migne, IV. 805, 1038.

1686  We cannot help feeling strongly with Harnack when he exclaims, "In its doctrine of the eucharist, the Church gave expression to all that she held dear,—her theology, her mystical relation to Christ, the communion of believers, the priesthood, sacrifice, not to that faith which seeks assurance and to which assurance is given,"Dogmengesch., II. 489 sq

1687 Populus indiget medio ad Deum qui per seipsum accedere ad deum non potest., Th. Aq., III. 22. 4, Migne, IV. 219.

1688 De euchar. VI. 3.

1689  Councils of Würzburg, 1287, Paris, 1212, etc. See Hefele, V. 866

1690  See artt. Fronleichnamsfest in Wetzer-Welte, IV. 2061 sqq., and Herzog, VI. 297 sqq. It was one of the first observances to call forth Luther’s protest. Köstlin, Leben Luthers, I. 560.

1691 Ep., 535, Migne, 163. 442, qui panem absorbere non possunt, etc., quoted in Herzog under Kinderkommunion, X. 289.

1692 Suppl., XXXII. 4, Migne, IV. 1038. The council of Trent anathematized those who hold the communion of children to be necessary.

1693  Migne, 163. 142. See Smend, p. 7, for other witnesses. Smend’s book is a most thorough piece of work and is indispensable in the study of the subject. With the exception of some quotations, I depend upon him for the contents of these paragraphs.

1694  Called intinctio. Hugo of St. Victor and Peter the Lombard were among the first to condemn the practice. Also the synod of London, 1175, Hefele, V. 688. See also V. 224 for the action of the synod of Clermont, 1095.

1695  Albertus makes no mention of the matter in his De eucharistia and Com. on the Sentences. Peter Rokyzana, at the council of Basel in the fifteenth century, appealed to him in his argument for giving the cup to the laity.

1696  Th. Aq., III. 80. 12, Migne, IV. 808 sq., nihil derogat perfectioni hujus sacr., si populus sumat corpus sine sanguine dummodo sacerdos consecrans sumat utrumque. So also Bonaventura, Sent., IV. 11. 2.

1697  The synod of Lambeth, 1281, seems to have forbidden the cup to the laity; the synod of Exeter, 1287, to have positively enjoined it.

1698  See Migne, 89. 525. For an interesting account of the different shapes of the chalice, see Enc. Brit., XIX. 185 sq. The earlier chalices had two handles and a small base, those of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries no handles and a broad base. Some of the later chalices were very capacious.

1699  See the interesting details given by Smend, pp. 18 sqq.

1700 Vinum purum ... ut facilius sacrum corpus glutiat. Smend, who `gives elaborate details, pp. 43-75.

1701  The object was to prevent the loss of any of the sacred element by expectoration or vomiting, per sputum vel vomitum. Chrysostom made a recommendation of this sort, Smend, 44.

1702 Sent., IV. 11, 2, 2, Peltier’s ed., V. 496.

1703  Caesar of Heisterb., Dial., IV. 16.

1704 Dial., IX. 29, Strange’s ed., II. 186.

1705  IX. 3.

1706  IX. 35, Strange’s ed., II. 191.

1707 Dial., IX. 15.

1708  See Kaufmann, trans. of Caesar, II. 208-210.

1709  De la Marche’s ed., pp. 266 sq.

1710  Duns Scotus had spoken of the "satisfaction which is the doing of a laborious work," quae est executio operis laboriosi. Report IV. 16. 1, quoted by Schwane, p. 669.

1711  Tertullian, de Poen, XII. So also Jerome. See the Lombard, Sent., XIV. 1, Migne, 868; Bonaventura, Sent., XIV. 1, Peltier’s ed., V. 553; Brevil., VI. 10, VII. 323; Th. Aq., III. 84. 6, Migne, IV. 862; Supplem., VI. 3. 936; Alb. Magnus, In Sent., Borgnet’s ed., XXIX. 404 sq.

1712  The Lombard devotes two and a half times the space to penance that he does to the eucharist; Migne’s ed., pp. 868-899, as against pp. 856-868 on the eucharist; Hugo of St. Victor, Migne’s ed., 550-578, as against 462-471 on the eucharist; Th. Aquinas, Migne’s ed., 852-1023, as against 695-852 on the eucharist, and Bonaventura nearly four times as much space devoting to penance, Peltier’s ed., vol. V. 533-709, vol. VI. 1-129, and to the eucharist, vol. V. 415-533.

1713 Absolvitur homo a peccato, et reunitur ecclesiae et reconciliatur Christo, mediante clavi sacerdotali, Bonaventura, Brevil., VI. 10, Peltier’s ed., VII. 323.

1714  The Rheims Version translates the word "do penance," though not uniformly, thereby utterly confusing the English reader who involuntarily puts into the New Testament word the Church’s sacramental invention.

1715 Poenitentia dicitur et sacramentum et virtus mentis, Lombard XIV. l, p. 869; Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 850 sqq. While we use two words, "repentance" and "penance," the Schoolmen use only the one word, poenitentia, thus mystifying the mind as if repentance of heart, or metanoiva, did not include the entire meaning of the original word.

1716 Sent., XVII. 1, Migne, p. 880. The finished sacramental theory of penance owed not a little to the tract de vera et falsa poenitentia, composed perhaps in the twelfth century and foisted upon Augustine. Gratian inserted nearly all of it in his Decretals, as did Peter the Lombard. According to Lea, I. 210, the work was still quoted as Augustine’s as late as the seventeenth century. Lea regards it as the composition of two authors of the fifth and twelfth centuries.

1717  This is shown by Müller’s notable work,Der Umschwung, etc. Abaelard’s statement presenting the old view, and the statement of Thomas Aquinas representing the new view, are given in Köhler, pp. 11-18.

1718 Summa, III. 84. 7; Supplem., VIII. 1, Migne, IV. 864, 943.

1719  Lombard, XVI. 1, Migne, p. 877; Alb. Magnus, Borgnet’s ed., XXIX. 536. Th. Aq., 90. 1, 2, Migne, IV. 912 sq., and Bonaventura, Brevil., VI.10, Peltier’s ed., VII. 323, also call the first three "the integral parts" of penance. So also Abaelard, Ethica, 17-24.

1720  See Schwane’s strong condemnation of this opinion, which he declares to be beyond a doubt the Lombard’s, p. 662.

1721 Timor servilis principium est attritionis, Alex. of Hales quoted by Schwane, p. 664. Th. Aquinas, Supplem., I. 2, Migne, IV. 919, is much more moderate than Alexander, Bonaventura, and Duns. Caesar of Heisterbach calls "servile fear a gift of God," Koeniger, p. 31. At the close of the Middle Ages, Gabriel Biel took the position that attrition is changed by confession and absolution into contrition. See Seeberg, Dogmengesch., II. 121.

1722  See Hahn, p. 413; Schwane, p. 666. The council of Trent, XIV. 4 (Schaff’s Creeds, II. 145 sq.), adopted the word "attrition" and defined it as an imperfect contrition. The doctrine of attritio formed a centre of discussion in the warm debate over indulgences started by Janssen’s work and participated in by Kolde, Kawerau, Dieckhoff, etc. Harnmack is very severe upon the doctrine as the dry rot in the Catholic system, Dogmengesch., II. 482, 504 sqq.

1723  Aquinas quotes Augustine’s definition, Supplem., VII.1, IX. 3, Migne, IV. 940, 954.

1724  Migne, IV. 939.

1725  Th. Aq., III. 87. 1, Migne, IV. 890; Supplem., VI. 1, 3, VIII. 3, Migne, IV. 934, 936, 945. With characteristic exhaustiveness, Thomas goes into the question whether a man can confess sins he has never committed, Migne IV. 936.

1726 In Sent., IV. 17. 2, Peltier’s ed., V. 674, ante hanc determinationem hoc non erat heresis, etc. Albertus Magnus also declared it was not sufficient to confess to God only, Borgnet’s ed. XXIX. 603.

1727  Th. Aq., Supplem., VII. 1, 2, Migne, IV. 943 sq.; Bonaventura, Sent., XVII. 3. 1, Peltier’s ed., V. 695. Caesar of Heisterbach speaks of confession to an unbeliever as efficacious in the article of death, provided the unbeliever does not ridicule the sacrament, Koeniger, p. 73.

1728  Fourth Lat., can. 21, synods of Treves, 1227, Canterbury, 1236, etc.

1729  See Hefele, VI, 30.

1730 Supplem., XV. 3, Migne, IV. 978. Duns Scotus (quoted by Seeberg, 412) says, satisfaction is the voluntary return of an equivalent redditio voluntaria aequivalentis.

1731  Schwane, p. 670.

1732 Potestas solvendi et ligandi, i.e.ostendendi homines ligatos vel solutos, etc. IV. 18, 6, Migne, p. 887.

1733  See the form used by Honorius of Autun about 1130, indulgentiam et absolutionem de omnibus ... tribuat vobis Pater et Filius et Sp. Sanctus et custodiet vos a peccatis et ab omnibus malis et post hanc vitam perducat vos in consortium omnium sanctorum. Lea, I. 206.

1734 Summa, III. 84, 3, Migne, IV. 857. It was not sufficient to say, "The onmipotent God absolve thee," or "God bestow on thee absolution," etc.

1735 De sacr., II. 14, 8, Migne, 176. 568 .... De potestate ligandi et solvendi.

1736  So the synods of Treves 1227, Canterbury 1236, London 1237, etc. The unchastity of nuns came under the bishop’s jurisdiction.

1737 Si non potest remittere quantum ad poenam temporalem, nullo modo remittere potest quod omnino contrarium dictus evangelii. Supplem., VIII. 2, Migne, IV. 988; Sent., IV. 20, 1, 1-5.

1738  Beringer-Schneider, the chief Rom. Cath. writer on Indulgences, p. 2, defines an indulgence "as an act of mercy and goodness, a salvation by the order of the Church, an act of grace and forgiveness."

1739 Kreuzablass, etc., pp. 10 sqq. Gottlob, p. xv, says indulgences occupy a central place in the political and religious life of the last three centuries of the Middle Ages.

1740 Supplem., xxv-xxvii, Migne, IV. 1013 sqq. Lea devotes the entire third volume of his Hist. of Confession to a noteworthy discussion of indulgences.

1741  See for the text Köhler, pp. 5 sq.

1742 relaxatio, remissio, indulgentia de injuncta poenitentia, etc. See Brieger for these expressions, and Brieger and Lea for numerous examples of papal indulgences of this sort.

1743 Ethica, XL. See Köhler, p. 8.

1744  Potthast, 3799, 12938, 14122.

1745  Luard’s ed., IV. 90, 643.

1746  See Jusseraud, Engl. Wayfaring Life in the M. Ages, London, 1890, pp. 41 sqq., for many cases of indulgence for building bridges.

1747  Sabatier, F. Bartholi de Assisio tractatus de indulgentia S. Mariae de Portiuncula, 1900.

1748  See p. 366, Lea, III. 270 sqq., and Wetzer-Welte, Sabbatina.

1749 Summa, IV. 83.1, relaxatio poenae debitae pro peccato, quoted by Brieger.

1750  Th. Aq., Summa, III. 83, 1. quorum meritorum tanta est copia quod omnem poenam debitam nunc viventibus excedunt. See Gottlob, pp. 271 sqq.

1751 Quanto plures ex ejus applicatione trahuntur ad justitiam, tanto magis accresit ipsorum cumulus meritorum. See Friedberg, Corp. Jur. can., II. 1304 sq.

1752 Vere poenitentibus et confessis was the common formula.

1753  Dr. Lea, III. 63, has shown the significance of this document.

1754  Köhler, p. 27, quae securam et mundatam animam ab omni culpa et poena fecerunt.

1755  See Sabatier, Fr. F. Bartholi, etc., in part reprinted by Köhler, pp. 27 sqq.

1756  See a number of instances in Brieger and especially Lea, III. 55-80. Lea quotes Piers the Ploughman’s Crede to show that this expressed the popular belief.

 The power of the Apostells they posen in speche

 For to sellen the synnes for silver other mede

 And pulchye a pena the purple assoileth

 And a culpa also, that they may cachen

 Money other money wothe and mede to fonge.

One of the most striking instances of this form of indulgence is the absolutio plenaria a poena et culpa issued by Alexander V. to the members of the council of Pisa, Von der Hardt, Conc. Const. III. 688.

1757  In contrast to de fore dei, God’s tribunal. See Lea, II. 296-371, and Brieger.

1758  Lea, III. 595 sq., and the instructions of Albert, abp. of Mainz, quoted by Brieger, nec opus est, quod contribuentes pro animabus in capsam sint corde contriti et ore confessi.

1759  Schaff, Creeds, II. 205. Harnack, Hist. of Doctr., II. 511 sqq., expresses his moral indignation over the mediaeval theory of penance. Of attritio, sacramentum poenitentiae, and indulgentia, he exclaims, das ist die katholische Trias! "That is the Catholic triad!"

1760 Legenda aurea, under All Souls and Francis d’Assisi. Temple Classics ed, VI. 113, V. 231.

1761 Supplem., XXIX. 3, Migne, IV. 1027.

1762  Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXII. 4, Migne. IV. 1038; Bonaventura, Brevil., VI. 11, Peltier’s ed., VII. 326.

1763  Cologne, 1279; Lambeth, 1330, etc.

1764  P. Lombardus, Sent., IV. XXIV. 9; Hugo of St. Victor, De sacr., II. 2, 5; Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXVII. 2, Migne, IV. 1056; Bonavent., Brevil., VI. 12.

1765 Per modum complementi superponitur episcopatus, etc., Bonavent., Brevil., VI. 12. P. Lombardus, Sent., XXIV. 9, Migne, p. 904, speaks of a fourfold rank of bishops, viz. patriarchs, archbishops, metropolitans, and bishops. These, he says, are not orders but "the names of dignities and offices." The teaching of Duns Scotus is uncertain. In one place he asserts the episcopate must be a distinct order, the eighth, because the bishop alone can administer several of the sacraments. See Seeberg, p. 441. On the other hand, he quotes Jerome to show that the episcopate was instituted by the Church and is not a matter of divine law. See Schwane, p. 684. It is still unsettled by canon law whether the episcopate is a separate order or not. See Friedberg, Kirchenrecht, p. 150. The council of Trent did not formally decide the question, though it speaks of the hierarchy of bishops, priests, and deacons. See Schaff, Creeds, II. 186 sqq. Innocent III. placed the subdeacon among the major orders. Friedberg, p. 150. According to Philip Hergenröther, Kathol. Kirchenrecht, pp. 208 sq., the episcopate is at the present time universally regarded in the Rom. Cath. Church as a distinct clerical order.

1766  Th. Aq., Supplem., XL. 1, Migne, 1071; Bonaventura, Brevil., VI. 12, Peltier’s ed., 327. The synods of London 1102, Soissons 1078, Rouen 1190, Fourth Lateran 1215, etc., decreed the tonsure must not be concealed.

1767  Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXIV. 4, 5, Migne, 1045 sq., efficacia principaliter residet penes eum qui sacramentum dispensat.

1768  Schwane, p. 681, says there was no development in the ritual of ordination during the Middle Ages. Thomas Aquinas refers to the imposition of hands only incidentally in his chapters on penance. Summa, III. 84, 3, Migne, IV. 850. The council of Florence, 1438, enjoined that the chalice and paten should be given at the consecration to some of the orders.

1769  Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXVI. I, Migne, IV. 1051, si malus ordinatur nihilominus ordinationem habet.

1770  For example the 9th (Hefele, V. 380) and 11th oecumenical Councils pronounced such judgment, naming the anti-popes. So also the synod of Piacenza, 1095, which declared invalid the ordinations of Wibert and other bishops.

1771  Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXIX. 2, Migne, 1065. Episcopus in haeresin lapsus ... non amisit potestatem quam habebat ordines conferendi. Thomas is most emphatic on this question and goes on: Omnis protestas quae datur cum aliqua consecratione, nulla casu contingente tolli protest, etc .... Unde cum episcopalisprotestas cum quadam consecratione detur, oportet quod perpetuo maneat quantumcumque aliquis peccet, vel ab ecclesia praecidatur.

1772  Th. Aq., Summa, III. 65, 2, Migne, IV. 598, quia minimum habet de spiritualitate.

1773  Abaelard, Theol Christ., 31, conjugium non confert aliquod donum sicut cetera sacramenta faciunt sed tamen mali remedium est ... datur propter incontinentiam refraenendam. Hugo of St. Vict., De sacr., II. 11. 3, Migne, p.481, conjugium ante peccatum ad officium, post peccatum ad remedium. Alanus ab Insulis, Reg. Theol., 114, Migne’s ed., p. 681, conjugium sacramentum remedii contra incontinentiam. So also, Bonaventura, Brevil., Vl. 13; Th. Aq., Supplem., XLII. 2, Migne, IV. 1084; Summa, LXI. 2, Migne, p. 558.

1774  Th. Aq., Supplem., XLII. 1, Migne, IV. 1083, benedictio sacerdotis quae est quoddam sacramentale.

1775  These were supposed to be the "years of discretion." Supplem., LVIII. 5, Migne, IV. 1165. The synod of Nismes, 1096, forbade the marriage of girls under twelve. For cases of the marriage of princesses under twelve, see Eicken, pp. 448 sq.

1776  "Just as the offspring of animals follow the nature of the mother. " Thomas instances the mule, Supplem., LII. 4, Migne, 1127.

1777  This refers to a marriage in which one party is a Catholic and the other a heretic, Jew, or infidel.

1778  Synods of London 1102, 1125, 1200, Fourth Lateran 1215, Treves 1227, Magdeburg 1261, etc. The synod of London, 1200, forbade either man or wife taking a long journey without the other’s consent. Thomas Aquinas took the position that marriages between a believer and an unbeliever are not to be allowed because they prevent the education and training of children in the worship of God, which is one of the chief objects of the sacrament. Supplem., LIX. 1, Migne, IV. 1167.

1779  Th. Aq., Supplem., LXI. 2, Migne, IV. 1177. Thomas asserts that, before the carnalis copula takes place, the bond is a spiritual one and it may be broken by either party becoming spiritually dead, dying to the world and living unto God in a convent. After copulation the bond between man and wife is a carnal tie—vinculum carnale —and can be broken only by the death of the body.

1780  Th. Aq., Supplem., LXII. 5, Migne, IV. 1184, non licet uni, altero vivente, ad aliam copulam transire. Either party may, however, enter a convent without seeking the consent of the other.

1781 Carnalibus appetitis infecta, de conceptu. II. Migne, 158. 434

1782 vitium concupiscentiae, quod est originale peccatum.

1783 Post peccatum non valet fieri carnalis copula absque libidinosa concupiscentia quae semper vitium est et etiam culpa. P. Lomb., Sent., II. 31, 3.

1784 Etsi anima non traducatur, quia virtus seminis non potest causare animam rationalem. Th. Aquinas, Summa, II. 81, 1, Migne, II. 629.

1785 Carentia ... defectus originalis justitiae estoriginal peccatum. Schwane, p. 401; Th. Aq., Summa, II. 81, 5.

1786 Spoliatio in gratuitis et vulneratio in naturalibus.

1787 Summa, II. 82, 3, materialiter quidem est concupiscentia, formaliter vero est defectus orig. just. Vitium and corruptio are the words most frequently used for the moral character of sin. Hugo of St. Victor, De sacr., I. 28, Migne, 176. 299.

1788 Peccatum orig. non contrahitur a matre sed a patre, etc. Summa, II. 81, 5.

1789  P. Lomb., II. 42, 9; Alb. Magnus, Borgnet’s ed., XXVII. 663 sqq., etc.

1790  P. Lomb., II. 42, enumerates them as inanis gloria, ira, invidia, acedia vel tristitia, avaritia, gastrimargia, luxuria. Albertus Magnus skilfully discusses whether there could be any more than seven. In Sent., II. 42, Borgnet’s ed., XXVII. 662 sqq.

1791 Utrum aequalis fieret multiplicatio virorum et mulierum. In Sent., II. 20, 2, Peltier’s ed., III. 85. The three reasons which Bonaventura adduces to account for the differences in sex will have to be read in the original. He enters into the subject with the precision of statement and detail which is a characteristic of scholastic discussion. It is fair to say that he pronounced the question a difficult one and one upon which the physicians and natural philosophers of his day were much divided.

1792 Sed dolo illo serpentino quo mulier seducta est, nullo modo arbitror illum potuisse seduci.

1793 De sacr., I. 7, Migne, 176. 290.

1794 In Sent. II. 22, E. Borgnet’s ed., XXVII. 377.

1795 In Sent., II. 22, I. 3, Peltier’s ed., III. 123.

1796 Man hatte Augustinische Formeln und gregorianische Gedanken. Loofs, p. 291. Schwane, p. 455, praises Thomas’ clear treatment of the doctrines of grace, and says he taught them as they are taught in the Catholic systems of dogmatics to-day. Loofs, Harnack, and Seeberg seem to me to go too far in ascribing to Thomas a de-Augustinianizing tendency. His plain statements of the necessity of divine grace and human inability are Augustinian enough. Passing from the study of Thomas’ theory of the sacraments, it is easy to put upon the statements about grace a Pelagian interpretation. The fairer way is to interpret his theory of the sacraments in the light of his teachings on the doctrine of grace.

1797 meritum apud deum esse non potest, nisisecundum praesuppositionem divinae ordinationis. Summa, II. 114, I. Migne, II. 960.

1798 Verum non potest cognosecre sine auxilio divino. Summa, II. 109, 2, 6, 7, Migne, II. 907 sqq.

1799 Sanguis qui est pretium nostrae redemptionis non dicitur obtulisse diabolo sed deo. Summa, III. 48, 4, Migne, III. 44.

1800 Mors Christi nos justificat, dum per eam charitas excitatur in cordibus nostris. Sent., III. 19, 1.

1801 Per passionem Christi homo cognoscit quantum deus hominem diligat et per hoc provocatur ad eumdiligendum. Summa, III. 46, 3, Migne, III. 417.

1802 In Sent., III. 20, Peltier’s ed., IV. 439. He attempts to show that he is not out of accord with Anselm, but he makes poor work of it. Anselm’s statement is absolute. Cur deus homo, II. 10.

1803  Peltier’s ed., IV. 474 sqq.

1804 De divisione gratiae. Summa, Migne, II. 927-960.

1805 Tota justificatio impii consistit in infusione gratiae ... justif. fit, deo movente hominem ad justitiam. Summa, II. 113, 3, 7, Migne, II. 946. 952.

1806  Hugo of St. Victor, Desacr. I. 10, 9, Migne, 176. 341 sqq.; P. Lombardus, Sent., III. 23, 24, Migne, pp. 295 sqq.; Bonavent., In Sent., III. 23, 24, Peltier’s ed., IV. 475 sqq.; Th. Aquinas, IV. 1-5, Migne, IV. 12 sqq; Alb. Magnus, In Sent., III. 23, 24, Borgnet’s ed., XXVIII. 408 sqq.

1807 Aliud credere deo, aliud credere deum, aliud credere in deum. P. Lomb., III. 23, 4.

1808 Spec. eccles., Migne, 172. 823.

1809 Summa, IV. 4, 2, Migne, IV. 14, quoting 1 Cor. 13:12.

1810 Charitas dicitur forma fidei, etc., IV. 4, 3. Such faith which is without love fides informis.

1811  P. Lomb., III. 25, 3, Migne, p. 300.

1812 Fides non remanet in homine postquam discredit unum articulum fidei. Summa, IV. 5. 3, I. 7 sqq., Migne, III. 63 sq.

1813 In heretico discredente unum articulum fidei, non manet fides neque formata neque informis. IV. 5, 3, Migne, p. 63.

1814 Summa, II. 113, 4, Migne, II. 948.

1815  This is one of the charges brought with great vehemence against Luther and the Reformation by Denifle, Luther und Lutherthum, I. 374-456. He misunderstood or willfully misrepresented Luther, who never intended to detach a life of good works from faith as its necessary consequence.

1816  Thomas Aquinas calls it locus dolorum and infernum damnatorum.

1817 Profundus carcer respectu amoenitatis coeli et est aer iste caliginosus in quem detrusi sunt demones, etc. Alb. Magnus, In Sent., III. 22, C, 4, Borgnet’s ed., XXVIII. 393.

1818 Ignis est in fortissima calididate ... cui nil est comparabile. Alb. Magnus, Borgnet’s ed., XXX. 597.

1819 Gehenna illa quae stagnum ignis et sulphuris dicta est, corporeus ignis erit et cruciabit damnatorum corpora vel hominum vel daemonum. P. Lomb., Sent., IV. 44, 6. Absque dubietate corporeus ignis cruciat, etc. Alb. Mag., In Sent., Borgnet’s ed., XXX. 393. Ignis corporalis qui concremabit et affliget spiritus et etiam corpora ... sed semper affliget, alios plus alios minus, secundum exigentiam meritorum. Bonavent., Brev., VII. 6.

1820 Probabile est, quod idem locus vel quasi continuus, sit infernus et limbus. Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 1222. Thomas calls the infernal regions interchangeably infernus and inferni. Alb. Magnus uses the neuter plural inferna. In Sent., III, 26, C. 392.

1821  Th. Aq., Summa, III. 69, 6, originali peccato debebatur poena aeterna in limbo puerorum. Limbus means edge or border. Alb. Magnus also calls it limbus parvulorum, the region of the little ones. Borgnet’s ed., XXVIII. 392.

1822 Pueris non adest spes beatae vitae, etc. Th. Aq., Supplem., p. 1223. divinae justitiae aequitas perpetualiter eos consolidat, ut nec proficiant, nec deficiant, nec laetentur, nec tristentur; sed semper per sic uniformiter maneant, etc. Bonavent., In Sent., II. 33, 2, 3, Peltier’s ed., III. 419.

1823 In Sent., III. 22, I. 4 sqq., Peltier’s ed., IV. 467.

1824 Suppl., Migne, III. 1222. The deepest hell—profundissimus infernus —is the place of the lost. Bonavent., Brevil., VII. 6, Peltier’s ed., VII. 339.

1825 Summa, III. 52, 1, Migne, IV. 476.

1826 Attolite portas, principes, vestras.

1827 Post hanc vitam non est tempus gratiam acquirendi. Th. Aq., Summa, III. 52, 7; Suppl., Migne, IV. 1244.

1828 Poena purgatorii est in supplementum satisfactionis quae non fuerat plene in corpore consummata. Th. Aq., Suppl., 71, 6 Migne, IV. 1242.

1829  Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 1239.

1830 Claritas, subtilitas, agilitas, et impossibilitas quae ... secundum majoritatem et minoritatem prius habitae charitatis. Brevil., VII. 7, Peltier’s ed, VII. 340

1831 Deum per essentiam videre in quo consistit perfecta hominis beatitudo. Summa, III. 52, 5, Migne, IV. 482.

1832 Serm., XI.

1833 Proslog., XXIV. sqq.

1834 An. 1206, Luard’s ed. of M. Paris, II. 497-512.

1835 Dial, I. 32, Strange’s ed., I. 36-39.

1836  See Walter, Die ersten Wanderprediger, etc., p. 49.

1837  See Kaufmann, Thos. von Chantimpré, pp. 117 sq.