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the political emancipation of Florence and Italy. Most of the prophecies were in general terms and predicted times of dire chastisement for Florence, followed by a time of righteousness and extension of the Church. One of the proofs Savonarola gave for his prophetic gift was the fulfilment of his predictions. On this very point, however, there is doubt. In certain cases, his prophecies were certainly not fulfilled, such as his prediction of the speedy conversion of the Jews and Moors. As to whether other so-called prophecies were real is open to question. The Cyrus from the West came into Italy, Charles VIII. of France, but it is a question whether Savenarola's prediction was anything more than the forecast of an observer carefully watching the progress of political movements in Italy and alert to detect the signs of impending events. Certain it is that, while Charles' advent was followed by the expulsion of the Medicis from Florence, his Italian campaign ended in failure and the independence of Florence lasted but a short period. Another consideration that casts suspicion upon the prophetic nature of his predictions is that many of them concerned political events such as belong to the selfish policy of nations, as when he predicted that Florence would again secure sovereignty over Pisa. A large party in Florence held Savonarola to be a prophet. Men like Landucci, the apothecary, fully accepted his prophetic endowment. Some of the distinguished men of the age, like the Frenchman Commines, either accepted it or acknowledged their inability to account for the forecast. The judgment of most of Sav onarola's recent biographers, such as Villari and Lucas, and of historians, such as Pastor and Creighton, Roman Catholic and Protestant, is that Savenarola was self-deceived. But while his prophetic claims were a delusion, he had none of the spirit of the impostor. '"hat men moving amidst the common realities of life called dreams of fancy, Savonarola, longing with all the intensity of his being for the reformation of Florence, took for real visions of the soul. Much as he impressed his own age with the reality of his prophetic endowment, to modern times his glory consists in his being a preacher of righteousness in an age of deep dissoluteness and religious effrontery.

As a reformer, his vision ended with the moral reform of the city and of Italy and its adoption of righteousness in private conduct and

Reformer trinal reform such as was achieved by of the Luther and Calvin was not in Savo-

The internal history of Italian affairs in 1492 was marked by the death of Lorenzo the Magnificent (the most accomplished diplomat of his time) and the elevation of Alexander VI. to the pontifical throne. When Lorenzo knew that he was dying, he sent for Savonarola. The monk had kept at a

5. Lorenzo visit." Rich gifts sent to the convent of de Medici; St. Mark's failed to win its prior. Now, Charles VIL facing the issues of eternity, Lorenzo sent for Savonarola as "the only honest friar" he knew. He wanted to make confession of three crimes. The spiritual adviser instead proposed three terms of shrift. The first was a confident trust in God's mercy. To this the dying man assented. The second was the restoration of his ill-gotten wealth. To this also assent was given: The third required that he give back to Florence her liberties. To this Lorenzo gave no response and turned his face to the wall. The priest passed out without giving absolution. The account as thus given is based upon the earliest lives of Savonarola, by Burlamacchi and Mirandola. A different account was given by Politian in a letter to Jacopo Antiquario. Politian makes no mention of the third condition and reports that Savonarola left the dying man after giving his blessing. This version is accepted by Roscoe, Creighton (Popes, iv. 172 sqq.), and Lucas (pp. 83-84) . The version adopted here is accepted by Villari (i. 168-169), Hase (p. 20), Clark (p. 116); Pastor (Popes, v. 92) seems to proceed upon the theory of its truth. Ranke wavers, but declared he did not see his way clear to deny it. During the three years 1494-97, Savonarola's ascendency was at its height. According to Guicciardini, his influence was most extraordinary. During this period Charles VII. came into Italy, Lorenzo's son Piero and the Medicis were banished from Florence and a theocratic government was established in the city. Fra Girolamo thundered from the pulpit against the rule of the Medicis and pleaded for their expulsion. When Charles was encamped near Florence, Savonarola, by the appointment of the Florentine seignory, met him and made a deep impression upon the monarch. The French army, through the monk's appeals to the king and his threats, restrained themselves from their usual violence in Florence, and Charles left the city, and pursued "his onward journey without delay." On the king's return from Naples to upper Italy, Savonarola again communicated with him in five letters, bidding the sovereign grant her liberties to Florence, a city of which he said " God had chosen her and had determined to magnify her so that who dared to touch her, touched the apple of His eye." No city ever had a more ardent lover than Florence had in Savonarola.

The expulsion of the Medicis involved a reorganization of the state, and in this work Savonarola had a part of prime importance. He was called upon as the chief citizen of Florence by the seigniory to propose a new constitution. Reluctantly