LOENER, lon'er, KASPAR: German reformer and poet; b. at Markt Erlbach, near Baireuth, 1493; d. at Nordlingen (39 mi. n.w. of Augsburg) Jan. 6, 1546: He received his early education in the monastery of Heilsbronn, and in 1508 entered the University of Erfurt; while in 1520 he was assistant priest at Nesselbach, combining this office


with pastoral functions at the Cistercian monastery of Birkenfeld (near Neuatadt-on-the-Aisch). There is reason to believe that he was already cautiously active in the cause of the Reformation, and the two conservative imitations of Luther's baptismal ordinal--Ordnung der Tauff nach wirtzburgischer Rubricken von wort zu wort verteutscht and Ordnung der Tauff nach bambergissher Rubricken van wort zu wont verteutscht (both subsequent to 1523)--are very plausibly ascribed to him. In 1524 the Margrave Frederick of Brandenburg transferred him to Hof, as his representative in the incumbency of St. Michael's. His Evangelical attitude, however, caused his speedy removal, and after.preaching for a short time in the Franciscan church, he was obliged to leave Brandenburg and went to Wittenberg, where he matriculated at the university in 1526. After a brief visit to Markt Erlbach in Jan., 1527, and a short incumbency in Oelsnitz, the secession of Margrave George permitted him to return to Hof late in 1527 or early in.1528. Here he introduced Evangelical worship and also prepared an agenda, a hymnal, and a catechism for his congregation, the first-named forming the basis of the Naumburg agenda of Nikolaus Medler (1537-38) and Widmann's agenda of 1592.

Loner was. equally independent as a hymnologist; and in 1527 twenty-six of his compositions were printed anonymously under the title Gantz newe geystliche teutsche Hymnus vnd gesang; while as late as 1561 hymns written by him, but hitherto unpublished, were still printed, so that their entire number, amounts to something more than thirty seven. In like manner his Vnterricht des glaubens oder Christlicher kinderzucht in LXXII. Fragen vnd Antwortt verfast (Nuremberg, 1529) is an independent work, despite its indebtedness to Althamer'a catechism and the earlier catechetical writings of Luther.

>p> Loner took an active part in the preparation of the Brandenburg-Nuremberg agenda, but in May, 1531, his position became intolerable through the opposition which he had aroused, intensified by his attacks on the papacy, and in July he was expelled from Hof and retired to Oelsnitz. There, after a brief period of poverty with his wife and children, he resumed his pastorate through Melanchthon's influence, and there he published, under the title GeistLiche gesang, aus heiliger Schrift mit vleis zu samen gebracht, Vnd auffs new zu gericht (Wittenberg, 1538), a collection of twenty of his hymns, three of them new. In 1539 he preached in Leipsic, but failed to secure the call he desired and contemplated retiring from pastoral work, declining a call to Oschatz. In 1542, however, he became preacher at the Naumburg cathedral, al though the opposition of the canons gave him little scope for activity. In Jan., 1544, he became pastor of St. George's, Nordlingen, where he remained until his death, and where, as first superintendent, he organized ecclesiastical affairs as he would; sometimes with an excess of zeal, and prepared a new agenda, catechism, and hymnal. The agenda is essentially the same as the one he had prepared for Hof, while the catechism, despite its dependence on Luther's Enchiridion, is noteworthy for its division into six conversations with 128 questions and answers, its abundant meditations, and its seven original catechismal hymns. The hymnal, moreover, is of liturgical interest in its distribution of the hymns according to individual services and the seasons of the Christian year.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: His Briefbuch is in Beitrage zur bayerischen Kirchengeschichte, ed. T. Kolde, vols. i.-iii.. Erlangen, 1895-97. Other sources are the letters of Melanchthon in CR, v.-vi. passim, and of Luther in De Wette's ed. of Luther's letters, voles iv-v.; V. L. von Seckendorf, Commentarius criticus . . .de Lutheranismo, i. 241, iii. 186, 219, 221, Leipsic 1692. Modern treatment of the subject will be found in G. W. A. Fikenscher, Gelehrtes Furstenturn Baireut, v. 305-318, Nuremberg, 1803; P. Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, i. 388 sqq., 392, 408-409, 421-422, iii. 618-643, Leipsic, 1862 sqq.; G. Kawerau, in ZKW, x (1889), 487 sqq. 519-525; F. Cobra, in Monumenta Germaniae paedagogica, xxii. 463-480, Berlin, 1901; C. Geyer, Aus der Reformationsgeschichte Nordlingens, pp. 18-23, Nordlingen, 1901; ADB, xix. 152 sqq.

LOESCHE, lOah'e, GEORG KARL DAVID: Austrian Lutheran; b. at Berlin Aug. 22, 1855. He was educated at the universities of Berlin, Bonn, and Tubingen (Ph.D., Jena, 1880; lic. theol., Berlin, 1883), was preacher to the German church in Florence, Italy (1880-85), and privat-docent for church history at the University of Berlin in 1885-1887. In 1887 he accepted a call to the Evangelical Protestant faculty at Vienna as associate professor of the same subject, and in 1889 became full professor. He is a privy councilor, president of the examining board for Evangelical theological candidates in Austria, and vice-president of the Austrian branch of the Gustav-Adolf-Verein and of the Gesellschaft fur die Geschichte des Protestantismus in Oesterreich. In theology he is an adherent of the "modern" school. In addition to his work as editor of the Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft fur die Geschichte des Protestantismus in Oesterreich, he has edited Johann Mathesius' Ausgewahlte Werke (4 vols., Prague, 1896-1904) and Gustav Frank's Die Theologie des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts (Leipsic, 1905), and has written Florenzer Predigten (Halle, 1884); Ernst Moritz Arndt, der deutsche Reichsherold (Goths, 1884); Bellarmins Lehre vom Papst und deren actuelle Bedeutung (Halle, 1885); Analecta Lutherana. et Melanchthoniana (Gotha, 1892); Johann Mathesius, ein Lebens- und Sittenbild aus der Reformationszeit (2 vols., 1895); and Geschichle des Protestantismus in Oesterreich (Leipsic, 1902).

LOESCHER, losh'er, VALENTIN ERNST: German Lutheran; b. at Sondershausen Dec. 29, 1673; d. at Dresden Dec. 12, 1749. At the University of Wittenberg, where his father was professor of theology, he gave his attention mainly to philology and history, but out of respect to his father's wish he selected a theological subject for his master's dissertation, in which he opposed the Pietistic position. Subsequent study at Jena aroused his interest in church history. During travels undertaken at this time he formed the acquaintance of a number of influential anti-Pietistic theologians. In 1696 he began to lecture at Wittenberg on the origin of Deism and Pietism. After serving as superintendent at Juterbog (1698-1701) and Delitzsch (1701-07) and professor of theology at Wittenberg (1707-09), he became pastor of the Kreuzkirche and superintendent in Dresden. Here


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consequences, according as separation or union is principally emphasised in the conception of a mesiti3a between God and the world. The Logos-idea as found in the Johannine writings is well adapted to guard against the Christology which sees in Jesus merely a prophet or a genius; it requires the recognition of his identity of being with God, without which the absoluteness of his historic mission can not be conceived. But it does not go into the metaphysical profundities from which it might be hoped to gain an insight into the inner recesses of the divine nature. It lights up history with the light of eternity; but it can show us eternity only in the light of history, not in its own supernatural radiance.

(O. KIRN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On Jewish and ethnic doctrines of the Logos consult: A. Aall, Der Logos, Geschichte seiner Entwickelung, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1896-99; J. M. Heinze, Die Lehre vom Logos in der griechischen Philosophie, Oldenburg, 1872; Schurer, Geschichte, iii. 555-557, Eng. transl., II, iii. 374-376; works on O. T. theology, especially that of Schultz; and the literature under PHILO. On the Johannine doctrine: H. H. Wendt, Das Johannesevangelium, Gottingen, 1900; M. Stuart, in Bibliotheca Sacra, 1850, pp. 281-327 W. Emlieht, Theophania; or, Scriptural View of the Manifestation of the Logos or pre-existent Messiah, London, 1857; Rohricht, in TSK, 1868, pp. 299-315; J. Reville, La Doctrine du Logos dans Ie quatrieme evangile et dans les aeuvres de Philon, Paris, 1881; H. P. Liddon, Divinity of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, lecture v. London, 1885; H. W. Watkins, Modern Criticism Considered in its Relations to the Fourth Gospel, lecture viii., ib. 1890; A. Harnack, in ZKT, ii (1892), 189-231; idem Dogma, vols. i.-iv (contains also the later development); G. B. Stevens, Johannine Theology, chap, iv., New York, 1894; W. Baldensperger, Prolog des 4. Evangeliums, Freiburg, 1898; Jannaris, in ZNTW, Feb., 1901, pp, 13 sqq,; W. R. Inge, Personal Idealism and Mysticism, lectures ii.-iii., New York, 1907; Lichtenberger, ESR, viii. 334-339; DB iii. 132-138; EB, iii. 2811-2812; the commentaries on the Fourth Gospel, especially that of H. J. Holtzmann, Tubingen, 1893; the works on N. T. theology, particularly that of Beyschlag; and the works on the history of doctrine. The last-named class of works is also to be consulted for the later development of the doctrine, and further works of value are: L. Atzberger Die Logoslehre des heiligen Athanasius, Munich, 1880; C. Bigg, Christian Platonists of Alexandria, London, 1886.

LOISTS, f'o'ists: A pantheistic sect of the sixteenth century. The first mention of the sect of the Lolsts occurs in a letter of Luther's dated Mar. 21, 1525, in which he writes that some " new prophets " from Antwerp had appeared in Wittenberg, and that they put the mind and reason of man on terms of equality with the Holy Ghost. A disputation took place, in Luther's presence, between Melanchthon and the leader of this sect, a slater named Eligius (Loy) Pruystinck; and shortly afterward Luther directed a warning to his own adherents at Antwerp against dangerous " blustering and noisy spirits." Pruystinek was subjected to an examination by the Inquisition at Antwerp (Jan., 1526); he recanted, and was cleared with the sentence of public ecclesiastical penance. Nevertheless his doctrines in the following decades spread not only in Antwerp but also in the district about Cologne, in Brabant, and in Flanders. But an additional investigation ensued in the summer of 1544, ending in the execution of Pruystinck and of six of his followers and completely disbanding their sect. The Loists religious attitude may be defined as a corollary of practical pantheism. Man's intellectual nature is a spiritual substance; in other words, every one possesses the Holy Ghost. Since man's flesh and spirit are thoroughly independent, and with no influence upon each other, the spirit of man incurs no responsibility for the weakness of the flesh; hence the spirit, as such, is sinless. The final goal of man is to vanish into the divine being. The Loists based their doctrines upon forced exegesis of the Bible. There appears to have been no relation .between the Lolsts and any sects antedating the Reformation, and they seem to have been wholly independent of the Baptists. (They certainly had much in common with the Beghards (q.v.) and the Brethren of the Free Spirit (see FREE SPIRIT, BRETHREN ON THE). A. H. N.] It is fair to suppose that the pantheistic doctrines of the " Libertines," which from 1545 onward were combated notably by Calvin, in the Romance countries took their point of departure from the sect of the Lolsts disbanded at that very time. [David Joris was probably a disciple of Pruyetinck, and the latter may have influenced Henry Nicolas, founder of the Family of Love (see FAMILISTS; and ANTINOMIANS), and through him several of the more recent varieties of Antinomians. A. H. N.]


BIBLiOGRAPHY: A valuable collection of sources and history of the sect is given in J. Frederichs, De secta der Loisten of Antwerpsche libertijnen (1525-45), Ghent, 1891; idem, Un lutherien francais devenu libertin spirituel, in Bulletin historique et litteraire de la societe de l'histoire du protestantisme francais, xli (1892), 250-269; idem, La Moralite des libertins epirituels, ib., pp. 502-504; A. Jundt, Hist. du pantheisme populaire au moyen age, pp. 122 sqq., Paris, 1875.

LOISY, lwa"zi', ALFRED FIRMAN: French Roman Catholic; b. at Ambrieres (6 m. n. of .Mayenne) Feb. 28, 1857. He was educated at the Seminary of Chalons and was ordained to the priesthood in 1879, after which he was parish priest of Broussy-le-Grand and Landricourt (1879-81); became lecturer in Hebrew at the Institut Catholique, Paris, in 1881; was appointed associate professor in 1882 and titular professor of Holy Scripture in 1889. The freedom of his views, however, caused such distrust of his orthodoxy that in 1893 he was removed from the Institut and appointed chaplain of the Dominican nuns engaged in teaching at Neuilly-sur-Seine. In 1899 he retired to Bellevue, and in 1900-04 lectured at the Sorbonne on Assyriology, but in the latter year was again obliged by his superiors to cease lecturing. Since that time he has lived in retirement at Garnay, in the department of Eure-et-Loire. His works attracted considerable attention, and five were placed, in 1903, on the Index, although Loisy claims to seek to refute the radicalism of A: Harnack (q.v.) and to defend the orthodox faith of the Church. He has written: Histoire du canon de l'Ancien Testament (Paris, 1890); Histoire du canon du Nouveau Testament (1891); Le Livre de Job, traduit de l'hebreu (1892); Histoire critique du texte et des versions de la Bible (2 vols., Amiens, 1892-93); Les Mythes babyloniens et les premiers chapitres de la Genese (Paris, 1901); Etudes bibliques (1901); La Religion d'lsrael (1901); Etudes evangeliques (1902); L'evangile et l'eglise (1902; Eng. transl. by C. Home, The Gospel and the Church, London, 1903);


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4. Lollard Memorial of 1395.

A few years later Lollards were numerous in London, Lincoln, Salisbury, and Worcester, and their tenets, no longer restricted to religion, extended to economic and political life. In 1395, doubtless emboldened by the blunt refusal of Parliament to pass the archbishop's bill for the destruction of all Wyclif's translations of the Bible, the Lollards felt themselves sufficiently strong to present a memorial to Parliament and to demand the cooperation of that body is carrying out their reform. The twelve clauses of this memorial were as follows: Faith, love, and hope had vanished from the English daughter-churcb since she bad been lost in worldly wealth through her association with her great stepmother of Rome; the Roman Catholic priesthood was not that of Christ; the priestly law of celibacy resulted in unnatural vice; transubstantiation was a feigned miracle and conduced to idolatry; prayers over bread, salt, wine, water, oil, wax and the like were unlawful magic rites; it was contrary to the word of Christ (Matt. vi. 24) to have king and bishop or prelate and judge in one person; prayers for the dead were ineffectual, pilgrimages and the invocation of images were nearly idolatrous; auricular confession was not essential to salvation, but was a source of priestly arrogance and permission to sin; war was contrary to the New Testament, and death and pillage to the poor; the vows of nuns led to infanticide and unnatural impurity; and art was unnecessary and conducive to luxury and extravagance. [Cf. the tex in Fasciculi Zizaiorum, W. W. Shirley in Rolls Series, pp. 360-369, London, 1858; Wilkins, Concilia, III., p. 221; condensed transl. in Lechler's John Wyclif, ed. P. Lorimer, pp. 447-448.] In this memorial, however, the Lollards had overestimated their strength, and the king, who had taken no part hitherto in the episcopal proceedings against them, now admonished them sternly.

5. Ecclesiastical Opposition to Lollardism.

The decline of Lollardism now began. In 1396 Thomas Arundel, a bitter opponent of the movement, succeeded Courtenay as archbishop of Canterbury, and three years later Richard II. was murdered. The throne was then occupied by the Lancastrian Henry IV., who found it to his interests to follow the lead of the hierarchic and aristocratic faction which had given him the crown. In Jan., 1400, the bishops declared that they were unable to make headway against the heretics, and the statute De comburendo haretico was accordingly passed. The first to be executed under its provisions was W. Sawtrey (Chartris), who died at the stake in the following month. The act was enforced with special severity in the counties of southern and middle position to England, while those who were not burned to death were either tortured into recantation or ended their lives in prison. Undismayed by these measures, the Lollards sought support in their struggle for religious and political freedom in the hatred of the oppressed peasantry for the priests who lived in luxury. Both the secular and the regular clergy, and especially the friars, were regarded as being long since deserted the principles of their founders and as having persecuted their own brethren, the Fraticelli, the Beghards, and the Lollards, for remaining faithful to the teaching of their fathers. In Piers The Plowman's Creed (c. 1394) a man in search of the true doctrines of Christ is represented as inquiring of the four mendicant orders in succession, only to meet the scornful reply that the words of Jesus are no longer remembered, and not until he finds the "Poor Priests" does he obtain what he desires.

6. The Constitutions of Arundel

Popular approbation of the Lollards, however, could avail little against the power of the archbishop, who in 1408 extorted from the convocation of Oxford, then the center of the movement, the Constitutiones Thomas Arundel, which were designed to crush the tenets of Wyclif. Among other prohibitions, these regulations forbade preaching without the permission of the bishop, as well as the punishment of the sins of the clergy by the laity, and required that the writings of Wyclif and the Lollards be destroyed. They likewise enacted periodical inspection of the residences of Oxford students, and all suspected of Lollardism were ruthlessly expelled. The success of the measure was complete, and within a few years the university was one of the foremost defenders of Roman Catholic orthodoxy.

The movement of repression was now extended, and commoners in city and country alike were in peril of gallows, ax, and stake. On the other head, many of the nobility remained true to their principles. Prominent among the latter was Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham (see OLDCASTLE, SIR JOHN), who gave free scope to the Lollards on his Kentish estates, especially as he was protected against Arundel by his friendship with Henry IV. and the Prince of Wales, afterward Henry V. The date of his conversion to Lollardism is unknown, but was before 1410, when he was in high favor with the prince, whom he even sought to win over to his sect. During the reign of Henry IV. he had no need to fear the hostility of the bishops, who hated him for his denial of transubstantiation and his opposition to auricular confession, pilgrimages, and the adoration of images, as well as for the wealth which he expended on the preparation and maintenance of itinerant preachers.

7. Sir John Oldcastle

Henry V., however, lent a ready ear to the complaints of the archbishop and the convocation. Oldcastle refused to be convinced of his errors by the king, and left the court without permission, retiring to his castle of Cowley in Kent. Ignoring Arundel's citations, he was placed under the ban for contumacy and arrested by a royal warrant. He now formulated a reply to a committee consisting of Arundel and the bishops of Winchester and London, but his answers concerning transubstantiation and confession were unsatisfactory. After much urging, he finally declared himself ready to accept the teachings of the Church, but denied that the pope, the cardinals, or the prelates had the right to define these matters. He was accordingly brought before another episcopal court on Sept. 25. He refused to retract his opinions and sharply rebuked the pope and the clergy, whereupon


the archbishop delivered him over as a heretic to the secular arm. Henry vainly endeavored to induce him to recant, but he steadfastly refused and was imprisoned for weeks in the Tower. On Oct. 10, however, he escaped, and wild rumors spread through the country that the Lollards had resolved to kill the king and his brothers, as well as the archbishop and the clergy, to destroy all ecclesiastical edifices, and to make Oldcastle regent. There is no evidence that such a plot was actually formed, but on Jan. 11, 1414, about a hundred friends of Oldcastle, ignorant of his escape, gathered under the leadership of Sir Roger Acton in St. Giles to effect his liberation. They were dispersed without bloodshed, but some of the leaders were captured and executed, while two edicts were issued, one forbidding the reading of the Bible under penalty of death and the other declaring all Lollards heretics. Guarded by his friends, Oldcastle eluded capture for four years before he was taken in Wales by Lords Jeuan ab Gruffydd and Gruffydd Vychan of Garth. He was carried back to London and lodged in the Tower, where he was condemned to death Dec. 14, 1417, on the charges of high treason and heresy, his execution taking place on the same day.

8. Suppression and Decline of Lollardism.

With Oldcastle's death the hopes of Lollardism vanished. Minor recalcitrants were forced to choose between recantation and execution, and all political and social aspiration, if they had ever existed, disappeared. The Council of Constance (1414-18), moreover, had put an end to the Great Schism, and the Church, again able to devote its reunited energies to the suppression of heresy, forced the Lollards to seek refuge in secrecy and obscure hiding-places. Driven from the fields and the streets, they concealed themselves in hovels and barns, sand-pits and caves, while conventicles in the houses replaced preaching in the streets. Their numbers at first remained undiminished, and in some parishes the Lollards formed so large a proportion that pilgrimages and processions, as well as the observance of saints' days, were neglected. Some of the clergy were found among them, but after the execution of Oldcastle the leader was gone, although the Lollard hatred of the Church was occasionally manifested by rabid outbursts on the part of individuals. Executions for Lollardism continued long after the middle of the fifteenth century, and in 1476 the University of Oxford again had to proceed against some of its members for Wyclifi's heresy. In 1485 and 1494 bishops preached in Coventry and Kyle against the "Bible Men," and in the first decade of the following century, before the thoughts of Luther had crossed the Channel, increasing numbers were condemned and burned for possessing Wyclif's writings, reading the Bible in the vernacular, and rejecting transubstantiation, auricular confession, the invocation of saints, and pilgrimages, the very things which had formed the point at issue in 1395. At Amersham, a Lollard center, thirty men were executed in 1506, and eleven years later sectaries called "Brethren in Christ" or "Known Men" (the latter name derived from a mistranslation of I Cor. xiv. 38) were cited before the courts. In a certain sense, therefore, Lollardiam, inherited for generations, was a real, though secret, precursor of the Reformation in England. With no Hues or Luther to lead them, they achieved what no other religious movement of the Middle Ages was able to do, when they succeeded in awakening and maintaining a longing for the Bible in the vernacular. The repeated efforts to secure an English Bible which were made by Tyndale, Coverdale, Taverner, Cranmer, the Geneva fugitives, and Parker were inspired primarily by the Lollard "Bible Men. From England Lollardism spread to Scotland. Oxford infected St. Andrews, and the teachers there were repeatedly accused of adhering to the doctrines of Wyclif's followers, while Knox expressly termed the Lollards of Kyle, Ayrshire, the forerunners of the Reformation and the descendants of the Lollards of the fifteenth century.

9. Tenets of Lollardism.

The tenets of the Lollards must be gleaned fromthe legal proceedings against them, contemporary accounts, the memorial of 1395, Piers Plowman's Creed, Piers Plowman's Complaint, The Lanthornof Light, The Plowman's Prayer, and the Repressor of R. Pecock, but these documents moat be used with caution. The scanty literature of the Lollards themselves, on the other hand, shows no trace of system. It is obvious from these sources, of which the most important is the Repressor, that Lollardism was based on the teachings of Wyclif and centered about the Bible, whence were derived all Lollard arguments and postulates. According to the Franciscan W. Woodford, their chief dogma was that only what the pope and the cardinals could deduce from the Bible was true, all else being false, while if they could be convinced of the erroneous nature of this tenet, they would readily return to the Roman Catholic Church. The Plowman's Prayer ,makes true religion consist in love, fear, and trust in God above all things, and also declares that the soul of man, rather than an earthly temple, is the dwelling-place of the Lord. Pecock, in like manner, describes their faith as based on three postulates: Only what can be found in the Bible (especially in the New Testament) may be regarded as the command of God; each Christian man or woman of humble soul, and desirous to know the Scriptures, may comprehend their true meaning; whosoever has grasped the meaning of the Bible must refuse to accept any opposing arguments, whether derived from the Bible or reason. He also adds that the Lollards were called "Bible Men" because they memorized the New Testament in their mother tongue and found the reading of the Bible so profitable that they preferred it to instruction by scholars or priests.

10. Lollard Opposition to Roman Catholic Doctrines.

On the basis of these views, the Lollards protested against a series of ecclesiastical requirements which find no authority in the Bible. They rejected the use of images in the churches, pilgrimages to holy places, the right of the clergy to possess land, the orders of the hierarchy, the legislative power of the pope and bishops above the Bible, the institution of spiritual orders and the priestly mediation, the invocation of


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rendered it neither impossible nor improper to join Jesus in his invocation of God as " our Father." That this prayer is not intended as an utterance of an individual but of believing disciples as a body appears in Luke's version from the fourth petition, and from Matthew's in the addition to the invocation "Our Father," etc. As the synagogue prayer was evidently congregational, so Jesus gave a prayer which was common and not individual. God is also addressed as Father in heaven (Matt. v. 48, vi. 14, 26, 32, xv. 13, xviii. 35, xxiii. 9) to indicate the distinction between him and a merely earthly father. With this may be compared the old Hebrew usage (Isa. xxxviii. 5), and in the Kaddish is read: " Let all Israel pray, and flee to the Heavenly Father." The Heavenly Father is the God unlimited by earthly bounds, who knows all, sees all, is the omnipotent. He is the Father who " seeth in secret" and hears the secret prayer (Matt. vi. 4, 6, 18). In other words he is the God who is spirit and life (John iv. 24, v. 26). In the earliest years of Jewish Christianity, for the use of which the first Gospel was written, the prayer was not considered a cast-iron form, but as the gift of Jesus which might be altered and expounded at will in the words which Jesus himself employed.

2. The First Petition: "Hallowed be thy name." The Greek translation of the original Aramaic uses throughout the aorist imperative, except in the fourth petition of Luke's version, didou. The aorist is employed to express an act at once completed (cf. I Pet. i. 13, where teleios elpisate expresses a hope continuing to the end). The petition is not expressed in the active voice, " Hallow thou thy name," but " let thy name be hallowed by men, especially by thy disciples." As Bengel says: " God is holy, that is God is God, he is therefore hallowed when he is acknowledged, worshiped and proclaimed to be what he is " (Gnomon, on Matt. vi. 9).

3. The Second and Third Petitions: "Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven." Although it might be said that the full object of the prayer is attained when God's name is hallowed, yet this can actually never be realized until heaven and earth become one. God is manifested in his children, and his children walk as under his eye. Therefore Jesus directs the gaze of his disciples toward the future union of the heavenly and the earthly world. These two petitions must therefore be taken in an eschatological sense. " The kingdom of God, which we pray may arrive, tends unto the consum- mation of the age " (Tertullian, De oratione, v.; ANF, iii. 683). Then shall the world be changed from a state of sin and death into a land of peace and life and the perfect congregation of the saints shall praise their king whose will it is their delight to fulfil.

The next four petitions deal with the earthly interval which must elapse before the consummation of all things and the actual kingdom of God arrive. The disciples of Jesus are taught to pray that they may have strength to live in faith and love as children of God and thus hallow the name of the Father, who is asked to supply their material and spiritual needs.

4. The Fourth Petition: "Give us this day our daily bread " (Matthew), "Give us, day by day, our daily bread " (Luke). Bread is the staff of life, " all that pertains to the support and necessities of life " as Luther says. The followers of Jesus may well expect to receive daily the bread they need, as on the night of his passion Jesus asked his disciples: When I sent you without purse and scrip and shoes, lacked ye anything? (Luke xxii. 35). The anxiety of the Gentiles or pagans about food and clothing is put forth by Jesus as a warning in Matt. vi. 25-34. Although Cyprian (" On the Lord's Prayer," viii.;ANF, v. 452) and Tertullian (De oratione, vi.; ANF, iii. 683) emphasize the spiritual meaning of the word " bread," yet they admit that it is used here also in a material sense. Jerome in translating epiousion by supersubstantialis also attributes to it a spiritual meaning; still not only is this a false translation but it gives a false meaning to the words of Christ. Hugo Grotius is perhaps nearer the true interpretation when he says (Critici sacri, , vol. vi.): "Epiousia is all that period of life which we have yet to live; unknown to us, known to God; epiousionwhat is sufficient for that period." In the same way Bengel interprets the word (Gnomon, on Matt. vi. 11), " Bread, as a single gift, is to be supplied to us for our whole life, but the giving of it is portioned off day by day."

6. The Fifth Petition: "And forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors" (Matthew), "Andforgive us our sins; for we also forgive every one that is indebted to us" (Luke). The interval which the disciples of Jesus must spend before the coming of his glorious kingdom brings them not only in need of bodily nourishment but of permanent peace in the soul also. Man lives not by bread alone (Matt. iv. 4), especially sinful man. This is the connection of the fifth with the fourth petition. The forgiveness of sins prayed for refers to a daily forgiveness. The words imply that in comparison with God the suppliant is not good but evil (Matt. vii. 11); the spirit being willing but the flesh weak (Matt. xxvi. 41). It would be a sign of self-deceit against which Jesus gives express warning (Matt.vii.) for a man to consider himself sinless (John i. 8). The disciples of Jesus are to take an attitude exactly opposite to that indicated in the proud prayer of Apollonius of Tyana, " O ye gods pay thedebts ye owe to me" (Vita APollonii , II i. 11, ed. Kayser, p.10). The term debt, opheile, opheilema , is primarily used of money owed but not paid (Matt.xviii. 32); hence in a spiritual sense it becomes equivalent to paraptomata "transgressions" (Matt. vi. 15), or hamartiae, "sins " (Luke xi. 4;, cf. Luke xiii. 4 and 2). But this prayer that God would remit our debts to him is not so much the appeal of slaves to a master (Luke xvii. 10) as of children to a father (Matt. xxi. 28-31), and the less the disciples of Jesus boast of their own perfection and the more conscious they are of their debts to God, so much the more when they utter this prayer will they have the consciousness of God's forgiveness and feel moved to forgive their brethren, even to the end (Matt xviii. 22; Luke xvii. 4). For when the disciple of Jesus forgives his neighbor it is by no


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degree he was obliged to leave Oxford for refusing to subscribe Archbishop Laud's canons. He went to London, and became domestic chaplain to the sheriff, and took a bold stand against the errors of the Book of Common Prayer and the religious tyranny of the times. He was cast into prison on account of an aggressive sermon at Newcastle, and in various ways persecuted in London. At the outbreak of the Civil War he was made preacher to the garrison of Windsor Castle, where he gave great offense to the prelatical party by his pointed utterances. He was one of the first to receive preabyterial ordination under the new organization in Jan. 23, 1644, at Aldermanbury; London; and became pastor of St. Laurence Jewry in London, where he was highly esteemed for the eloquence and vigor of his preaching. He was a strong Presbyterian, the leader of the younger men of that party. In this way he became involved in a trearsonable correspondence with the Presbyterians of Scotland to restore Charles II; and, with many others, was arrested May 7, 1651, and chosen to make an example of, to check the Presbyterian agitation against Cromwell and in favor of Charles II. He was condemned and beheaded on Tower Hill, Aug. 22, 1651. This excited the indignation and wrath of the entire Presbyterian party, which had petitioned, by ministerial bodies and parishes, in vain for his pardon. He went to his death as their hero and martyr. His funeral sermon was preached by Thomas Manton to an immense sympathizing audience. His sermons were published, after his death, under the auspices of the leading Presbyterians of London. The most important of his works are: Grace, the Truth and Growth, and different Degrees thereof (226 pp., London, 1652); Heaven's Glory, Hell's Terror (350 pp., 1653); Combats between the Flesh and the Spirit (292 pp., 1654); Treatise of Effectual Calling (218 pp.,1658); The Natural Man's Case Stated (8vo, 280 pp., 1658); Select Works (8vo, Glasgow, 1806-07, 2 vole.). C. A. BRIGGS. BIBLIOGRAPHY: D. Neat, Hist. of the Puritans, ed. J. Toulmin, 5 vols., Bath, 1793-97; W. Wilson, Hist. and Antiquities of the Dissenting Churches in London, i. 332, iii. 330, 4 vols., London, 1808-14; Memoirs of the Life of Ambrose Barnes, ed. W. A. D.Longstaffe for the Surtees Society, no. 50, Durham, 1887; W. A. Shaw, Hist. of the English Church . . . 1640-1880,ii. 149, 321, 404, London, 1900; DNB, xxxiv. 155-157.

LOVE, WILLIAM DE LOSS: Congregationalist; b. at New Haven, Conn., Nov. 29, 1851. He was graduated from Hamilton College (A.B., 1873), and Andover Theological Seminary (1878); was instructor in mathematics and natural science in the Military Academy at Leicester, Mass., in 1873-1874, and principal of the Broadway Grammar School, Norwich, Conn., in 1874-75. After being pastor of the Evangelical Congregational Church, Lancaster, Mass., from 1878 to 1881, he traveled and engaged in commercial pursuits until 1885, besides acting as supply for the Second Congregational Church, Keene, N. H., for a year. Since 1885 he has been pastor of the Farmington Avenue Church, Hartford, Conn. He has written The Fast and Thanksgiving Days of New England (Boston, 1895) and Samson Occom and the Christian Indians of New England (1900).



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