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           Title: Epistles to the Seven Churches in Asia.
      Creator(s): Trench, Richard Chenevix (1807-1886)
     Print Basis: New York: Charles Scribner (1863)
   CCEL Subjects: All; Bible
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COMMENTARY

ON THE

EPISTLES TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES
IN ASIA.

  REVELATION II. III.

    BY

RICHARD CHENEVIX TRENCH, D.D.

    DEAN OF WESTMINSTER.

  NEW YORK:
  CHARLES SCRIBNER, 124 GRAND STREET.

    PUBLISHED BY ARRANGEMENT WITH THE AUTHOR.

  1863.
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PREFACE.

   IN this publication I at length accomplish, however imperfectly, a wish
   which I have cherished for a large number of years. During the time
   that I fulfilled my pleasant labours at King's College, I lectured
   three times to the theological students there on these seven Epistles;
   and the lectures to them delivered constitute the groundwork of the
   present volume, though much has been added, and some little changed, in
   the final revision which I have given to my work before venturing to
   challenge a larger audience for it. I confess that each time I have
   gone over these Epistles I have become more conscious of the manifold
   difficulties which they present; and more than once have been half
   disposed not to offer to others, in the way of interpretation of them,
   what has so little satisfied myself. I have not, however, held my hand.
   There has ever seemed to me a very useful warning contained in that
   German proverb which says, "The best is oftentimes the enemy of the
   good;" and without claiming for an instant that title of good for my
   book, I do not doubt that many a good book has remained unwritten, or,
   perhaps, being written, has remained unpublished, because there floated
   before the mind's eye of the author, or possible author, the ideal of a
   better or a best, which has put him out of all conceit with his good;
   meanwhile some other, having no ideal at all before him, either to
   stimulate or to repress, steps in and poorly fills the place which the
   other would have filled, if not excellently, yet reasonably, well. I
   repeat that thus saying, I am as far as possible from implicitly
   claiming for my book this quality of good; but still it may contain, I
   trust it does contain, enough of profit in it to justify me in giving
   it into the hands of men.

   And indeed, if there is much in the difficulties with which these
   Epistles abound to repel and deter, there is much also in these same
   difficulties to allure and attract. And not in these only. The number
   of aspects in which they present themselves to us as full of interest
   is extraordinary.

   For example, the points of peculiar attraction which they offer to the
   student of ecclesiastical history are many. Who are these Angels of the
   Churches? What do we learn from their evident preeminence in their
   several Churches, about the government and constitution of the Church
   in the later apostolic times? or is it lawful to draw any conclusions
   Again, was there a body of heretics actually bearing the name of
   Nicolaitans in the times of St. John? And those that had the doctrine
   of Balaam, and the followers of the woman Jezebel, with what heretics
   mentioned elsewhere shall we identify these? Or, once more, what is the
   worth of that historico-prophetical scheme of interpretation adopted by
   our own Joseph Mede and Henry More, and many others down even to the
   present day; who see in these seven Epistles the mystery of the whole
   evolution of the Church from the days of the Apostles to the close of
   the present dispensation? Was this so intended by the Spirit? or is it
   only a dream and fancy of men?

   Nor less is there a strong attraction in these Epistles for those who
   occupy themselves with questions of pure exegesis, from the fact of so
   many unsolved, or imperfectly solved, problems of interpretation being
   found in them. It is seldom within so small a compass that so many
   questions to which no answer with perfect confidence can be given,
   occur. What, for instance, is the exact meaning, and what the
   etymology, of chalkolibanos (i. 15; ii. 18)? what the interpretation of
   the white stone with the new name written upon it (ii. 17)? why is
   Pergamum called "Satan's seat" (ii. 13)? with many other questions of
   the same kind.

   Nor can any one, I think, attentively studying, fail to be struck with
   what one might venture to call the entire originality of these seven
   Epistles, with their entire unlikeness, in some points at least, to any
   thing else in Scripture. Contemplate, for instance, the titles of
   Christ here, "the Amen," "the Faithful and True Witness," "the
   Beginning of the Creation of God," "He that hath the seven Spirits of
   God," and others which I might name. While the analogy of faith is
   perfectly preserved, while there is no difficulty in harmonizing what
   is here said of Christ's person and offices with what is taught
   elsewhere, yet how wholly new a series of titles are these. It is the
   same with the promises; some, it is true, as "the tree of life," "the
   crown of life," "the new name," have been anticipated in other parts of
   Scripture, yet how many appear here for the first time; and set forth
   what Augustine so grandly calls "beatæ vitæ; magna secreta," under
   aspects as novel as they are animating and alluring; such are "the
   hidden manna," the "white stone," the "white raiment," the "pillar in
   the temple of God," and "the morning star." And very striking, as
   combined with this originality, with this free movement of the Spirit
   here, is the strict and rigid symmetrical arrangement of these
   Epistles, the way in which they are all laid out upon the same plan,
   distributed according to exactly the same ever-recurring laws. The
   surprise which we feel on tracing this for the first time, is similar
   to that which overtakes one who, attempting any thing like a critical
   study of the Psalms, discovers the rigid laws to which, so far as
   concerns the form, they are for the most part submitted, or rather,
   which they have imposed on themselves, and to which they delight to
   conform.

   Then, once more, the purely theological interest of these Epistles is
   great. I have already referred to the titles of Christ, the entirely
   novel aspects under which the glory of the Son of God is here set
   forth. But they have another and profounder interest. Assuredly there
   is enough in these two chapters alone to render Arianism entirely
   untenable by any one who, admitting their authority, should consent to
   be bound in their interpretation by the ordinary rules of fairness and
   truth. On this matter I have several times dwelt in the course of my
   interpretation. And, finally, the practical interest of these Epistles
   in their bearing on the whole pastoral and ministerial work is extreme.
   It is recorded of the admirable Bengel that it was his wont above all
   things to recommend the study of these Epistles to youthful ministers
   of Christ's word and sacraments. And indeed to them they are full of
   teaching, of the most solemn warning, of the strongest encouragement.
   We learn from these Epistles the extent to which the spiritual
   condition of a Church is dependent upon that of its pastors; the guilt,
   not merely of teaching, but of allowing, error; how there may be united
   much and real zeal for the form of sound words with a lamentable decay
   of the spirit of love; or, on the other hand, many works and active
   ministries of love, with only too languid a zeal for the truth once
   delivered; with innumerable lessons more. For one who has undertaken
   the awful ministry of souls, I know almost nothing in Scripture so
   searching, no threatenings so alarming, no promises so comfortable, as
   are some which these Epistles contain.

   Surely, if all this be so, it is very much to be regretted that while
   every chapter of every other book of the New Testament is set forth to
   be read in the Church, and, wherever there is daily service, is read in
   the Church, three times in the year, and some, or portions of some, are
   read oftener there, while even of the Apocalypse itself two chapters
   and portions of others have been admitted into the service, under no
   circumstances whatever can the second and third chapter ever be heard
   in the congregation. Any one who knows, or at all guesses, how small
   the amount of the private reading of the Scriptures among our people,
   and the extent, therefore, to which the stated public reading in the
   congregation is the source of whatever knowledge of it the great mass
   of our people possess, the means by which they are at all leavened by
   it, must deeply regret that chapters so rich in doctrine, in
   exhortation, in reproof, in promises, should thus be withheld from
   them. Certainly, if at any time a reconsideration of the portions- of
   Scripture appointed to be read in the Church should find place, the
   slight cast on these chapters, and in them on the Apocalypse itself,
   with the injury inflicted on the people by their total omission, ought
   not to be allowed to continue.

   But to bring these prefatory remarks to a close. Whether the attempt
   here made to draw out some of the riches contained in this portion of
   God's Word may have any interest for others, I know not: but for myself
   this volume must ever retain a very solemn interest. Besides the
   serious solemnity of giving any work that professes to be a work for
   God into the hands of men, I can never disconnect this book from two
   great sorrows which fell on me, while it was preparing for, and passing
   through, the press; sorrows which have left me far poorer than before;
   and yet, I would humbly hope, richer too, if better able to speak to
   others of truths whose price and value has been brought home with new
   power to myself; if theology has been thus more closely connected for
   me with life, and with life's toil and burden, from which it is ever in
   danger of being dissociated and divorced. It is my earnest hope that so
   it may prove; and in this hope I humbly commend my book, with all its
   shortcomings, to Him who can alone make it profitable to any.

   Deanery, Westminster,
   July 31, 1861.
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                                   COMMENTARY

    ON THE

                    EPISTLES TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES IN ASIA.

Revelation II. III.
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INTRODUCTION, Rev. i. 4-20.

   Ver. 4. "John to the seven Churches [1] in Asia."--So far as the
   Apocalypse is allowed to witness for its own authorship, it is
   difficult to refuse to find in these words a strong internal argument
   that we have here an authentic work of St. John. The writer avouches
   himself as "John;" but, though there may have been Johns many in the
   Church at this time, John the Presbyter and others, still it is
   well-nigh impossible to conceive any other but John the Apostle who
   would have named himself by this name alone, with no further style or
   addition. We instinctively feel that for any one else there would have
   been. an affectation of simplicity, concealing a most real arrogance,
   in the very plainness of this title, in the assumption that thus to
   mention himself was sufficient to ensure his recognition, or that he
   had a right to appropriate this name in so absolute a manner to
   himself. The unique position in the Church of St. John, the beloved
   Apostle, and now the sole surviving Apostle, the one remaining link
   between the faithful of this time and the earthly life of their Lord,
   abundantly justified in him that which would have ill become any other;
   just as a king or queen, as representative persons in a nation, will
   sign by their Christian names only, but not any other besides. Despite
   all which has been urged to avoid this conclusion, it is assuredly
   either John the Apostle and Evangelist who writes the Apocalypse; or
   one who, assuming his style and title, desires to pass himself off as
   John--in other words a falsarius. Are the opposers of St. John's
   authorship of this Book prepared for the alternative?

   Of the seven Churches which St. John addresses here I reserve to speak
   in particular when we reach the nominal enumeration of them (ver. 11);
   but as this is the only place where they are described as Churches "in
   Asia," it may be needful to say a few words concerning the "Asia" which
   is intended. We may trace two opposite movements going on in the names
   of countries, analogous to like movements which are continually finding
   place in other words. Sometimes they grow more and more inclusive, are
   applied in their later use to far wider tracts of the earth than they
   were in their earlier. It is thus with the name "Italy." Designating at
   one time only the extreme southern point of the central peninsula of
   Europe, the name crept up and up, till in the time of Augustus it
   obtained the meaning which it has ever since retained, including all
   within the Alps. "Holland" is another example in the same kind. Some
   names, on the other hand, of the widest reach at the beginning,
   gradually contract their meaning, till in the end they designate no
   more than a minute fraction of that which they designated at the
   beginning. "Asia" furnishes a good example of this. In the New
   Testament, as generally in the language of men when the New Testament
   was written, Asia meant not what it now means for us, and had once
   meant for the Greeks, one namely of the three great continents of the
   old world (Æschylus, Prom. 412; Pindar, Olymp. 7. 18; Herodotus, iv.
   38), nor yet even that region which geographers about the fourth
   century of our era began to call "Asia Minor;" but a strip of the
   western seaboard containing hardly a third portion of this: cf. 1 Pet.
   i. 1; Acts ii. 9; vi. 9. "Asia vestra," says Cicero (Pro Flacc. 27),
   addressing some Asiatics, "constat ex Phrygiâ, Mysiâ, Cariâ, Lydiâ;"
   its limits being nearly identical with those of the kingdom which
   Attalus III. bequeathed to the Roman people. Take "Asia" in this sense,
   and there will be little or no exaggeration in the words of the
   Ephesian silversmith, that "almost throughout all Asia" Paul had turned
   away much people from the service of idols (Acts xix. 26); words which
   must seem to exceed even the limits of an angry hyperbole to those not
   acquainted with this restricted use of the term.

   "Grace be unto you and peace."--This opening salutation may fitly
   remind us (for in reading the Apocalypse we are often in danger of
   forgetting it), that the Book is an Epistle, that, besides containing
   within its bosom those seven briefer Epistles addressed severally to
   the seven Churches in particular, it is itself an Epistle addressed to
   them as a whole, and as representing in their mystic unity all the
   Churches, or the Church (ii. 7, 11, 23, &c.). Of this larger Epistle,
   namely the Apocalypse itself, these seven Churches are the original
   receivers; not as having a nearer or greater interest in it than any
   other portion of the Universal Church; though as members of that Church
   they have an interest in it as near and great as can be conceived (i.
   3; xxii. 18, 19); but on account of this their representative
   character, of which there will be occasion presently to speak. And
   being such an Epistle, it opens with the most frequently recurring
   apostolic salutation: "Grace and peace." This is the constant
   salutation of St. Paul (Rom. i. 7; 1 Cor. i. 3, &c.), with only the
   exception of the two Epistles to Timothy, where "mercy" finds place
   between "grace and peace;" cf. 2 John 3; the salutation also of St.
   Peter in both his Epistles; while St. James employs the less
   distinctively Christian "greeting" (chairein, i. 1; cf. Acts xxiii.
   26).

   "From Him which is and which was, and which is to come."--On the
   departure from the ordinary rules of grammar, and apparent violation of
   them in these words, apo ho on kai ho en kai ho erchomenos, there will
   be something more to say when we reach the first clause of the next
   verse. Doubtless the immutability of God, "the same yesterday, and
   to-day, and for ever" (Heb. xiii. 8), is intended to be expressed in
   this immutability of the name of God, in this absolute resistance to
   change or even modification which that name here presents. "I am the
   Lord; I change not" (Mal. iii. 6), this is what is here declared; and
   there could be no stronger consolation for the faithful than thus to be
   reminded that He who is from everlasting to everlasting, "with whom is
   no variableness, neither shadow of turning" (Jam. i. 17), was on their
   side; how then should they "be afraid of a man that shall die, and the
   son of man which shall be made as grass" (Isai. li. 12, 13)?

   And yet we must not understand the words, "and which is to come," as
   though they declared the "æternitas a parte post" in the same way as
   "which was" expresses the "æternitas a parte ante." It is difficult to
   understand how so many should assume without further question that ho
   erchomenos here is = ho esomenos, and that thus we have the eternity of
   God expressed here, so far as it can be expressed, in forms of time:
   "He who was, and is, and shall be." But how ho erchomenos should ever
   have this significance it is hard to perceive. There is a certain
   ambiguity about our translation; it cannot be accused of incorrectness;
   yet, on the other hand, one does not feel sure that when our
   Translators rendered, "which is to come," they did not mean "which is
   to be." The Rheims, which is here kept right by the Vulgate ("et qui
   venturus est"), so renders the words as to exclude ambiguity, "and
   which shall come." If any urge that "which is, and which was," present
   and past, require to be completed with a future, "and which shall be,"
   to this it may be replied, that plainly they do not require to be so
   completed, seeing that at xi. 17, no such complement finds place; for
   the words kai ho erchomenos, have no right to a place there in the
   text. And then, on the other hand, there is every thing to recommend
   the grammatical interpretation. What is the key-note to this whole
   Book? Surely it is, "I come quickly. The world seems to have all things
   its own way, to kill my servants; but I come quickly." With this
   announcement the Book begins, i. 7; with this it ends, xxii. 7, 12, 20;
   and this is a constantly recurring note through it all, ii. 5, 16; iii.
   11; vi. 17; xi. 18; xiv. 7; xvi. 15; xviii. 20. It is Christ's word of
   comfort, or, where they need it, of warning, to his friends; of terror
   to his foes. Origen further notes the evidence which this language,
   rightly interpreted, yields for the equal divinity of the Son with the
   Father (De Princ. § 10): "Ut autem unam et eandem omnipotentiam Patris
   ac Filii esse cognoscas, audi hoc modo Joannem in Apocalypsi dicentem,
   Haec dicit Dominus Deus, qui est, et qui erat, et qui venturus est,
   omnipotens. Qui enim venturus est, quis est alius nisi
   Christus?"--There should be no comma dividing "which is" from the
   clause following, "and which was." These rather form one sentence,
   which is to be balanced with the other, "and which is to come."

   "And from the seven Spirits which are before his throne."--Some have
   understood by "the seven Spirits," the seven principal Angels, the
   heavenly realities of which "the seven princes of Persia and Media,
   which saw the king's face, and which sat the first in the kingdom"
   (Esth. i. 14), the "seven counsellors" (Ezra vii. 14), were a kind of
   earthly copy; room for whom had been found in the later Jewish
   angelology (Tob. xii. 15), and the seal of allowance set on the number
   seven in this very Book (Rev. viii. 2). And these have not been merely
   Roman Catholic expositors, such as Bossuet and Ribera, tempted to this
   interpretation by their zeal for the worshipping of Angels; but others
   with no such temptations, as Beza, Hammond, Mede (in a sermon on Zech.
   iv. 10, Works, 1672, p. 40; cf. pp. 833, 908). They claim some of the
   Fathers for predecessors in the same line of interpretation; Hilary,
   for example, Tract. in Ps. 118, Lit. 21, § 5. Clement of Alexandria is
   also claimed by Hammond; but neither in the passage cited nor in the
   context (Strom. vi. 16) can I find that he affirms anything of the
   kind. But this interpretation, which after all is that only of a small
   minority either of ancients or moderns, must be rejected without
   hesitation. Angels, often as they are mentioned in this Book, are never
   called "Spirits." So too, in testimony of their ministering condition,
   their creaturely state, they always stand (Rev. viii. 2; Luke i. 19; 1
   Kings xxii. 19, 21), but these Spirits "are" (estin) before the throne.
   Again, how is it possible to conceive the Apostle desiring grace and
   peace to the Church from the Angels, let them be the chiefest Angels
   which are, and not from God alone? or how can we imagine Angels,
   created beings, interposed here between the Father and the Son, and
   thus set as upon an equal level with Them; the Holy Ghost meanwhile
   being omitted, as according to this interpretation He must be, in this
   solemn salutation of the Churches Where again would be the singular
   glory claimed for Himself by the Son in those words, "He that hath the
   seven Spirits of God" (iii. 1)? what transcendant prerogative in the
   fact that these Angels, no less than all created things, were within
   his dominion?

   There is no doubt that by "the seven Spirits" we are to understand, not
   indeed the sevenfold operations of the Holy Ghost, but the Holy Ghost
   sevenfold in his operations. Neither need there be any difficulty in
   reconciling this interpretation, as Mede urges, with the doctrine of
   his personality. It is only that He is regarded here not so much in his
   personal unity, as in his manifold energies; for "there are diversities
   of gifts, but the same Spirit" (1 Cor. xii. 4). The matter could not be
   put better than it is by Richard of St. Victor: "Et a septem
   Spiritibus, id est, a septiformi Spiritu, qui simplex quidem est per
   naturam, septiformis per gratiam;" and compare Delitzsch, Bibl.
   Psychologie, pp. 34, 147. The manifold gifts, operations, energies of
   the Holy Ghost are here represented under the number seven, being, as
   it is, the number of completeness in the Church. We have anticipations
   of this in the Old Testament. When the prophet Isaiah would describe
   how the Spirit should be given not by measure to Him whose name is The
   Branch, the enumeration of the gifts is sevenfold (xi. 2); and the
   seven eyes which rest upon the stone which the Lord has laid can mean
   nothing else but this (Zech. iii. 9; cf. iv. 10; Rev. v. 6). On the
   number "seven," and its significance in Scripture and elsewhere, but
   above all in this Book, there will be something presently to be said.

   Ver. 5. "And from Jesus Christ, who is the faithful witness."--In the
   last of these seven Epistles He calls Himself "the faithful and true
   witness" (iii. 14); as, therefore, we shall meet these words again, and
   they will be there more conveniently dealt with, I will not now do more
   than quote Richard of St. Victor's noble comment upon them: "Testis
   fidelis, quia de omnibus quæ per Eum testificanda erant in mundo
   testimonium fidele perhibuit. Testis fidelis, quia quæcunque audivit a
   Patre fideliter discipulis suis nota fecit. Testis fidelis, quia viam
   Dei in veritate docuit, nec Ei cura de aliquo fuit, nec personas
   hominum respexit. Testis fidelis, quia reprobis damnationem, et electis
   salvationem nunciavit. Testis fidelis, quia veritatem quam verbis
   docuit, miraculis confirmavit. Testis fidelis, quia testimonium Sibi a
   Patre nec in morte negavit. Testis fidelis, quia de operibus malorum et
   bonorum in die judicii testimonium verum dabit."--A reference to the
   original, where the nominative ho martus ho pistos is in apposition to
   the genitive Iesou Christou, will show that we have here one of the
   many departures from the ordinary grammatical construction, with which
   this Book abounds. The officious emendations of transcribers have
   caused a large number of these, though not this-one, to disappear from
   our received text; but in any critical edition of the Greek original we
   are struck by their immense multitude. To regard these, which some have
   done, as evidences of St. John's helplessness in the management of
   Greek, is to regard them altogether fromn a wrong point of view.
   Rather, we should say, to take the case immediately before us, the
   doctrinal interest here overbears the grammatical. Düsterdieck very
   well: "Das Gewicht der Vorstellungen selbst durchbricht die Schranken
   der regelrechten Form; die abrupte Redeweise hebt die gewaltige
   Selbstindigkeit aller drei Prädicate." At all costs that all-important
   ho martus ho pistos, with the other two titles of the Lord which
   follow, shall be maintained in the dignity and emphasis of the casus
   rectus. Cf. xx. 2, where ho ophis ho archaios (changed in the received
   text into ton ophin ton archaion) is in like manner in apposition to
   ton drakonta, and compare further xiv. 12; but above all, and as making
   quite clear that St. John adopted these constructions with his eyes
   open, and for a distinct purpose, the remarkable apo ho on k. t. l.. of
   the verse preceding that now under consideration. [2]

   "The first begotten of the dead."--Cf. Col. i. 18, where very nearly
   the same language occurs, and the same title is given to the Lord: ho
   prototokos ton nekron here, prot. ek t. nekron there. The phrases are
   not precisely identical in meaning; and even were they so, the
   suggestion of Hengstenberg, that St. John here builds upon St. Paul,
   setting his seal to the prior Apostle's word, seems to me highly
   unnatural. Glorious as this language is, who does not feel how easily
   two Apostles, quite independent of one another, might have arrived at
   it to express the same blessed truth? Christ is indeed "the first
   begotten of the dead," notwithstanding that such raisings from the
   grave as that of the widow's son and Lazarus went before. There was for
   them no repeal of the sentence of death, but a respite only; not to say
   that even during their period of respite they carried about with them a
   body of death. Christ first so rose from the dead, that He did not, and
   could not, die any more (Rom. vi. 9); in this respect was "the
   first-fruits of them that slept" (1 Cor. xv. 20, 23), the Prince of
   life (Acts iii. 15). Alcuin: "Primogenitus ideo dicitur quia nullus
   ante Ipsum non moriturus surrexit." In this "first begotten" (or "first
   born from the dead," as it is Col. i. 18), I do not see the image of
   the grave as the womb that bare him (lusas tas odinas tou thanatou,
   Acts ii. 24); but remembering how often tiktein = gennan, I should
   rather put this passage in connection with Ps. ii. 7, "Thou art my Son;
   this day have I begotten Thee." It will doubtless be remembered that
   St. Paul (Acts xiii. 33; cf. Heb. i. 5) claims the fulfilment of these
   words not in the eternal generation before all time of the Son; still
   less in his human conception in the Blessed Virgin's womb; but rather
   in his resurrection from the dead; "declared to be the Son of God with
   power by the resurrection from the dead" (Rom. i. 4). On that verse in
   Ps. ii., and with reference to Acts xiii. 32, Hilary, the depth and
   distinctly theological value of whose exposition seems to me at this
   day very imperfectly recognised, has these words: "Filius meus es Tu,
   Ego hodie genui Te; non ad Virginis partum, neque ad eam quæ ante
   tempora est generationem, sed ad primogenitum ex mortuis pertinere
   apostolica auctoritas est." To Him first, to Him above all others, God
   said on that day when He raised Him from the dead, and gave Him glory,
   "Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten Thee."

   "And the Prince of the kings of the earth."--A manifest reference to
   Ps. ii. 2, where the "kings of the earth" (compare Rev. vi. 15, for the
   same phrase used in the same sense), appear in open rebellion against
   the Christ of God; cf. Acts iv. 26; Ps. cx. 5; lxxxix. 27; Isai. lii.
   15; Matt. xxviii. 18. Such a "Prince of the kings of the earth" He
   becomes in the exaltation which follows on and is most closely
   connected with his humiliation (Phil. ii. 9; Ps. lxxxix. 27); and shows
   Himself such at his glorious coming, as set forth in the later parts of
   this Book, "Lord of lords, and King of kings" (xvii. 14; xix, 16),
   breaking in pieces all of those "kings of the earth" who set themselves
   in battle array against Him, receiving the homage of all who are wise
   in time (Ps. ii. 10-12), and bring their glory and honour to lay them
   at his feet, and to receive them back at his hands (Rev. xxi. 24).

   "Unto Him that hath loved us, and washed us from our sins in his own
   blood."--The words are richer still in comfort, when we read, as we
   ought, agaponti, and not agapesanti: "Unto Him that loves us," whose
   love rests evermore on his redeemed. There is in the Greek theology an
   old and often-recurring play on the words lutron and loutron, words so
   nearly allied in sound, and both expressing so well, though under
   images entirely diverse, the central benefits which redound to us
   through the sacrifice of the death of Christ. It is indeed older than
   this, and is implicitly involved in the etymology of Apollo, which
   Plato, whether in jest or in earnest, puts into the mouth of Socrates'
   Cratylus, 405 B.): ho apolouon te kai apoluon ton kakon, these kaka
   being impurities of the body and of the soul. This near resemblance
   between luein and louein has given rise to a very interesting variety
   of readings here. Whichever reading we adopt, lusanti or lousanti, "who
   released us," or "who washed us," the words yield a beautiful meaning,
   as in either case they link themselves on to a whole circle of imagery
   already hallowed and consecrated by Scripture use. If we adopt lusanti,
   the passage then connects itself with all those which speak of Christ
   having given Himself as a lutron (Matt. xx. 28), as an antilutron for
   us (1 Tim. ii. 6; cf. 1 Pet. i. 18; Heb. ix. 12); as redeeming or
   purchasing us (Gal. iii. 13; iv. 5; Rev. v. 9; xiv. 3, 4); and somewhat
   more remotely withas many as describe the condition of sin as a
   condition of bondage, and Christ as having obtained freedom for us. If
   on the other hand we read lousanti, then the passage connects itself
   with such others as Ps. li. 4; Isai. i. 16, 18; Ezek. xxxvi. 25; Rev.
   vii. 14; as Acts xxii. 16; Ephes. v. 26; Tit. iii. 5; so, too, with all
   those which describe the katharismos, the katharizein, as the end of
   Christ's death (1 John i. 7); and somewhat more remotely with as many
   as under types of the Levitical law set forth the benefits of this
   heavenly washing (Num. xix. 17-21). The weight of external evidence is
   so nearly balanced that it is very difficult to say on which side it
   predominates. For lousanti, the reading of the received text, adopted
   by our Translators, there is B, the Vulgate ("et lavit nos"), Bengel,
   Tischendorf, Tregelles; for lusanti, A, C, and among critical editions,
   Mill and Lachmann. But the internal evidence I confess appears to ime
   very much in favour of retaining the reading of the received text, the
   poetic lousanti so agreeable to the poetic character of this Book,
   rather than the somewhat flat lusanti. Then it is quite true that
   redemption may be contemplated as a louein en to haimati, but by how
   much better right, and with how much livelier imagery as a louein en to
   haimati, and certainly Rev. vii. 14 points strongly this way.

   Ver. 6. "And hath made us kings and priests unto God and his
   Father."--Or rather, and according to the reading which must be
   preferred, "And hath made us a kingdom [epoiesen hemas basileian],
   priests unto God and his Father" ("Et fecit nos regnum, et sacerdotes
   Deo," Vulgate). There is a certain apparent inconcinnity in the
   abstract basileian joined with the concrete hiereis, but there can be
   no question about the reading, and the meaning remains exactly the
   same; except, indeed, that instead of the emphasis being equally
   distributed between the two words, the larger portion of it now falls
   on the first; and this agrees with the prominence given to the reigning
   of the saints in this Book (v. 10; xx. 4, 6; xxii. 5: cf. Dan. vii. 18,
   22).--The royal priesthood of the redeemed (see Exod. xix. 6; 1 Pet.
   ii. 9) flows out of the royal priesthood of the Redeemer, a priest for
   ever after the order of Melchizedek (Ps. cx. 4; Zech. vi. 13). That the
   whole number of the redeemed shall in the world of glory have been made
   "priests unto God" is the analogon as regards persons to the new
   Jerusalem being without temple, in other words, being all temple, which
   is declared further on (xxi. 22); it is the abolition of the
   distinction between holy and profane (Zech. xiv. 20, 21) nearer and
   more remote from God, through all being henceforth holy, all being
   brought to the nearest whereof it is capable, to Him.

   "To Him be glory and dominion for ever and ever. Amen."--Cf. 1 Pet. iv.
   11. A fuller doxology, being threefold, occurs iv. 9, 11; and a fuller
   yet, being fourfold, at v. 13; cf. Jude 25; and the fullest of all, the
   sevenfold doxology, at vii. 12; cf. 1 Chron. xxix. 11. A study of
   these, and a comparison of them with one another, would amply repay the
   pains bestowed upon it; above all, if it served to remind us of the
   prominence which the doxological element assumes in the highest worship
   of the Church, the very subordinate place which it oftentimes takes in
   ours. We can perhaps make our requests known unto God; and this is
   well, for it is prayer; but to give glory to God, quite apart from
   anything to be directly gotten by ourselves in return, this is better,
   for it is adoration; but it is rarer also, no less than better.

   Ver. 7. "Behold, He cometh with clouds."--The constant recurrence of
   this language in all descriptions of our Lord's second advent is very
   remarkable (Dan. vii. 13; Matt. xxiv. 30; xxvi. 64; Mark xiv. 62), and
   all the meaning of it will scarcely be attained till that great day of
   the Lord shall have itself arrived. This much seems certain, namely,
   that this accompaniment of clouds (it is meta ton nephelon) belongs not
   to the glory and gladness, but to the terror and anguish, of that day;
   as indeed the context of the present passage would indicate. The clouds
   have nothing in common with the light-cloud, the nephele photeine
   (Matt. xvii. 5), "the glorious privacy of light" into which the Lord
   was withdrawn for a while from the eyes of his disciples at the
   Transfiguration, but are rather the symbols of wrath, fit
   accompaniments of judgment: "Clouds and darkness are round about Him;
   righteousness and judgment are the habitation of his throne" (Ps.
   xcvii. 2; cf. xviii. 11; Nah. i. 3; Isai. xix. 1).

   "And every eye shall see him, and they also which pierced him, and all
   kindreds of the earth shall wail because of Him. Even so, Amen."--It
   will sometimes happen that a prophecy, severe in the Old Testament, by
   some gracious turn will be transformed from a threat to a promise in
   the New; thus, the "day of visitation" of St. Peter (1 Ep. ii. 12) is
   another from the "day of visitation" of the prophets,--that to be hoped
   for, this to be feared. But it is not so here. There is indeed a turn,
   yet not from the severe to the gracious, but the contrary. The words of
   the prophet Zechariah (xii. 10), on which this passage and John xix. 37
   in common rest, are words of grace: "They shall look upon Me, whom they
   have pierced, and they shall mourn for Him." They express the profound
   repentance of the Jews, when the veil shall be at length taken from
   their hearts, and they shall behold in Jesus of Nazareth, whom they
   crucified, the Son of God, the King of Israel. But it cannot be denied
   that in their adaptation here they speak quite another language. They
   set forth the despair of the sinful world, of all the tribes of the
   earth (cf. Matt. xxiv. 30), when Christ the Judge shall come to execute
   judgment on all that obeyed not his gospel, who pierced Him with their
   sins; their remorse and despair, but give no hint of their repentance.
   The closing words, "Even so, Amen," are not to be taken as the
   prophet's devout acquiescence in the terribleness of that
   judgment-day,--a comparison with xxii. 20 might easily lead an English
   reader into this misunderstanding of them,--but as God's own seal and
   ratification of his own word.

   Ver. 8. "I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the ending, saith the
   Lord."--Cf. xxi. 6, where the words "the beginning and the ending" have
   a right to a place in the text; but not here; having been transferred
   from thence, without any authority at all. He who is "Alpha and Omega"
   (or better, "Alpha and O"), and thus indeed "the beginning and the
   ending," and "the first and the last" (i. 17; ii. 8), leaves no room
   for any other; is indeed the only I AM; and beside Him there is no God.
   Thus Clement of Alexandria (Strom. iv. 25): kuklos gar ho Huios pason
   ton dunameon eis hen eiloumenon kai henoumenon; dia touto Alpha kai O
   earetai; and Tertullian, bringing out the unity of the Old and New
   Testaments, and the manner in which the glorious consummations of the
   latter attach themselves to the glorious commencements of the former
   (De Monog. v.): "Sic et duas Græciæ litteras summam et ultimam sibi
   induit Dominus, initii et finis concurrentium in se figuras; uti
   quemadmodum a ad o usque volvitur, et rursus o ad a explicatur, ita
   ostenderet in se esse et initii decursum ad finem, et finis recursum ad
   initium; ut omnis dispositio in Eum desinens, per quem coe pta est, per
   Sermonem scilicet Dei qui caro factus est, proinde desit quemadmodum et
   coe pit."

   "Which is and which was, and which is to come, the Almighty."--Cf. ver.
   4. Pantokrator, which only occurs once in the New Testament (2 Cor. vi.
   18) except in this Book, is a constant word in the Septuagint. "The
   Lord of Hosts" of the Hebrew is there sometimes kurios dunameon, or
   stration, or sabaoth but oftener, I think, kurios pantokrator, as at
   Jer. iii. 19; Amos iii. 13; Hab. ii. 13. It is clear that the Old
   Testament uses of pantokrator, so very distinctly fixed as they are,
   must quite overrule and determine the New Testament employment of it;
   and thus the ingenious speculations of Gregory of Nyssa, and other
   Greek Fathers (see Suicer, s. v.), in which they seek a special meaning
   for it, and find it to express of God, that He holds all creation in
   his grasp, preserving it from that ruin and collapse which would at
   once overtake it, if not evermore sustained by his creative Word, prove
   nothing worth. This, grand an attribute as it is of the Godhead (Heb.
   i. 3), is assuredly not that which specially lies in pantokrator, for
   it is not that which it brought from the earlier Covenant.

   Ver. 9. "I John, who also am your brother."--The only other writer
   either in the Old Testament or the New who uses this style is
   Daniel--"I Daniel" (vii. 28; ix. 2; x. 2). It is one of the many points
   of resemblance, small and great, between this Book and that of Daniel.
   The kai, represented by "also" in our Version, and modifying this whole
   clause, should have no place in the text. It may have been suggested by
   1 Pet. v. 1; and was probably inserted by some who esteemed ho adelphos
   humon too humble a title for one of the great pillars of the Church;
   and by that kai would make him to say, "who, being an Apostle, am also
   a brother."

   "And companion in tribulation, and in the kingdom and patience of Jesus
   Christ."--It has been sometimes asked, When was that prophecy and
   promise fulfilled concerning John, that he should drink of his Lord's
   cup, and be baptized with his Lord's baptism (Matt. xx. 22)? The
   fulfilment of this promise and prophecy as it regarded his brother
   James is plain; when the sword of Herod was dyed with his blood (Acts
   xii. 2). It was answered rightly by Origen long ago (In Matt. tom. xvi.
   § 6, in fine), Here--in this his banishment to Patmos; not thereby
   denying that there must have been a life-long thlipsis for such an one
   as the Apostle John, but only affirming that the words found their most
   emphatic fulfilment now. Let us not fail to observe the connexion and
   the sequence--"tribulation" first, and "the kingdom" afterwards; on
   which Richard of St. Victor well: "Recte præmisit, in tribulatione, et
   post addit, in regno, quia si compatimur, et corregnabimus" (2 Tim. ii.
   12; cf. Rom. viii. 17; 1 Pet. iv. 13). As yet, however, while the
   tribulation is present, the kingdom is only in hope; therefore he adds
   to these, as that which is the link between them, "and patience of
   Jesus Christ;" cf. Acts xiv. 22, where exactly these same three, the
   tribulation, the patience, and the kingdom occur. Hupomone, which we
   have rendered "patience," is not so much the "patientia" as the
   "perseverentia" of the Latin; which last word Cicero (De Invent. ii.
   54) thus defines: "In ratione bene consideratâ stabilis et perpetua
   mansio;" and Augustine (Quæst. lxxxiii. qu. 31): "Honestatis aut
   utilitatis causâ rerum arduarum ac difficilium voluntaria ac diuturna
   perpessio." It is indeed a beautiful word, expressing the brave
   patience of the Christian--basilis ton areton, Chrysostom does not fear
   to call it.

   "I was in the isle that is called Patmos, for the word of God, and for
   the testimony of Jesus Christ."--Patmos, now Patmo or Palmosa, one of
   the Sporades, a little rocky island in the Icarian Sea, S.-W. of
   Ephesus, a spot in itself utterly insignificant, would have remained
   unknown and almost unnamed, if this mention here had not given to it a
   name and a fame in the Church for ever. This its entire previous
   insignificance is slightly, yet unmistakably, indicated in the words
   "that is called Patmos." St. John does not assume his readers to be
   familiar with it, any more than St. Mark, writing for those living at a
   distance from Palestine, with the Jordan (cf. Mark i. 5 with Matt. iii.
   5). It is not so that a well-known island, Crete or Cyprus, is
   introduced (Acts xiii. 4). The deportation of criminals, or those
   accounted as such, to rocky and desolate islands was, as is well known,
   a common punishment among the Romans. Titus, according to Suetonius,
   banished some delators "in asperrimas insularum" (Tit. 8; cf. Juvenal,
   i. 73).

   The unprejudiced reader will hardly be persuaded that St. John sets
   himself forth here as any other than such a constrained dweller in
   Patmos, one who had been banished thither "for the word of God, and for
   the testimony of Jesus Christ." Those modern interpreters who find in
   these words no reference to any such suffering for the truth's sake,
   but only a statement on the writer's part that he was in the isle of
   Patmos for the sake of preaching the Word of God, or, as others, for
   the sake of receiving a communication of the Word of God, refuse the
   obvious meaning of the words, which moreover a comparison with vi. 9;
   xx. 4, seems to me to render imperative, for one which, if it also may
   possibly lie in them, has nothing but this bare possibility in its
   favour. It is difficult not to think that these interpreters have been
   unconsciously influenced by a desire to get rid of the strong testimony
   for St. John's authorship of the Book which lies in the consent of this
   declaration with that which early ecclesiastical history tells us about
   him, namely, that for his steadfastness in the faith of Christ he was
   by Domitian banished to Patmos, and only released at the accession of
   Nerva. The Apocalypse, it is worth observing by the way, has all
   internal evidence of having been thus written in time of persecution
   and by a confessor of the truth. The whole Book breathes the very air
   of martyrdom. Oftentimes slighted by the Church in times of prosperity,
   it is made much of, and its preciousness, as it were, instinctively
   discovered, in times of adversity and fiery trial. This Bengel has well
   observed:--"In tribulatione fidelibus maxime hic liber sapit. Asiatica
   Ecclesia, præsertim a floridissimo Constantini tempore, minus magni
   æstimavit hunc librum. Africana Ecclesia, cruci magis obnoxia, semper
   hunc librum plurimi fecit." Tertullian may be quoted in proof of this
   assertion. How often does he seek, now to strengthen the faithful with
   the promises, and now to terrify the fearful with the threatenings, of
   this Book (Scorp. 12; De Cor. 15); and compare Cyprian, De Exhort.
   Mart. passim.

   Ver. 10. "I was in the Spirit on the Lord's day."--In one sense the
   faithful are always "in the Spirit;" they are "spiritual" (1 Cor. iii.
   1, 15); are "led by the Spirit" (Rom. viii. 14); "walk in the Spirit"
   (Gal. v. 16, 25). But here, and at iv. 2; xxi. 10 (cf. Ezek. xl. 2, "in
   the visions of God"), the words are used in an eminent and peculiar
   sense; they describe not the habitual condition of faithful men, but an
   exceptional condition, differing from the other not in degree only, but
   in kind; a condition in which there is a suspension of all the motions
   and faculties of the natural life; that a higher life may be called,
   during and through this suspension, into a preternatural activity. It
   is the state of trance or ecstasy, that is, of standing out of oneself
   (theia exallage ton eiothoton nomimon Plato calls it, Phædrus, 265 A,
   and on its positive side, enthousiasmos, so often described in
   Scripture as the condition of men to whom God would speak more directly
   (Acts x. 10; cf. xi. 5; xxii. 17); the antithesis to it, or the return
   out of it, being a genomenos en heauto (Acts xii. 11); en to noi (1
   Cor. xiv. 14). [3] St. Paul exactly describes the experience of one who
   has passed through this state, 2 Cor. xii. 2-4. That world of spiritual
   realities is one from which man is comparatively estranged so long as
   he dwells in this house of clay; he has need to be transported out of
   himself, before he can find himself in the midst of and come into
   direct contact with it. Here we have the explanation of the fact that
   the Lord never was "in the Spirit," namely, because He was always "in
   the Spirit," because He always moved in that region as his proper haunt
   and home.

   Separated in body from the fellowship of the faithful, the beloved
   Apostle was yet keeping with them the weekly feast of the resurrection
   on the day which the Lord had made for ever peculiarly his own. It was,
   as he is careful to declare to us, "on the Lord's Day," which occupied
   for the Church the place occupied by the Sabbath for the Jews, that he
   thus passed out of himself, and was drawn within the veil, and heard
   unspeakable words, and beheld things which, unless they had been shown
   by God, must have remained for ever hidden from mortal gaze; Some have
   assumed from this passage that hemera kuriake was a designation of
   Sunday already familiar among Christians. This, however, seems a
   mistake. The name had probably its origin here. A little later we find
   hemera kuriake familiar to Ignatius, as "Dominica solemnia" to
   Tertullian (De Animâ, c. 9; cf. Dionysius of Corinth, quoted by
   Eusebins, II. E. iv. 23, 8; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. vii. 12;
   Origen, Con. Cels. viii. 22). But though the name, "the Lord's Day,"
   will very probably have had here its rise (the actual form of the
   phrase may have been suggested by kuriakon deipnon, 1 Cor. xi.
   20),--the thing, the celebration of the first day of the week as that
   on which the Lord brake the bands of death, and became the head of a
   new creation, called therefore sometimes anastasiimos hemera, this was
   as old as Christianity itself (John xx. 24-29; 1 Cor. xvi. 2; Acts xx.
   7; Ep. of Barnabas, c. 15: agomen ten hemeran ten ogdoen eis
   euphrosunen: cf. Suicer, s. v. kuriake). The strange fancy of some that
   hemera kur]ake means here "the day of the Lord," in the sense of "the
   day of judgment," intended as it is to subserve a scheme of Apocalyptic
   interpretation which certainly needs ally support which it can any
   where find, has been abundantly refuted by Alford.

   "And I heard behind me a great voice, as of a trumpet."--The wondrous
   vision which the Seer shall behold does not break upon him all at once;
   he first hears behind him "a voice, great as of a trumpet," summoning
   his attention, and preparing him for the still greater sight which he
   shall see. It is a "great voice," as the voice of the Lord must ever be
   (Ps. xxix. 3-9; lxviii. 33; Dan. x. 6; Matt. xxiv. 31; 1 Thess. iv.
   16); a voice penetrating and clear, "as of a trumpet;" in which
   comparison there may be allusion, as Hengstenberg is sure there is, to
   the divinely-instituted rule of calling together by a trumpet the
   congregation of the Lord, when He had any thing to impart to them (Num.
   x. 2; Exod. xix. 16, 19; Joel ii. 1, 15; Matt. xxiv. 31; 1 Thess. iv.
   16); although this to me does not seem very probable.

   "Saying, What thou seest, write in a book, and send it to the seven
   Churches which are in Asia; unto Ephesus, and unto Smyrna, and unto
   Pergamos, and unto Thyatira, and unto Sardis, and unto Philadelphia,
   and unto Laodicea."--The words, "I am Alpha and Omega, the first and
   the last," which in our Version follow immediately after "Saying," have
   no right whatever to stand in the text. It is disputed whether the
   "book" which St. John is to write, and having written, to send to the
   seven Churches, is this whole Book of the Apocalypse, or only the seven
   shorter Epistles contained in chapters ii. and iii. Hengstenberg
   affirms the last; but against the great body of interpreters, and, as I
   am persuaded, wrongly. "What thou seest" must in that case be
   restrained to ver. 12-16 of this present chapter. All the rest, to the
   end of chap. iii., he will have heard; but-will have seen nothing; and
   moreover ver. 19 is decisive that what he is to write of is more than
   that which he has then seen: "Write the things which thou hast seen,
   and the things which are, and the things which shall be hereafter."

   Doubtless it is not for nothing that seven Churches, neither more nor
   less, are here named. The reason of this lies deeper than some suggest,
   who will have these seven to include all the principal Churches of
   Asia; whatever others there were being merely annexed to these. But
   taking into account the rapid spread of the Gospel in the regions of
   Asia Minor as recorded in Scripture (Acts xix. 9; 1 Cor. xvi. 9), and
   in other historical documents of a date very little later, we cannot
   doubt that toward the end of the life of St. John there were
   flourishing and important Churches in many other cities of that region
   besides these seven; that if the first purpose of the great ascended
   Bishop of the Church had been to bring under spiritual review the whole
   Church of Asia, in this case Colosse, to which St. Paul addressed an
   Epistle, and Hierapolis, where was already the nucleus of a Church in
   the Apostle's time (Col. iv. 13), and where a little later Papias was
   bishop, and Miletus, the scene of apostolic labours (Acts xx. 17), and
   Tralles, called by Cicero "gravis, ornata et locuples civitas," to the
   Church in which city Ignatius wrote an epistle some twenty years later,
   as he did to that in Magnesia as well, these with others would scarcely
   have been passed by. [4] But what we may call the mystical or symbolic
   interest overhears and predominates over the actual. No doubt this
   actual was sufficiently provided for in another way, and these seven
   words of warning and encouragement so penetrated to the heart of things
   that, meeting the needs of these seven Churches, they also met the
   needs of all others subsisting in similar, or nearly similar
   conditions. Typical and representative Churches, these embodied, one or
   another of them, I will not say all the great leading aspects of the
   Church in its faithfulness or its unfaithfulness; but they embodied a
   great many, the broadest and the oftenest recurring. [5] The seven must
   in this point of view be regarded as constituting a complex whole, as
   possessing an ideal completeness. Christ, we feel sure, could not have
   placed Himself in the relation which He does to them, as holding in his
   hand the seven stars, walking among the seven golden candlesticks,
   these stars being the Angels of the Churches, and the candlesticks the
   Churches themselves, unless they ideally represented and set forth, in
   some way or other, the universal Church, militant here upon earth.

   But this, which I have here rather assumed than proved, together with
   another question, namely, whether besides possessing this typical and
   representative character, these seven Epistles are not also
   historico-prophetical, do not unfold the future of the Church's
   fortunes to the end of time, seven successive stages and periods of its
   growth and history, has been so eagerly discussed, has, strangely
   enough, roused so much theological passion, that I am unwilling to
   treat the subject with the brevity which a place in this exposition
   would require. I must therefore refer the reader to al Excursus at the
   end of the volume, in which I have traced, rapidly indeed, but with
   some attempt at completeness, a sketch of the controversy, and have
   stated, and sought to justify, the conclusions on the points in debate
   at which I have myself arrived.

   "And I turned to see the voice that spake with me. And being turned, I
   saw seven golden candlesticks." Luchnia is a word condemned by the
   Greek purists, who prefer luchnion (Lobeck, Phrynichus, p. 313). The
   "seven candlesticks"--the rendering is not a very happy one, though it
   is not very plain how it should be bettered--send us back, and are
   intended to send us back, to the seven-branched candlestick, or
   candelabrum, which bears ever the same name of luchnia in the
   Septuagint (Exod. xxv. 31; cf. Heb. ix. 2; Philo, Quis Rer. Div. Hær.
   44; Josephus, B. J. v. 5. 5); the six arms of which with the central
   shaft (kalamiskoi, Exod. xxv. 31; kladoi, Philo, Vit. Mos. iii. 9),
   made up the mystical seven, each with its several lamp (luchnos, Zech.
   iv. 2). Nor is this the first occasion when that portion of the
   furniture of the tabernacle has had a higher mystical meaning ascribed
   to it. Already in the candlestick all of gold, which Zechariah saw (iv.
   2), there was an anticipation of this image; being one of the many
   remarkable points of contact between his prophecies and the Apocalypse.
   Here, however, it is not one candlestick with seven branches which St.
   John beholds; but rather seven separate candlesticks. Nor is it without
   a meaning that the seven thus take the place of the one. The Jewish
   Church was one; for it was the Church of a single people; the Christian
   Church, that too is one, but it is also many; at once the "Church" and
   the "Churches." These may be quite independent of one another, the only
   bond of union with one another which they absolutely require being that
   of common dependence on the same Head, and derivation of life from the
   same Spirit; and are fitly represented by seven, the number of mystical
   completeness.

   In the image itself by which the Churches are symbolized there is an
   eminent fitness. The candlestick, or lampstand, as we must rather
   conceive it here, is not light, but it is the bearer of light, that
   which diffuses it, that which holds it forth and causes it to shine
   throughout the house; being the appointed instrument for this. It is
   thus with the Church. God's word, God's truth, including in this all
   which He has declared of Himself in revealed religion, is light (Ps.
   cxix. 105; Prov. vi. 23); the Church is the light-bearer, light in the
   Lord (Ephes. v. 8), not having light of its own, but diffusing that
   which it receives of Him. Each too of the faithful in particular, after
   he has been illuminated (Heb. vi. 4), is a bearer of the light; "ye are
   the light of the world" (Matt. v. 14-16); "lights in the world, holding
   forth the word of life" (Phil. ii. 15). In accordance with this view of
   the matter, in the Levitical tabernacle the seven-branched candlestick
   stood in the Holy Place (Exod. xxvi. 35; xl. 4), which was the pattern
   of the Church upon earth, as the Holy of Holies was the pattern of the
   Church in heaven; and the only light which the Holy Place received was
   derived from that candlestick; the light of common day being quite
   excluded from it, in sign that the Lord God was the light thereof, that
   the light of the Church is the light of nature, but of grace.

   These candlesticks are of gold (cf. Exod. xxv. 31; Zech. iv. 2), as so
   much else in this Book; "the golden girdle" (i. 13); "golden crowns"
   (iv. 4); "golden vials" (v. 8); "golden censer" (viii. 3); "golden
   altar" (ibid.); "golden reed" (xxi. 15); "the city of pure gold" (xxi.
   18); "the street of the city of pure gold" (xxi. 21). No doubt the
   preciousness of all belonging to the Church of God is indicated- by the
   predominant employment of this the costliest and most perfect metal of
   all. A hint no doubt we have here of this, exactly as in the Ark and
   furniture of the Ark so much in like manner is of pure gold, the
   mercy-seat, the cherubim, the dishes, spoons, covers, tongs,
   snuff-dishes (Exod. xxv. 17, 18, 29, 38), the pot which had manna
   (Exod. xvi. 33), [6] every thing in short which did not by its bulk and
   consequent weight absolutely preclude this, and even that was for the
   most part overlaid with gold (Exod. xxv. 10, 11, 23, 24). [7] But the
   mere costliness of gold, that it was of all metals the rarest, and
   therefore the dearest, this was not the only motive for the predominant
   employment of it. Throughout all the ancient East there was a sense of
   sacredness attached to this metal, which still to a great extent
   survives. Thus "golden" in the Zend-Avesta is throughout synonymous
   with heavenly or divine. So also in many Eastern lands while silver
   might be degraded to profane and every-day uses of common life, might
   as money pass from hand to hand, "the pale and common drudge 'twixt man
   and man," it was not permitted to employ gold in any services except
   only royal and divine (see Bähr, Symbolik, vol. i. pp. 273, 282, 292).

   Ver. 13. "And in the midst of the seven candlesticks one like unto the
   Son of man."--Some translate "like unto a son of man," that is to say,
   "like unto a man," the words merely for them expressing that He who was
   seen was in human shape, and, so far as the appearance warranted the
   conclusion, the sharer of a human nature (Ezek. xxxvii. 3, 16; xxxix.
   1). The absence of the articles, however, does not require this either
   here or at xiv. 14; any more than huios Theou (Matt. xxvii. 54) demands
   to be translated "a son of God," or pneuma Theou, "a Spirit of God."
   The beloved Apostle by this "like unto the Son of man" would express
   his recognition in this sublime appearance of Him whom he had once
   known on earth, the born of the Virgin Mary; and who even then had
   claimed to be executor of all judgment, because He was the Son of man
   (John v. 27).

   "Clothed with a garment down to the foot."--We are again reminded of
   Daniel's vision, where in like manner He whom the prophet saw was
   "clothed in linen" (x. 5), or, as it would be more rightly translated,
   "in a long linen garment." Poderes, the "poderis" of ecclesiastical
   Latin, is properly an adjective here, with chiton understood; cf. Wisd.
   xviii. 24: poderes enduma, and Xenophon, Cyrop. vi. 2, 10: aspis
   poderes, a shield reaching down to the feet, such as the thureos
   (Ephes. vi. 16), and covering the whole person. The long robe is every
   where in the East the garment of dignity and honour (Gen. xxxvii. 3;
   Mark xiii. 38; Luke xv. 22)--the association of dignity with it
   probably resting originally on the absence of the necessity of labour;
   and thus of loins girt up, which it implied: see, on the other hand, 2
   Sam. x. 4. The word nowhere else occurs in the New Testament, but
   several times in the Old; and designates there sometimes the long linen
   garment common to all the priests, the chetoneth, "the holy linen coat"
   (Lev. xvi. 4; Exod. xxxix. 27), sometimes the High Priest's "robe of
   the ephod" (Exod. xxviii. 31; Zech. iii. 4; Wisd. xviii. 24); stole
   doxes, as it is called, Ecclus. xlviii. 7. Yet these passages must not
   lead us, as they have led some, to regard this as a manifestation of
   Christ in his priestly character alone. The Rheims version indeed
   renders poderes here "a priestly garment," but with no warrant for so
   doing. Any stately garment, any "vestis talaris," may be indicated by
   the word (Ecclus. xxvii. 8), as for instance, that worn by the Angel of
   the covenant (Ezek. ix. 2, 3). So too in Isaiah's magnificent vision
   (vi. 1), He was clothed with a poderes, though the word does not there
   occur, whom the prophet beheld sitting as a King upon his throne, and
   whose train filled the temple. The poderes, in fact, is quite as much a
   kingly garment as a priestly, even as Christ presents Himself here not
   only as the Priest, but the King, and, so far as there is any
   predominance, more the King than the Priest, ruling in the midst of
   his' Church.

   "And girt about the paps with a golden girdle."--So we read of the
   Angels "having their breasts girded with golden girdles" (xv. 6); cf.
   Ovid: "cinctæque ad pectora vestes." The ordinary girding for one
   actively engaged was at the loins (1 Kings ii. 5; xviii. 46; Jer. xiii.
   11; cf. Luke xii. 35; Eph. vi. 14; 1 Pet. i. 13); but Josephus (Antt.
   iii. 7, 2) expressly tells us that the Levitical priests were girt
   higher up, about the breast, or as it is here, "about the paps"
   (epizonnuntai kata stethos)--favouring, as this higher cincture did, a
   calmer, more majestic movement (see Braun, De Vest. Hebr. p. 402). The
   girdle, knitting up as it would do into a compact unity all the
   scattered forces of a man, is often contemplated as the symbol of
   strength and power (Isai. xxii. 21; Job xii. 18); and as nothing is so
   strong as righteousness and truth, therefore the prophet foretells of
   Messiah, "Righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins, and
   faithfulness the girdle of his reins" (Isai. xi. 5; cf. Ephes. vi. 14).
   The girdle here is "golden;" not merely with a golden clasp or buckle,
   as Hengstenberg, relying on 1 Macc. x. 89; xi. 58; xiv. 44, where such
   appears as the ensign of royalty, would have it; but all of gold; cf.
   xv. 7; and Dan. x. 5: "His loins were girded with fine gold of Uphaz."
   It is quite true that the curious girdle of the High Priest was not
   golden, but only wrought and interwoven with gold (Exod. xxviii. 8;
   xxxix. 5); but this with other departures in the present appearance of
   the Lord from the investiture of the High Priest only goes to confirm
   what was just asserted, namely, that we have to do with Him here not as
   the Priest only, but as also the King in his Church; for it is in this
   direction that all the variations tend.

   Ver. 14. "His head and his hairs were white like wool, as white as
   snow."--Cf. Dan. vii. 9: "The hair of his head was like the pure wool;"
   wool and snow being joined together on the score of their common
   whiteness both there and at Isai. i. 18. I must needs consider those
   interpreters as here altogether at fault who see in this whiteness of
   the Lord's hairs the symbol of age, the hoary head as of the Ancient of
   Days, which should inspire honour and respect. Augustine himself has
   not escaped this error (Exp. ad Gal. iv. 21): "Dominus non nisi ob
   antiquitatem veritatis in Apocalypsi albo capite apparuit;" and
   Vitringa gives a reference to Lev. xix. 32. That it is an error a
   moment's reflection will convince. The white hairs of old age are at
   once the sign and the consequence of the decay of natural strength, in
   other words, of death commencing; the hair blanching because the blood
   refuses to circulate any longer in these extremities, as it will one
   day refuse to circulate in any part of the frame. Being then this, how
   can the white hairs, the hoary head which is the sign of weakness,
   decay, and the approach of death, be ascribed to Him who, as He is from
   everlasting, so also is He to everlasting? Even the Angel at the
   sepulchre is a neaniskos, "a young man" (Mark xvi. 5; cf. Zech. ii. 4);
   what then the Angel's Lord (cf. 2 Esdr. ii. 43, 47)?

   "And his eyes were as a flame of fire."--Cf. Dan. x. 6: "His eyes
   [were] as lamps of fire." This too has been understood by some, of the
   clear-sightedness of Christ, that all things are open and manifest to
   the eyes of Him with whom we have to do. Thus Vitringa: "Significant
   perspicaciam divinæ et puræ mentis omnia arcana pervadentis;" but
   Cocceius much better: "Significat hoc iram aparaiteton in adversarios."
   The other explanation is insufficient. "His eyes were as a flame of
   fire," does not say merely that He knows what is in man, that nothing
   can escape his searching penetrative glance; it expresses much more
   than this--the indignation of the Holy One at the discoveries of evil
   which He thus makes. These "eyes of fire," do not merely look through
   the hypocrite and the sinner, but consume him, him and his sins
   together, unless indeed he will suffer them to consume his sins, that
   so he may live. For indeed in the symbolism of Scripture, fire is
   throughout the expression of the divine anger; and seeing that nothing
   moves that anger but sin, of the divine anger against sin (Gen. xix.
   24; Lev. x. 2; Num. xi. 1; xvi. 35; Ps. 1. 3; xcvii. 3; 2 Kings i. 10,
   12; Ezek. xxxviii. 22; xxxix. 6; Dan. vii. 9, 10; Luke ix. 54; 2 Thess.
   i. 8; Heb. x. 27; Jude 7; Rev. xx. 9). It need hardly be observed, as
   confirming this interpretation, that the eyes flashing fire are
   evermore the utterance, the outward tokens of indignation and wrath;
   thus Homer (Il. xiii. 474): ophthalmo d' ara o? puri lampeton: cf.
   Virgil, Æn. xii. 101, 102. If any hesitation existed in ascribing this
   meaning to the symbol here, it must be removed by a comparison with
   xix. 11, 12. The whole imagery there is of Christ as a man of war
   coming forth in his anger to make war upon his enemies, and the "eyes
   as a flame of fire" are again ascribed to Him there.

   Ver. 15. "And his feet like unto fine brass, as if they burned in a
   furnace."--The poderes, as the name sufficiently indicates, must have
   reached to the feet, but permitted them to be seen. They were no doubt
   bare; as were the feet of the Levitical priesthood ministering in the
   sanctuary. We are no where indeed expressly told of these that they
   ministered barefoot, but every thing leads us to this conclusion. Thus
   while all the other parts of the priestly investiture are described
   with the greatest minuteness, and Moses accurately instructed how they
   should be made, there is no mention of any covering for the feet. Then
   again the analogy of such passages as Exod. iii. 5; Josh. v. 15, and
   the fact that the moral idea of the shoe is that of a defence against
   the defilements of the earth, of which defilements there could be none
   in the Holy Place, all this irresistibly points this way. Plutarch's
   testimony to the contrary (Symp. iv. 6, 2), who ascribes, to the High
   Priest at least, buskins (kothornous,), cannot be regarded as of the
   slightest weight on the other side. Uncovered at all events the feet on
   the present occasion were; for St. John compares them to
   chalkolibanos--there is no reason why we should assume a neuter,
   chalkolibanon, as the nominative, which has very commonly been done--a
   word which we have translated "fine brass." It occurs only here and at
   ii. 18; being, in all probability, of St. John's own composition; and
   has much perplexed, we may say has hitherto defied, interpreters to
   give any satisfactory explanation of it--to do more than guess at its
   etymology and its meaning.

   It has been suggested, and the suggestion is as old as Arethas,--it is
   indeed older, for the Syriac and the Ethiopic versions rest upon
   it,--that we are to find Libanos, or Lebanon, in the latter part of the
   word, and that chalkolibanos means "brass of Mount Lebanon," such as
   was there found; or more generally "mountain-brass," "aurichalcum," as
   it is in the Vulgate; in the first syllable of which, as need hardly be
   observed, we are not to find "aurum," as though this mixed metal were
   of gold and brass, and the word designating it a hybrid, partly Latin,
   partly Greek, but oros, "orichalcum" (Æn. xii. 87) = oreichalkos. So
   one quoted by Wolf: "Libanus pro monte quolibet, fortasse quod Libanus
   dederit ejusmodi genus metalli;" which it has been further sought to
   prove by putting together the promise to Asher, "Thy shoes shall be
   iron and brass" (Deut. xxxiii. 25), and the fact that Lebanon was
   within the borders of this tribe. It is hardly fair to urge against
   this etymology the objection that it violates the law which holds good
   in Greek composite words, namely, that the more important word should
   come last, and the merely qualitative first; which indeed holds good
   quite as much in our own language, in which "brass-mountain" would
   signify something very different from "mountain-brass." I say it is
   hardly fair to urge this, that the word should be rather libanochalkos
   than chalkolibanos, because the same objection may be urged against
   every other attempted explanation of the word, including that which
   seems to me the most probable of all. Another suggestion, first made by
   Salmasius, has found favour with Ewald, to the effect that this
   mysterious word is a somewhat euphonic form of chalkolibanos, brass of
   the klibanos, or furnace; it is scarcely likely to find favour with
   others, and is not worthy any serious notice. As little, I confess,
   does the solution of the riddle of this word, which Wordsworth has
   allowed and adopted, commend itself to me, namely, that the second part
   of the word is libanos, frankincense, brass of the colour of
   frankincense, that is, brass of a dark copper hue; for, to say nothing
   of the extreme unlikelihood of frankincense being sought to suggest
   what the colour was, this part of the description is thus put in direct
   opposition with all the rest. Every thing else is light, fire, of a
   white shining brightness; the feet must be so as well.

   The explanation which satisfies this, as well as other conditions, and
   commends itself above any other, is one first proposed by Bochart (in a
   learned disquisition, De Animal. S. Script. pars ii. c. xvi. p. 883);
   and since adopted by Grotius, Vitringa, Hengstenberg, and others.
   Bochart sees in chalkolibanos, a hybrid formation, the combination of a
   Greek word and a Hebrew, chalkos, and lbn = "albare," to make white;
   brass which in the furnace has attained what we call "white heat." In
   this word on a small scale, as in the Apocalypse itself on a larger,
   the two sacred tongues, Greek and Hebrew, will thus be wonderfully
   married. If this be the key of the word, it will then exactly
   correspond to, and the Seer will have intended to express by it, the
   "burnished brass" of the feet of the four living creatures (Ezek. i. 7;
   cf. ver. 27 and viii. 2), the "polished brass" of the feet of Him whom
   Daniel saw on the banks of Hiddekel (Dan. x. 6), neither "burnished"
   nor "polished" in those passages of our Translation exactly expressing
   the force of the original; which the LXX by exastrapton in the first
   passage, stilbon in the second (the Vulgate has well "candens" in
   both), had more precisely seized. If this be correct, the chalkolibanos
   will not be the "fine," or the "shining," but the "glowing," brass.
   This conclusion is very much strengthened by the epexegesis, "as if
   they burned in a furnace;" words of explanation immediately added by
   St. John, as probably knowing the difficulty which his readers would
   find in this unusual term. A further confirmation we may draw from a
   comparison with x. 1, where feet as "pillars of fire," which can only
   be feet as glowing or burning brass, are ascribed to the mighty Angel,
   who there appears. This grand and terrible image sets forth to us
   Christ in his power to tread down his enemies; at once to tread down
   and to consume them--"ut potentissimum in conculcandis hostibus"
   (Marckius).

   "And his voice as the sound of many waters."--Hitherto St. John has
   trodden closely on the footsteps of Daniel in his delineation of Him
   whom his eyes beheld; but grand as is the imagery which he offers ("the
   voice of his words [was] like the voice of a multitude," Dan. x. 6),
   the Seer of the New Testament, leaving this, draws now his comparison
   from another quarter, from Ezek. xliii. 2: "his voice was like a noise
   of many waters;" cf. Ezek. i. 24; Rev. xix. 6; Jer. 1. 42; Isai. xvii.
   12. We may note, I think, herein a special characteristic of this
   wonderful Book. Were it not that the term, "a mosaic," always seems to
   imply, or to suggest, something artificial, we might in many parts
   liken the Apocalypse to such a costly mosaic; the precious stones of
   which, wrought into novel combinations of beauty, have been brought
   from all the richest mines of the Old Testament and the New.--By this
   comparison of the voice of the Lord to "the sound of many waters," is
   not to be understood the "prædicatio Evangelii" (Vitringa), but the
   terribleness of the voice with which He will rebuke his foes within the
   Church and without.

   Ver. 16. "And He had in his right hand seven stars."--Cf. ver. 20; ii.
   1; iii. 1. In what fashion we are to conceive the Lord as thus "having
   in his right hand" these "seven stars," has been often asked, and
   variously answered. Is it as so many jewelled rings on the fingers? The
   threatened rejection of the Laodicean Angel (iii. 16) would then find a
   remarkable parallel in Jer. xxii. 24: "Though Coniah, king of Judah,
   were the signet upon my right hand, yet would I pluck thee thence."
   But, not to mention other objections, the seven stars would ill
   distribute themselves on five fingers. Better therefore to regard them
   as a wreath or garland which He held in his right hand. "The mystery of
   the seven stars" we shall return to before long (ver. 20); and on two
   occasions shall have need to consider what is the spiritual
   signification of his having or holding these stars in his right hand
   (ii. 1; iii. 1); all which may therefore for the present be past over.

   "And out of his mouth went a sharp two-edged sword."--Rhomphaia,
   sometimes rhombaia, in Latin rumpia' (Ennius, Annal. 14 [the passage
   has not reached us], Valerius Flaccus, vi. 96), is a Thracian word for
   a Thracian weapon (A. Gellius, x. 25; cf. Diefenbach, Origines Europææ,
   p. 409). It is properly the long and heavy broadsword (rhombaia
   barusideros, Plutarch,--Æmil. Paul. 18; Livy, xxxi. 39), which the
   Thracians and other barbarous nations used; and as such to be
   distinguished from the machaira, the sacrificial knife, or short
   stabbing sword. The word, occurring six times in the Apocalypse, only
   occurs once besides in the New Testament (Luke ii. 35). This sword is
   "two-edged" here (distomos, cf. Heb. iv. 12, machaira distomos =
   amphistomos = amphekes,, Homer, Il. x. 256), the sharpness of it being
   reckoned as its mouth; cf. Heb. xi. 34, stomata machairas, and Judg.
   iii. 16; Ps. cxlix. 6; Prov. v. 4; Ecclus. xxi. 4. The phrase, "the
   devouring sword" (2 Sam. xviii. 8; Isai. i. 20; Jer. ii. 30) rests on
   the same image. Yet it is not a mere Hebraism; but finds its place in
   classical Greek poetry, and indeed in Greek prose as well; thus
   Euripides, distoma phasgana: and elsewhere, pelekus distomos. As it is
   from the mouth that man's word proceeds, so this sword, not wielded in
   the hand, but proceeding from the mouth of the Son of God, is his Word
   (compare Isai. xlix. 2: "He hath made my mouth as a sharp sword"); but
   his Word, as it is also Spirit; "the sword of the Spirit, which is the
   Word of God" (Ephes. vi. 17; cf. Heb. iv. 12). They fall short of the
   full meaning of this emblem, who press mainly as the tertium
   comparationis here the penetrative searching power of the Word of God,
   amputating our vices, convincing us of our sins, as Tertullian (Adv.
   Marc. iii. 14); Cocceius: "Notatur vis verbi in conscientiam;" and
   Henry More (Mystery of Iniquity, ii. xiv. 6): "A prophetical symbol of
   that wonderful contrition of heart that the powerful Word of God makes
   when sincerely and seasonably evibrated against the enemies of his
   kingdom." The whole feeling, the whole sense of the passage with which
   we have here to do, requires that we should take this sword from the
   mouth as expressing rather the punishing than the convincing power of
   God's word. With this sword from his mouth He fights against his
   enemies and destroys them; compare ii. 12, 16; xix. 15, 21. The Word of
   the Lord is no empty threat, but having in readiness to avenge all
   disobedience; cf. Hos. vi. 5; Isai. xi. 4; 2 Thess. ii. 8; Wisd. xviii.
   15, 16.--Shall we give any spiritual significance to the two-edgedness
   of this sword? Many have so done, Tertullian for instance (Adv. Jud.):
   "Bis acutus duobus Testamentis, legis antiquæ, et legis novæ;" and
   Augustine, Enarr. in Ps. cxlix. 6; and Richard of St. Victor: "Qui
   gladius utrâque parte dicitur acutus, quia in Veteri Testamento
   amputavit vitia carnalia, in Novo etiam spiritualia. Utrâque parte
   acutus est, quia qui foris in nobis amputat luxuriam carnis, intus
   resecat malitiam cordis. Utrâque parte acutus est, quia in his qui
   contemnunt que præcepit, corpus et animam punit. Utrâque parte acutus
   est, quia malos et a bonis discernit, et singulis quod merentur
   reddit."

   "And his countenance was as the sun shineth in his strength."--Of the
   Angel by the vacant tomb it is said, "His countenance was like
   lightning" (Matt. xxviii. 3; cf. Judg. xiii. 6); here the countenance
   of the Lord is compared to the sun "in his strength" (cf. x. 1), at his
   brightest and clearest, in the splendour of his highest noon, no veil,
   no mist, no cloud obscuring his brightness. When He shall appear, they
   that are his shall be like Him, for they shall see Him as He is;
   therefore of them too it can be said that in that day "they shall shine
   forth as the sun in the kingdom of their Father" (Matt. xiii. 43; cf.
   Wisd. iii. 7). No doubt if there had been any thing brighter than the
   sun, the Seer would have chosen it to set forth the transcendant and
   intolerable brightness of that countenance which he now beheld.

   This description of the glorified Lord, which has now been brought to a
   conclusion, sublime as a purely mental conception, but intolerable, if
   we were to give it an outward form and expression, and picture Him with
   this sword proceeding from his mouth, these feet as burning brass, this
   hair white as wool, and the rest, may suggest a few reflections on the
   apocalyptic, and generally the Hebrew symbolism, and the very
   significant relations of difference and opposition in which it stands
   to the Greek. Religion and art for the Greek ran into one another with
   no very great preponderance of the claims of the former over the
   latter. Even in his religious symbolism the sense of beauty, of form,
   of proportion, overrules every other, and must at all costs find its
   satisfaction; so that the first necessity of the symbol is that it
   shall not affront, that it shall satisfy rather, the esthetic sense.
   Rather than it should offend this, it would be moulded and modified
   even to the serious injury of the idea of which it was intended to be
   the exponent. But with the Hebrew symbolism it is altogether different.
   The first necessity there is that the symbol should set forth truly and
   fully the religious idea of which it is intended to be the vehicle. How
   it would appear when it clothed itself in an outward form and shape,
   whether it would find favour and allowance at the bar of taste, this
   was quite a secondary consideration; may be confidently affirmed not to
   have been a consideration at all; for indeed, with the one exception of
   the cherubim, there was no intention that it should embody itself
   there, but rather that it should remain ever and only a purely mental
   conception, the unembodied sign of an idea. I may observe, by the way,
   that no skill of delineation can make the cherubim other than unsightly
   objects to the eye. Thus in this present description of Christ, sublime
   and majestic as it is, it is only such so long as we keep it wholly
   apart from any external embodiment. Produce it outwardly, the sword
   going forth from the mouth, the eyes as a flame of fire, the hair white
   as wool, the feet as molten brass; and each and all of these images
   violate more or less our sense of beauty. Bengel, missing this
   important distinction, has sought to give a picture of the Lord Jesus
   according to this description, prefixing it to his German Commentary on
   the Apocalypse; a picture which is almost degrading, and only not
   deeply offensive to every feeling of reverence and awe, because we know
   that it was not so intended by this admirable man. [8]

   The explanation of the difference does not lie altogether in the fact
   that the Greek created his symbol, and therefore could do what he would
   with his own; while the Hebrew received his from God, and could not
   therefore venture to touch it. It would have existed more or less
   without this distinction between the given and the invented, the
   inspired and uninspired. The unsightliness, often the repulsiveness, of
   the symbol, so long as it is judged merely by the laws of aesthetic
   beauty, is common to all the religions of the East. What an ugly sight
   is the Artemis multimammia of Ephesus, an Oriental deity, it need not
   be said, and not a Greek; what monstrous forms the Indian gods, with
   their hundred arms, present. At the same time we should altogether err
   if we accepted this as a mark of the inferiority of these nations to
   the Greeks. Inferiority in one sense no doubt it does indicate, a
   slighter perception of beauty, but superiority in other and more
   important matters, a deeper religious earnestness, a feeling upon their
   part that the essence was above the form, a conviction that truth, such
   as they conceived it, was better than beauty, and that every thing
   else, as of lesser moment, was to be sacrificed to this. But now to
   return from this digression.

   Ver. 17. "And when I saw Him, I fell [9] at his feet as dead. And He
   laid his right hand upon me, saying unto me, Fear not."---This, as is
   evident, is no voluntary act of homage on the part of St. John, but an
   involuntary consequence of what he saw. Finding, as it does, its
   parallel in almost all manifestations of a divine, or even an angelic,
   presence, it must be owned to contain a mighty, because an instinctive
   witness for the sinfulness of man's nature; so that any very near
   revelation of ought which comes direct from heaven fills the children
   of men, even the holiest among them, with terror and amazement, yea,
   and sometimes with the expectation of death itself. Examples
   innumerable make plain that this holds equally true of good men and of
   bad (Gen. iii. 8; Exod. iii. 6; Judg. xiii. 6, 20, 22; 1 Chron. xxi.
   20; Job xlii. 5, 6; Isai. vi. 5; Ezek. i. 28; iii. 23; xliii. 3; xliv.
   4; Dan. viii. 17; x. 7, 8; Matt. xvii. 6; xxviii. 4, 5; Mark xvi. 5;
   Luke i. 12, 29; v. 8; xxiv. 5; John xviii. 6; Acts ix. 4; x. 4). The
   unholy, and all flesh is such, cannot endure immediate contact with the
   holy, the human with the divine. Heathen legend consents here with
   Christian truth. Semele must perish, if Jupiter reveals himself to her
   in his glory, being consumed in the brightness of that glory; cf. Exod.
   xxxiii. 18, 20: "Thou canst not see my face; for there shall no man see
   Me, and live." For every man it is a dreadful thing to stand face to
   face with God. The beloved disciple, who had handled the Word of life,
   lain in his Lord's bosom in the days of his flesh, can as little as any
   other endure the revelation of his majesty, or do without that "Fear
   not," with which that Lord reassures him here. This same "Fear not" is
   uttered on similar occasions to Isaiah (vi. 7), to Daniel (x. 12), to
   the three at the Transfiguration, of whom John himself was one (Matt.
   xvii. 7). Nor is this reassurance confined to words only; the Lord at
   the same time lays his right hand upon him,--something parallel to
   which goes along with the "Fear not" of all the three cases just
   referred to (cf. Jer. i. 9); and from the touch of that strengthening
   hand the Seer receives strength again, and is set, no doubt, upon his
   feet once more (Ezek. i. 28; ii. 1, 2).

   "I am the first and the last."--This prerogative is three times claimed
   for the Lord Jehovah in Isaiah (xli. 4; xliv. 6; xlviii. 12); and in
   like manner three times in this Book (here, and ii. 8; xxii. 13). It is
   the expression of absolute Godhead: "I am the first and the last, and
   beside me there is no God" (Isai. xliv. 6). He is from eternity to
   eternity, so that there is no room for any other. All creation comes
   forth from Him (John i. 1-3), all creation returns to Him again, as
   from whom and by whom and to whom are all things. Not the semi-Socinian
   expositors alone, as Grotius and Wetstein, but others who lie under no
   such suspicion, Cocceius for instance, and Vitringa, have here gone
   astray, making "first" to mean the first in glory, and "last" the last
   in humiliation; "I am He who, being the foremost and first in all
   honour, became the lowest and last in dishonour, sounding the lowest
   depths of ignominy and shame."This, which itself is true (Phil. ii. 7,
   8), is yet not the truth of this place. That truth is nobly expressed
   in the comment of a medieval theologian, Richard of St. Victor, more
   than once quoted already: "Ego sum primus et novissimus. Primus per
   creationem, novissimus per retributionem. Primus, quia ante me non est
   formatus Deus; novissimus, quia post me alius non erit. Primus, quia a
   me sunt omnia; novissimus, quia ad me sunt omnia; a me principio, ad me
   finem. Primus, quia Ego sum causa originis; novissimus, quia Ego judex
   et finis."

   Ver. 18. "I am He that liveth and was dead, and behold, I am alive for
   evermore. Amen."--.Translate rather, "And the living, and I became
   dead, and behold, I am living for evermore." Gain, as it appears to me,
   will thus accrue to every clause of the sentence. In the first place,
   kai, connecting this verse so closely with the one preceding, will have
   its rights, which are wholly overlooked in our Version. Then ho zon
   expresses not so much that He, the Speaker, "lived," as that He was
   "the Living One," the Life (John i. 4; xiv. 6), autozoe, having life in
   Himself, and the fountain and source of life to others. It is true that
   in one sense it is the exclusive prerogative of the Father to have life
   in Himself, but a prerogative which He has communicated with the Son
   (John v. 26); of Him too it may be said, in the words of the Psalmist,
   para Soi pege zoes (Ps. xxxvi. 10, LXX.). To Him belongs absolute being
   (ontos einai), as contrasted with the relative being of the creature,
   with the life which may be no life, seeing that it inevitably falls
   under the dominion of corruption and death, so soon as it is separated
   from Him, the source from which it was derived; for others may share,
   but He only hath, immortality (1 Tim. vi. 16), being ousia athanatos,
   ou metousia (Theodoret). All this is included in Christ's assertion
   here of Himself as ho zon. Being thus The Living One, He goes on to
   say, "I yet became (egenomen) dead; I the source of all life stooped
   even to taste of death." Such is the second clause, and then follows
   the glorious third. "This state of death endured for Me but for an
   instant. I laid down my life that I might take it again. I drank of the
   brook in the way, and therefore have I lifted up my head (Ps. cx. 7);
   death having now in Me been so swallowed up in life, that behold, I am
   living for evermore."

   "And have the keys of hell and of death."--We should read rather "of
   death and of hell," for so all the best MSS. and Versions have it,
   while the reading of our Translation inverts the natural and logical
   order; for it is death which peoples hell or Hades; it is a king Death
   who makes possible a kingdom of the dead (vi. 8; xx. 13, 14); for by
   "hell," or Hades, this invisible kingdom or dominion of the dead is
   intended, and that in all its extent, not merely in one dark province
   of it, the region assigned to the lost. Hengstenberg indeed affirms in
   his own confident way that "death" here means the second death, and as
   a consequence that "hell" or Hades, can mean only Gehenna; observing
   that in the New Testament this second death is alone set forth as an
   object of fear. But why is it that the other death, itself the outward
   sign and seal of God's extreme indignation against sin, has ceased to
   be an object of terror, has been robbed for the faithful of its sting?
   Why, except for that fact which we find proclaimed in these words,
   namely, that the Son of God has gone down into the dark realms of
   shadows and returned from it again--and not this only, but returned
   from it a conqueror, having overcome death, and burst, like another
   Samson (Judg. xvi. 3), the gates of the city of the grave which shut
   Him in; and in pledge of this having the keys of both, the absolute
   Lord who opens and shuts them at his will for all the children of men.
   For myself I cannot doubt, above all when I look at the words which
   immediately go before, that Christ sets Himself forth here as the
   overcomer of death natural; which it must always be remembered is
   rather death unnatural; for man was made for immortality (Gen. ii. 17),
   and death is the denial and reversal of the true law of his being (Rom.
   v. 12). He who is the Prince of life is indeed but saying here what
   already He had been bold to say, while the victory was yet unwon: "I am
   the Resurrection and the Life;" life, that is, in conflict with death,
   and overcoming it. The keys are the emblems of authority (cf. iii. 7);
   to have the keys is to have the power of Himself going in and out as He
   pleases, of admitting and excluding, shutting up and delivering others:
   cf. Deut. xxxii. 39, "I kill and I make alive;" and 1 Sam. ii. 6. The
   metaphor rests on the conception of Hades as a city with walls and
   gates; Christ had spoken in his earthly life of the pulai Haidou (Matt.
   xvi. 18; cf. Isai. xxxviii. 10; Job xxxviii. 17).

   Let me express here, before leaving this subject, the regret which all
   who have thoughtfully compared our Version with the original must feel
   that the one word "hell" covers there two words of such difference in
   meaning as hades and geenna, the first "Sheol," the gathering-place of
   all departed souls, the second the limne tou puros of this Book (xix.
   20; xx. 10), the final abode of the lost. All must lament the manifold
   confusions which out of this have arisen; the practical loss indeed
   among our people of any doctrine about Hades at all. I have entered
   into this more at full elsewhere, [10] and have quite acknowledged the
   difficulty of taking any other course, so that it is much easier to
   note the fault than to suggest the remedy. The relations of hades to
   geenna, and also to paradeisos, are well put in this extract from a
   funeral sermon of Jeremny Taylor: "The word Aides signifies
   indefinitely the state of separation, whether blessed or accursed; it
   means only the invisible place,' or the region of darkness, whither
   whoso descends shall be no more seen. For as among the heathens the
   Elysian fields and Tartara are both en Haidou, [11] so among the Jews
   and Christians paradisus and gehenna are the distinct states of Hades."
   [12]

   Ver. 19. "Write the things which thou hast seen, and the things which
   are, and the things which shall be hereafter."--It is certainly a piece
   of carelessness on the part of our Translators to have omitted, which
   none of the previous translators had done, the oun ("Write therefore"),
   about the right of which to a place in the text no question has been
   ever made. With what intention the illative particle is used, is not so
   easy to determine; perhaps it is best referred to what goes immediately
   before: "Seeing that I am this mighty One, the first and last, who was
   dead and am alive, do thou therefore write; for the things declared by
   Me are all steadfast and sure."

   Ver. 20. "The mystery of the seven stars which thou sawest in my right
   hand, and of the seven golden candlesticks. The seven stars are the
   Angels of the seven Churches, and the seven candlesticks which thou
   sawest are the seven Churches."--We may either regard the first
   sentence as governed by the "Write" of the verse preceding; so no doubt
   our Translators, who place only a comma at the conclusion of that
   verse; or else, placing a full-stop there, regard these words as a sort
   of nominative absolute, the statement of the "mystery," or spiritual
   riddle, of which the solution follows in the latter half of the verse.
   This distribution seems to me certainly preferable to the other. A
   "mystery" in the constant language of Scripture is something which man
   is capable of knowing, but only when it has been revealed to him by God
   (Matt. xiii. 11; Rom. xi. 25; Ephes. vi. 19; 1 Cor. xiii. 2), and not
   through any searching of his own. Thus, as has been well observed,
   musterion and apokalupsis are correlative terms (Rom. xvi. 25); and as
   in the former clauses of the present verse there is the musterion, so
   in the latter the apokalupsis musteriou. From this, the revelation of
   the mystery, we learn that "the seven stars are the Angels of the seven
   Churches." In all the typical language of Scripture stars are symbols
   of lordship and authority, ecclesiastical or civil. Thus a star is the
   symbol of the highest dominion of all; "There shall come a star out of
   Jacob" (Num. xxiv. 7); and the actual birth of Him whom Balaam
   prophesied of here, is announced by a star (Matt. ii. 2). Faithful
   teachers are stars that shall shine for ever (Dan. xii. 3); false
   teachers are wandering stars (Jude 13), or stars which fall from heaven
   (Rev. viii. 10; vi. 13; xii. 4). But "the Angels of the seven Churches"
   have given occasion to much discussion and dispute; and only when we
   know exactly what they mean, shall we feel perfectly sure that we have
   interpreted the "stars" aright; or rather that we have apprehended
   aright the interpretation of them given here by the Spirit.

   Some, then, have understood by the "Angels" the heavenly messengers who
   bear this name. They urge that often elsewhere in this Book as the word
   "Angel" recurs, it is never in any other sense; therefore that in these
   we are to recognize the guardian Angels over the several Churches,
   "their Angels;" that if single persons had thus their Angels (Matt.
   xviii. 10; cf. Acts xii. 15), much more the same might be predicated of
   Churches (Dan. xii. 1). Thus Origen (Hom. xiii. in Luc.): "Si audacter
   expedit loqui Scripturarum sensum sequenti, per singulas Ecclesias bini
   sunt Episcopi, alius visibilis, alius invisibilis; ille visui carnis,
   hic sensui patens. Et quomodo homo, si commissam sibi dispensationem
   bene egerit, laudatur a Domino, si male culpæ et vitio subjacet, sic et
   Angelus." And again (Hom. xx. in Num.): "Secundum ea quæ Johannes in
   Apocalypsi scribit, unicuique Ecclesiæ generaliter Angelus præest, qui
   vel collaudatur pro bene gestis populi, vel etiam pro delictis ejus
   culpatur. In quo etiam stupendi mysterii admiratione permoveor, quod
   intantum Deo cura de nobis est, ut etiam Angelos suos culpari pro nobis
   et confutari patiatur. Sic enim cum pædagogo traditur puer, si forte
   minus dignis, nec secundum paternam nobilitatem imbutus appareat
   disciplinis, continuo culpa ad pædagogum refertur, nec ita puer a patre
   ut pædagogus arguitur." Cf. Jerome (In Mich. vi. 1, 2), who has
   evidently copied this passage.

   The preoccupation of an obvious objection is in the words just quoted
   ingeniously attempted, but not successfully accomplished. Indeed the
   objection is one which it is impossible to surmount: this, namely, How
   could holy Angels be charged with such delinquencies as are laid to the
   charge of some of the Angels here (ii. 4; iii. 1, 15)? See some good
   observations on this point in Augustine (Ep. 43, § 22: "Angelo Ecclesiæ
   Ephesi scribe; Quod si de Angelo superiorum coe lorum, et non de
   præpositis Ecclesiæ vellet intelligi, non consequenter diceret: Sed
   habeo adversum te, quod caritatem primam reliquisti. Hoc de
   superioribius Angelis dici non potest, qui perpetuam retinent
   caritatem, unde qui defecerunt et lapsi sunt, diabolus est et angeli
   ejus."

   This then of the "Angels" meaning heavenly Angels may certainly be
   dismissed. Even all which Alford has urged in its favour will be
   unable, I am persuaded, to procure any wide acceptance for it. The
   Angel must be some person or persons in the Church on earth, not one
   overlooking it from heaven. I say some person or persons, not as myself
   thinking it possible that he can represent a plurality, but having in
   view explanations which by some have been offered, and on which
   something will have to be said.

   But if some human person in the Church, who but the chief shepherd, in
   other words, the bishop? To whom else would all which we here in these
   Epistles find ascribed to the Angel apply? For myself, I cannot but
   think that the argument for the existence of the episcopate in the
   later apostolic times, and that as a divinely recognized institution,
   which may be drawn from the position of the Angels in the several
   Churches, and from the language in which they are addressed, is
   exceedingly strong. Tile Angel in each Church is one; but surely none
   can suppose for an instant that there was only one presbyter, or other
   minister serving in holy things, for the whole flourishing Church of
   Ephesus, or of Smyrna; and that we are in this way to account for the
   single Angel of the several Churches. Thirty years before this time St.
   Paul had uttered his parting words at Miletus to the elders of the
   Ephesian Church (Acts xx. 17), and certainly addressed them even then
   as many (ver. 25). Taking into account what we know of the spread of
   the Christian faith in these parts daring the intermediate time, it is
   probable that their number was at this time largely increased. And yet
   now, with this large number of presbyters, there is only one Angel in
   each of these Churches. What can he be but a bishop?--a bishop too with
   the prerogatives which we ascribe to one. His preeminence cannot be
   explained away, as though he had been merely a ruling elder, a primus
   inter pares, with only such authority and jurisdiction as the others,
   his peers, may have lent him. For the great Bishop of souls who is here
   on his spiritual visitation, every where holds the Angel responsible
   for the spiritual condition of his Church; for the false teaching which
   he has not put down, for the false teachers whom he has not separated
   from the communion of the faithful,--in short, for every disorder in
   doctrine or discipline which has remained unrepressed. But Christ could
   not so deal with them, could not charge them personally with these
   negligences and omissions, unless upon the ground that they had been
   clothed with power and authority sufficient to have prevented them, so
   that these evils could only have existed through their neglect and
   allowance.

   By what has been just said it is not intended in the least to affirm
   that bishops were commonly called Angels in the primitive Church, or
   called so at all, except with a more or less conscious reference to the
   use of the word in the Apocalypse. There is a certain mysteriousness,
   and remoteness from the common language of men, in the adoption of this
   term, and such there is intended to be. It belongs to the enigmatic
   symbolic character of the Book, elevated in its language throughout
   above the level of daily life. Those to whom this title is ascribed are
   herein presented to the Church as clothed with a peculiar dignity, and
   are herein themselves reminded that they stand before One, whose
   ministries of grace and love they should be swift to fulfil on earth,
   even as those whose names they bear are swift to fulfil them in heaven.
   There is then a certain, though very partial right in what Origen
   taught; and "Angel" is a heavenly title here; but a heavenly title
   which has been borrowed by earth, which has been transferred and
   applied to men; a transfer not without its analogies in the Old
   Testament (Eccles. v. 5; Mal. ii. 7; iii. 1); and rendered more easy by
   the fact that Angel is a name not designating the personality, but the
   office, of those heavenly beings by whom it properly is borne.

   It is not to be supposed that those who believe the government of the
   Church to have been presbyterian at the first, and who see in the
   episcopate a result of declension from apostolic purity, should accept
   these conclusions. At the same time they are far from being at one in
   the ways by which they have sought to evade the argument for primitive
   episcopacy which we believe that we are here justified in finding.

   Thus some affirm that the Angel represents and stands for not any
   single person, but the whole body of the proestotes, the collective
   presbytery, contemplated and addressed not as many, but as one. So for
   the most part the early anti-episcopal Protestants, Brightman for
   example; and even Hengstenberg has not disdained to fall back on this
   unworthy subterfuge; the mere statement of which involves its
   condemnation. Vitringa (De Synag. Vet. p. 911) with more candour
   mentions this only to reject it, and finds a clear testimony here for
   the superior dignity of one in these several Churches; though naturally
   the episcopate which he thus recognizes, is of the mildest form, of the
   Usherian type; and Beza in like manner glosses to angelo, i. e.
   proestoti; though, curiously enough, he considers that the upgrowth of
   the tyrannous hierarchy of Rome is evidence sufficient that, however
   there were proestotes in these apostolic Churches, it was never
   intended of God that such should always continue in the Church.

   But there is a poorer evasion even than this; which has lately been
   revived by Ebrard. It rests on an entirely gratuitous assumption, on
   the fiction, namely, that the seven Churches had sent their messengers
   to St. John at Patmos, therefore called the "Angels," or messengers
   (cf. Luke ix. 52) "of the Churches." These in these Epistles are now
   successively addrest, that they may bring back his word, or rather the
   word of Christ, to those Churches from which they had been deputed. But
   in answering a letter by a messenger, you write by, you do not usually
   write to, him; nor is it easy to see where is the correspondency
   between such messengers, subordinate officials of the Churches, and
   stars; or what the mystery of the relation between them then would be;
   or how the Lord should set forth as an eminent prerogative of his, that
   He held the seven stars, that is, the seven messengers. in his right
   hand (ii. 1). The scheme breaks down at every point, and among many
   lame and feeble shifts must needs be regarded as the lamest and
   feeblest of all. I again repeat my conviction that in these Angels we
   are to recognize the bishops of the several Churches. So many
   difficulties, embarrassments, improbabilities attend every other
   solution, all which disappear with the adoption of this, while no
   others rise in their room, that, were not other interests, often no
   doubt unconsciously, at work, it would be very hard to understand how
   any could have ever arrived at a different conclusion.

   I will take the opportunity of a pause here between this, the
   Introduction to the seven Epistles, and the seven Epistles themselves,
   to say a few needful words on the mystery of the number seven; which
   only I have left unsaid so long, because unwilling to interrupt the
   exposition by any thing in the shape of a dissertation; not to say that
   I found it difficult to attach to any one of those important sevens
   which have already occurred, considerations which properly belonged to
   them all.

   Even the most careless reader of the Apocalypse must be struck with the
   manner in which almost every thing there is ordered by sevens. Thus,
   besides the seven Churches, and their seven Angels, we have already in
   this first chapter the seven Spirits (ver. 4), the seven candlesticks
   (ver. 12), the seven stars (ver. 16); and then further the seven lamps
   of fire (iv. 5), the seven seals (v. 1), the seven horns and seven eyes
   of the Lamb (v. 6), the seven heavenly Angels and the seven trumpets
   (viii. 2), the seven thunders (x. 3), the seven heads of the dragon,
   and the seven crowns upon these heads (xii. 3), the same of the beast
   rising out of the sea (xiii. 1), the seven last plagues (xv. 1), the
   seven vials (xv. 7), the seven mountains (xvii. 9), the seven kings
   (xvii. 10); not to speak of other recurrences, not so obvious, of this
   number seven as the signature of the Book; as, for instance, the
   distribution of it into seven visions, the sevenfold ascription of
   glory to the Lamb (v. 12), and to God (vii. 12).

   But indeed the recurrence, and, as I shall seek to show, the symbolic
   dignity of the number seven runs through the whole of Scripture from
   first to last,--to say nothing of the echoes of this sense of its
   significance which abound in every religion of heathendom; [13] and if
   it is more strongly marked in the Apocalypse than in any other book of
   Scripture, it is only that this, like so much else, has culminated
   here. Should it be asked, What is the special significance, and what
   the sacredness and peculiar dignity of seven, of what is it the
   signature, the answer is not very hard to give. A careful induction
   from all the passages where this number cannot be regarded as
   fortuitous, but is evidently of Divine ordinance and appointment (I
   call fortuitous such sevens as occur, Acts xix. 14; xx. 6), will leave
   no doubt that it claims throughont Scripture to be considered as the
   covenant number, the sign and signature of God's covenant relation to
   mankind, and above all to that portion of mankind with which this
   relation is not potential merely, but actual, namely the Church.

   The evidences of this reach back to the very beginning. We meet them
   first in the hallowing of the seventh day, in pledge and token of the
   covenant of God with man (Gen. ii. 3; cf. Ezek. xx. 12), as indeed in
   the binding up of seven in the very word Sabbath. [14] So too
   circumcision, being the sign of a covenant, is accomplished on the
   eighth, or after seven days (Gen. xvii. 12; Lev. xii. 3). And as seven
   is the signature of God's covenant with man, so of all man's covenants
   with his fellows, resting as these do and must, on the anterior
   covenant with God; thus of treaties of peace (Gen. xxi. 20), of
   marriages (Judg. xiv. 12). Nor should it be left unnoticed that the
   word seven is again bound up in the Hebrew word signifying an oath, or
   a covenant confirmed with an oath. Seven is the number of sacrifice, by
   aid of which the covenant once established, is continually maintained
   in its first vigour and strength, and the relations between God and
   man, which sin is evermore disturbing, and threatening to bring to an
   end, are restored (2 Chron. xxix. 21; Job xlii. 8; cf. Num. xxiii. 1,
   14, 29). It is the number of purification and consecration, as the
   fruits of the sacrifice (Lev. iv. 6, 17; viii. 11, 33; xiv. 9, 51; xvi.
   14, 19; Num. xix. 12, 19), of forgiveness (Matt. xviii. 21, 22; Luke
   xvii. 4). Then, again, seven is the number of every grace and benefit
   bestowed upon Israel; which is thus marked as flowing out of the
   covenant and a consequence of it. The priests compass Jericho seven
   days, and on the seventh day seven times, that all Israel may know that
   the city is given into their hands by their God; and that its conquest
   is a direct and immediate result of their covenant relation to Him
   (Josh. vi. 4, 15, 16). Naaman is to dip in Jordan seven times, that he
   may acknowledge the God of Israel the author of his cure (2 Kings v.
   10). It is the number of reward to those that are faithful in the
   covenant (Deut. xxviii. 7; 1 Sam. ii. 5); of punishment to those who
   are froward in the covenant (Lev. xxvi. 21, 24, 28; Deut. xxviii. 25; 2
   Sam. xii. 8; xxiv. 13), or to those who injure the people in it (Gen.
   iv. 15, 24; Ps. lxxix. 12; Exod. vii. 25); or again of punishment,
   regarded in the light of a making of amends, a readjusting of the
   disturbed balances of justice, and so a restoring of harmony between
   the sinner and the outraged law of God (Prov. vi. 31). All the feasts,
   as must be obvious to every one, are ordered by seven, or else by seven
   multiplied into seven (7 x 7), and thus made intenser still. Thus it
   is, not to recur again to Sabbath, the mother of all feasts, with the
   Passover (Exod. xii. 15, 16), the feast of weeks (Deut. xvi. 9), of
   tabernacles (Deut. xvi. 13, 15), the sabbath-year (Lev. xxv. 2, 3;
   Deut. xv. 1), and the jubilee (Lev. xxv. 8). [15]

   Further we may observe that wherever God is at work in the history of
   other nations outside of the covenant, while yet He would make it
   plainly to appear that it is for Israel's sake, and having respect to
   the covenant, that He is so working, this signature of seven in his
   dealing with those nations is never wanting. Thus it is the number of
   the years of plenty and of the years of famine, in sign that these were
   sent not so much for Egypt's sake, as for Israel's, and as conducing to
   the divine preparation through which the chosen people were to pass
   (Gen. xli. 26, 27). Seven times pass over Nebuchadnezzar, that he may
   learn in his abasement how that the God of his Jewish captives is
   indeed the King over all the earth (Dan. iv. 16, 23, 25). But it would
   be endless to go through all passages in proof; it would need to quote
   or refer to a great part of Scripture. I prefer leaving to the student
   of God's Word to fill up the sketch which I have drawn, and to find for
   himself further confirmation of what has been asserted here.

   But if it should be further asked, Why has seven been selected for
   this, what are the grounds of its adoption to this high dignity and
   honour, the answer does not seem very far to seek. I am indeed aware
   that in all speculations upon numbers we may very profitably lay to
   heart the wise caution of Fuller, [16] clothed, as is ever the case
   with his wisdom, in witty words: "For matter of numbers fancy is never
   at a loss, like a beggar never out of his way, but hath some haunts
   where to repose itself. But such as in expounding of Scripture reap
   more than God did sow there, never eat what they reap thence, because
   such grainless husks, when seriously threshed out, vanish all into
   chaff." And yet I feel very sure that in this matter we need not dread
   lest we should be threshing barren ears, with only chaff for our pains.

   To the question then asked above it may be replied by first calling
   attention to the fact that the number seven results from the
   combination of three and four. But can it be shown that these in
   Scripture have severally any symbolic significance of their own?
   Assuredly yes. Three, the signature of God; four, that of the world;
   and thus seven, or these numbers brought into contact and relation, the
   token and signature of the covenant between these two.

   That three is the number of God, of the ever-blessed Trinity, this of
   itself needs no proof And it is so recognized in Scripture. There are
   vestiges of this in the Old Testament, in the Trisagion of Isai. vi. 3;
   in the blessing as from three distinct persons, Num. vi. 24-26; in the
   prominent position assumed there by the Angel of the Covenant,
   hereafter to be acknowledged as the second Person of the Trinity, in
   the often mention not of God, but the Spirit of God, hereafter to be
   acknowledged as the third (Gen. i. 2; Ps. li. 11). These footprints of
   the Trinity are purposely more or less obscure, and only clear when
   they are read in the light of a later revelation; for the office of the
   Church of the Old Testament was to guard the truth of the unity of the
   Godhead, not to declare the Trinity; which indeed, so long as
   polytheism was not overcome, but still had its roots even in the minds
   of the chosen people itself, could not yet have been safely declared.
   Here is explanation amply sufficient, of the reserve with which the
   number three is employed in the Old Testament as the signature of
   Deity; the reason why this is only perfectly plain and clear in the
   New.

   Four, the next number to three, and growing immediately out of it, is
   the signature of the world--of the world, not indeed as a rude
   undigested mass, but as a kosmos, as the revelation, so far as nature
   can be the revelation, of God. Four is stamped every where on this the
   organized world. Thus, not to speak of the four elements, the four
   seasons, neither of which are recognized in Scripture, we have there
   the four winds (Ezek. xxxvii. 9; Matt. xxiv. 31; Rev. vii. 1); the four
   corners of the earth (Rev. vii. 1; xx. 8); the four living creatures,
   emblems of all creaturely life (Rev. iv. 6), and each of these with
   four faces and four wings (Ezek. i. 5, 6); the four beasts coming up
   from the sea, and representing the four great world-empires which in
   the providence of God should succeed one another (Dan. vii. 3); the
   four metals composing the image which sets forth the same phases of
   empire (Dan. ii. 32, 33); the four Gospels, or the foursided Gospel
   (euangelion tetragonon, as one called it of old), in sign of its
   designation for all the world; the sheet tied at the four corners (Acts
   x. 11; xi. 5); [17] the four horns, the sum total of the forces of the
   world as arrayed against the Church (Zech. i. 18); the enumeration,
   wherever this is wished to be exhaustive, of the inhabitants of the
   world by four, kindreds, tongues, peoples, and nations (Rev. v. 9; cf.
   vii. 9; x. 11; xi. 9; xiv. 6; xvii. 15).

   There are reasons then amply sufficient why seven, being thus, as it
   is, made up of three and four, should be itself the signature of the
   covenant. No mere accident or caprice dictated the selection of it. And
   if this number of the covenant, then we can account for its constant
   recurrence in this Book; for admitting, as few would refuse to do, that
   the idea of God's covenant with his Church as the key to all history,
   comes to its head in the Apocalypse, it is nothing wonderful that this
   Book should be more markedly ordered by seven, and have this number
   stamped upon it even more strongly, than any other portion of
   Scripture. [18]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1] Lest any should charge me with a slovenly omission at the very
   outset of my work, let me observe that the words "which are," finding
   here a place in most modern editions of our Bible, have no place in the
   exemplar edition of 1611.

   [2] There is a good discussion on these grammatical anomalies in the
   Apocalypse in Lücke's Einleitung, pp. 458-464.

   [3] Augustine (Enarr. in Ps. ciii. 11): "Illo orante [Acts x. 10] facta
   est illi mentis alienatio, quam Græci ecstasin dicunt; id est, aversa
   est mens ejus a consuetudine corporali ad visum quendam contemplandum,
   alienata a præsentibus." Cf. in Ps. lxvii. 28; Quæst. in Gen. 1. 1, qu.
   80; and De Div. Quæst. 1. 2, qu. 1: "Mentis alienatio a sensibus
   corporis, ut spiritus hominis divino Spiritu assumptus capiendis atque
   intuendis imaginibus vacet."

   [4] There is an instructive chapter in Tacitus (Annal. iv. 55),
   throwing much light on the relative dignity and position, at a period a
   little earlier than this, of the chief cities in proconsular Asia. He
   is describing a contention which found place among eleven of them,
   which should have the honour of erecting a statue and temple to
   Tiberius. Among the eleven contending for this glorious privilege,
   which involved as well the maintaining as the founding of this cult,
   five out of our seven appear. Two, namely Philadelphia and Thyatira, do
   not enter the lists. Laodicea, with others not included in this seven,
   is set aside, as unequal in wealth and dignity to the task; Pergamum as
   having already a temple to Augustus, Ephesus as devoted to Diana, and
   others for various causes; till at length Smyrna and Sardis are the
   only competitors which remain. Of these the former is preferred, mainly
   on account of its greater devotedness in times past to the interests of
   the Roman State, when as yet the fortunes of Rome were not so
   completely in the ascendant as they were then.

   [5] Grotius: "Sub earum nomine tacite comprehendit et alias Ecclesias,
   quia earum status et qualitates ad septem quasi genera possunt
   revocari, quorum exemplum præbent illæ Asiatiæ."

   [6] This was a golden pot, as we learn from Heb. ix. 4; cf. LXX in
   loc., and Philo, Cong. Erud. Gent. § 18.

   [7] Cocceius: "Aurum in figuris et symbolicis locutionibus significat
   id quod est omnium optimum, quod omnia perficit, et a nullo perficitur;
   sed in se est perfectissimum et purissimum, nullique mutationi
   obnoxium; quemadmodum aurum omnium metallorum perfectissimum est, et ab
   alliis non perficitur; sed quibus accedit ea perficit, et nec temporis,
   nec ignis, omnium destructoris violentiam injuriamque sentit."

   [8] Others have done the same, though with quite a different object and
   aim. I can perfectly remember seeing exposed in Carlisle's shop-window
   a blasphemous picture with the title, "The God of the Bible,"
   constructed according to a similar scheme. Two or three days after, a
   Jew was brought before the magistrates, who in a righteous indignation
   had dashed his hand through the window, seized and destroyed it; and I
   do not think it appeared again.

   [9] On this second aorist (epesa) with the termination of the first, an
   Alexandrian and afterwards a Byzantine form, see Lobeck, Phrynichus, p.
   724, and Sturz, De Dialecto Alexandrinâ, p. 61.

   [10] On the Authorized Version of the New Testament, 2d edit. p. 20.

   [11] As witness the lines of the comic poet:, kai gar kath? Haiden duo
   tribous nomizomen,
   mian dikaion, kateran asebon hodon.

   [12] A little work by König, Die Lehre von Christi Höllenfahrt, 1842,
   gives admirably the whole teaching of Scripture, and in an historic
   sketch that of the Church, concerning Hades.

   [13] "Die alIgemeine Heiligkeit der Siebenzahl haben die Alten schon in
   allen Beziehungen bemerkt." Creuzer, Symbolik, vol. ii. p. 161, where
   see a large collection of the literature on the subject.

   [14] It was therefore a true instinct of hatred against a divine
   institution which led those who in the first French Revolution
   proclaimed the abolition of the Christian religion, to make war also on
   the Christian week, the distribution of time by sevens, and to
   substitute that by decades in its stead. They felt that here was a
   witness for God in the world, a witness that He was the measurer out of
   our times to us, which must not be allowed to survive.

   [15] See Philo, De Septenario, passim.

   [16] A Pisgah Sight of Palestine, b. iii. c. 6.

   [17] Augustine (Enarr. in Ps. ci. Serm. iii.): "Discus qui quatuor
   lineis continebatur orbis terrarum crat in quatuor partibus. Has
   quatuor partes sæpe Scriptura commemorat, orientem et occidentem,
   aquilonem et meridiem. Ideo quia totus orbis per Evangelium vocabatur,
   quatuor Evangelia conscripta sunt."

   [18] On this whole subject of the symbolic worth and dignity of numbers
   in Scripture, see Bahr, Symbolik des Mos. Cultus, vol. i. pp. 128-209;
   and a good article by Kurtz, in the Theoll. Stud. u. Krit. 1844, pp.
   315-370.
     __________________________________________________________________

EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH OF EPHESUS.

   Rev. ii. 1-7.

   Ver. 1. "Unto the Angel of the Church of Ephesus write."--Before
   proceeding to consider this the first Epistle in the series, it may be
   well worth while to call the attention of.the reader to the symmetry,
   to what we should call in human composition, the remarkable art, to be
   traced in the construction of them all; quite justifying the words of
   Henry More: "There never was a book penned with that artifice as this
   of the Apocalypse." They are all constructed precisely on the same
   scheme. They every one of them contain--

   a. A command in exactly the same form to the Seer that he should write
   to the Angel of the Church.

   b. One or more glorious titles which Christ claims for Himself, as
   adding weight and authority to the message which He sends; these titles
   being in almost every case drawn more or less evidently from the
   attributes ascribed to Him, or claimed by Him, in the manifestation of
   Himself which has just gone before (i. 4-20).

   g. The actual message from Christ to the Angel of the Church, declaring
   his intimate knowledge of its condition, good, or bad, or mixed, with a
   summons to steadfastness in the good, to repentance from the evil--all
   this brought home by the fact that He was walking up and down in the
   midst of his Churches, having in readiness to punish, and having in
   readiness to reward.

   d. A promise to the faithful, to him that should overcome--the heavenly
   blessedness being presented under the richest variety of the most
   attractive, and often the most original, images.

   e. Finally, the whole is summed up with an exhortation which shall give
   an universal character to these particular addresses, a summons to
   every one with a spiritual ear that he should give earnest heed to the
   things, which were indeed spoken to all. In the addresses to the four
   last Churches the position of d and e is reversed.

   On comparing these Epistles one with another, we may observe that in
   two Churches, namely Smyrna and Philadelphia, the great Shepherd and
   Bishop of souls finds matter only for praise; in two, Sardis and
   Laodicea, with very smallest exception in the former, only for rebuke.
   In three of the Churches, in Ephesus, Pergamum, and Thyatira, the
   condition is a mixed one, so that with some things to praise, there are
   also some, more in one, fewer in another, to condemn. It will thus be
   perceived at once what far-looking provision is made in the selection
   of these particular Churches to be addressed, as in the scheme of the
   addresses to them, for the most varied instructions; for reproof, for
   praise, for reproof and praise mingled together and tempered by one
   another; for promises and threatenings. The spiritual condition of the
   several Churches gives room and opportunity, nay, constitutes a
   necessity, for each and all of these.

   Ephesus, the chief city of Ionia, "Asiæ lumen," prote tes Asias, as the
   Ephesians themselves styled it, asserting in this style for Ephesus
   that primacy which Smyrna and Pergamum disputed with it, had now so far
   outstripped both its competitors that it was at once the civil and
   ecclesiastic centre of that Asia with which we have to do. Wealthy,
   prosperous, and magnificent, a meeting-place of oriental religions and
   Greek culture, and famous on many grounds in heathen antiquity, it was
   chiefly famous for the celebrated temple of Diana, one of the seven
   wonders of the world, about which we read so much, Acts xix. (cf.
   Creuzer, Symbolik, vol. ii. p. 515). But Ephesus had better titles of
   honour than these. It was a greatly favoured city. St. Paul laboured
   there during three years (Acts xx. 31); he ordained Timothy to be
   bishop there (1 Tim. i. 3; cf. Eusebius, H. E. iii. 4); Aquila,
   Priscilla, Apollos (Acts xviii. 19, 24, 26), Tychicus (Ephes. vi. 21),
   all contributed to build up the Church in that city. And if we may
   judge from St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians, and from his parting
   address to the elders of that Church (Acts xx. 17-38) nowhere does the
   word of the Gospel seem to have found a kindlier soil, to have struck
   root more deeply, or to have borne fairer fruits of faith and love. St.
   John too had made it the chief seat of his ministry, his metropolis,
   during the closing years of his protracted life; from whence he
   exercised a wide, though not wholly unquestioned, jurisdiction (see 3
   Ep. 9, 10) over the whole of "Asia." How early that ministry there
   began it is impossible to say, The date of his withdrawal from
   Jerusalem being itself uncertain, and uncertain also whether he at once
   chose Ephesus for the middle point of his spiritual activity. From a
   Church to which so much was given, much would be required. How far it
   had profited as it ought by these signal advantages, how far it had
   maintained itself at those spiritual heights to which it had once
   attained, will presently be seen.

   "These things saith He that holdeth the seven stars in his right
   hand."--The title is borrowed from i. 16: "He had in his right hand
   seven stars;" cf. i. 20, where "the mystery of the seven stars" is
   unfolded. It is only when all the titles furnished by chap. i. 4-20 are
   exhausted, that the Lord seeks them from any other quarter. At the same
   time there is a significant alteration here. At i. 16 it is ho echon,
   "He that hath;" here more emphatically it is ho kraton, "He that
   holdeth." The variation is not without intention; ho kraton (cf. ii.
   25; iii. 11) is stronger than ho echon, "He that holdeth" than "He that
   hath." He holds these stars in his grasp,--words full of comfort for
   them, if only they are true to Him; none shall pluck them out of his
   hand (John x. 28), none shall harm them in the delivery of their
   message (Matt. x. 30; Acts xviii. 9, 10); or if the malice of their
   enemies is so far permitted that they are able to kill the body, they
   shall only in this way prepare for them an earlier and a speedier
   passage to glory (Acts vii. 56, 60; Rev. xi. 7, 12); but words which
   are full of fear for the unfaithful, for the idol shepherds (Zech. xi.
   17), who feed themselves and not the flock (Ezek. xxxiv. 1-10). Them
   too He holds in his grasp, and none can deliver then from his hand.

   "Who walketh in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks."--"Who
   walketh" is new. The Seer had indeed already beheld the Lord "in the
   midst of the seven candlesticks" (i. 13), but not "walking" in their
   midst, the word expressing the unwearied activity of Christ in his
   Church (cf. Lev. xvi. 12), moving up and down in the midst of it;
   beholding the evil and the good; evermore trimming and feeding with oil
   of grace the golden lamps of the sanctuary. Marckius: "Ad innuendam
   clarius perpetuitatem actûs et curam Christi contra conatus oppositos
   Satanæ." It is impossible not to admire the appropriateness of these
   titles, expressing as they do the broader and more general relations of
   Christ to his Church, for the first Epistle in this series; which
   constitutes, as this and a thousand other tokens declare, not an
   accidental aggregate, but a divinely-ordered complex, with all its
   parts mutually upholding and sustaining one another.

   Ver. 2. "I know thy works."--This is a formula which introduces all the
   seven Epistles. "Works" therefore are not, as some interpreters would
   understand them, good works; for Christ uses this language where there
   were no works which He could count good (iii. 15); as little are they
   bad works (iii. 8); but the word is used with the same freedom here as
   in other parts of Scripture, now for those (John vii. 21; 1 Cor. iii.
   14); and now for these (1 Cor. iii. 15; Tit. i. 16). "I know thy works
   "has another intention than to express either praise or blame. It
   declares rather the omniscience of Him who walks up and down among the
   candlesticks of gold, whom nothing escapes (Amos iv. 13; Ps. xi. 4, 5;
   John ii. 24, 25; Heb. iv. 13; Rev. ii. 23; Acts i. 24; xv. 8); being
   words of comfort and strength for all them who, amid infinite
   weaknesses, are yet able to say, "Search me, O Lord, and know my heart;
   try me, and know my thoughts, and see if there be any wicked way in me"
   (Ps. cxxxix. 23, 24), or with St. John, "Lord, Thou knowest all things,
   Thou knowest that I love Thee" (John xxi. 17); but words of fear for
   every one who would fain keep back any thing in his outer or inner life
   from the Lord. All is open and manifest before Him with whom we have to
   do; and this in these words He declares.

   "And thy labour and thy patience."--There was an earlier Angel of this
   same Church of Ephesus, on whom St. Paul had urged that he should not
   fail in this labour and patience (2 Tim. ii. 25, 26); and Christ's
   commendation here shows that the holy lesson had been laid to heart by
   him who had now stept into his place, The kopos, occasioned probably by
   the earnest resistance which it was necessary to oppose to the false
   teachers in the Ephesian Church, would naturally fall chiefly on the
   bishop and presbyters--above all, on the first.--Kopos and kopiao are
   frequently used in reference both to apostolic and ministerial labours
   (Rom. xvi. 12; 1 Cor. xv. 10; Gal. iv. 11); kopos, often in connexion
   with mochthos (1 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Thess. iii. 8; 2 Cor. xi. 27); the
   latter perhaps marking the toil on the side of the magnitude of the
   obstacles which it has to surmount, as the derivation mogis, and the
   possible connexion with megas, seems to suggest (Ellicott); the former
   alluding to the toil and suffering which in these labours strenuously
   and faithfully performed is involved. For indeed this word kopos,
   signifying as it does not merely labour, but labour unto weariness, may
   suggest some solemn reflections to every one who at all affects to be
   working for his Lord, and as under his great taskmaster's eye. This is
   what Christ looks for, this is what Christ praises, in his servants.
   But how often does labour, which esteems itself labour for Him, stop
   very short of this, take care that it shall never arrive at this point;
   and perhaps in our days none are more tempted continually to measure
   out to themselves tasks too light and inadequate, than those to whom al
   office and ministry in the Church has been committed. Indeed, there is
   here to them an ever-recurring temptation, and this from the fact that
   they do for the most part measure out their own day's task to
   themselves. Others in almost every other calling have it measured out
   to them; if not the zeal, earnestness, sincerity which they are to put
   into the performance of it, yet at any rate the outward limits, the
   amount of time which they shall devote to it, and often the definite
   amount of it which they shall accomplish. Not so we. We give to it
   exactly the number of hours which we please; we are for the most part
   responsible to no man; and when labourers thus apportion their own
   burdens, and do this from day to day, how near the danger that they
   should unduly spare themselves, and make their burdens far lighter than
   they should have been. We may well keep this word kopos, and all that
   it signifies, namely labour unto weariness, in mind; and remember ever
   that it is this which the Lord praises and allows.

   "And how thou canst not bear them which are evil."--Christ has good
   things to say of the Church of Ephesus, and He, who rejoices in the
   truth, dwells on these good things first. It is well worth while to
   observe here the graciousness of the Lord, that He puts thus in the
   foremost place all which He can find to approve; and only after this
   has received its mead of praise, notes the shortcomings which He is
   also compelled to rebuke. Many graces had decayed at Ephesus; of this
   we may be sure; seeing that the grace of all graces, namely love, had
   decayed (ver. 4); but in the midst of this decay there survived an
   earnest hatred of certain evildoers and evil deeds. The kakoi here are
   not exactly equivalent to the kakoi ergatai of Phil. iii. 2. These last
   are the prominent workers of mischief in the Church, false apostles,
   false prophets, and the like; but the kakoi will include the whole
   rabble of evil-doers as well. It is not a little remarkable that the
   grace or virtue here ascribed to the Angel of the Ephesian Church and
   still more strongly at ver. 6, should have a name in classical Greek,
   misoponeria (Plutarch, Quom. Am. ab Adul. 12), the person of whom the
   grace is predicated being misoponeros, while neither of these words,
   nor yet any equivalent to them, occurs in the New Testament.
   Philagathos it has (Tit. i. 8), but nowhere, misoponeros, nor any
   adequate substitute for it. It is the stranger, as this hatred of evil,
   purely as evil, however little thought of, or admired now, is eminently
   a Christian grace (Rom. xii. 9; cf. Ps. cxxxix. 21). The sphere in
   which the Angel of Ephesus had the chief opportunity of manifesting
   this holy intolerance of evil-doers was, no doubt, that of
   Church-discipline, separating off from fellowship with the faithful
   those who named the name of Christ, yet would not depart from iniquity
   (2 Tim. ii. 19). The infirmities, even the sins, of weak brethren,
   these are burdens which we may, nay, which we are commanded to, bear
   (cf. Gal. vi. 2, where the same word bastazein is used); it is
   otherwise with false brethren (Ps. cxix. 115; cix. 21, 22; 1 Cor. v.
   11).

   "And thou hast tried them which say they are apostles, and are not, and
   hast found them liars."--We translate by the same word the peirazein
   here and the dokimazein of 1 John iv. 1. What this Angel at Ephesus had
   done, and effectually done, St. John there bids those to whom he is
   writing that they should do, namely, prove the spirits of those who
   came to them claiming to teach as with authority, and to bring a direct
   message from God (cf. 1 Thess. v. 21; 1 Tim. iv. 1). The touchstone
   which he there gives, the Ithuriel's spear which should compel each
   heretic to start up and show himself in his proper shape, is the
   acknowledgment or denial that Jesus Christ was come in the flesh (ver.
   2, 3). At the same time we must not regard this as so absolutely the
   touchstone, but that other times and other conditions of the Church
   might demand other tests. Thus, in the fourth century and during the
   Arian conflict the Homoousion was that by which the spirits were to be
   tried. And when our Lord, warning against false prophets, lays down
   this rule, "Ye shall know them by their fruits" (Matt. vii. 16), He
   adds a further test by which all such may be detected. By what methods
   the Angel of this Church had tried these pretenders to the apostolate,
   and discovered the falsehood of their claims, we are not told; but
   probably by a union of both these tests. If these false prophets were,
   as is generally assumed, the chiefs and leaders of the Nicolaitan
   wickedness, which is presently named by its name (ver. 6), then
   doctrinally he will have tried them by the touchstone of Christ's true
   humanity, whether they would confess this or deny it;--we may be sure
   that they had that in common with all other Gnostics, which led them to
   the denial of it;--and practically, by the fruits which they bore;
   which, being works of shame and darkness, avouched that the workers of
   them were not, and could not be, sent of Him who is Light, and in whom
   is no darkness at all. And even were they not precisely identical with
   the Nicolaitans, on which there will be something to say at ver. 6,
   these tests would not the less effectually have accomplished this work.

   We must not press the word "apostles," as though it implied a claim on
   their parts to have seen and been immediately sent by the Lord Jesus
   Christ, which was necessary for an Apostle in the highest sense of the
   word (Acts i. 21, 22; 1 Cor. ix. 1), nor even by the mother Church at
   Jerusalem. It was now too late for either. St. John alone of living men
   could claim the first prerogative, and Jerusalem had long ago been
   destroyed. As little are these "which say they are apostles" identical
   in the actual form of their resistance to the truth with those "false
   apostles, deceitful workers," who every where sought to hinder the
   labours of St. Paul, and every where denied the apostolic authority
   which he claimed (2 Cor. x. 11). Those and these had indeed this in
   common, that they alike opposed the truth; but those were Judaizers,
   seeking to bring back the ceremonial law and the obligations of it, see
   Acts xv. 1, and Galatians, passim; these do not judaize, but
   heathenize, seeking to throw off every yoke, to rid themselves not of
   the ceremonial law only, but also of the moral; and to break down every
   distinction separating the Church from a world lying in the wicked one.
   [19]

   Ver. 3. "And hast borne, and hast patience, and for my name's sake hast
   laboured, and hast not fainted."--There is a good deal of filling up by
   transcribers here, and more than one phrase to be omitted. The
   following version will represent more truly the original as it stands
   in the best critical editions: "And hast patience, and didst bear for
   my name's sake, and hast not grown weary." It is not hard to see the
   inducements which led transcribers in the last clause of the verse to
   change kai ou kekopiakes into kekopiakas kai ou kekmekas. They took the
   verb kopiao only in the sense of "to labour;" but how could it be said
   in praise of the Ephesian Angel that he had not laboured; above all
   when his kopos only one verse before was the especial object of the
   Lord's commendation, as indeed it is throughout the Epistle? so they
   changed the word to what we have in the received text and in our
   Version; "thou hast laboured, and hast not fainted." But kopiao is not
   only to labour, but implying, as we have seen it does, strenuous and
   exhausting labour, will often mean farther, to grow weary with labour
   (thus John iv. 6; Matt. xi. 28: kopiontes kai pephortismenoi); and it
   is this for which the Lord here praises the Angel and in him the Church
   at Ephesus, that it had borne the burden and heat of a long day's toil
   without fainting under, or waxing weary of it. This recurrence to the
   kopos of the verse preceding is very instructive, though it is hard, if
   not impossible, to reproduce it in English. "Thou knowest what kopos
   is, without knowing what kopian is;" and that this is not accidental
   seems evident from the exactly similar recurrence of bastazein in both
   verses; "There are things which thou canst not bear, and things which
   thou canst bear; thou canst not bear the wicked, such false brethren as
   name the name of Christ only to bring shame upon it; thou hast
   something of the spirit of him who declared, He that telleth lies shall
   not tarry in my sight' (Ps. ci. 10), but thou canst bear my reproach,
   my cross;" cf. Luke xiv. 27, where the same word bastazein is used as
   here; so also John xix. 17. Wetstein: "Eleganter opponuntur: ou dune
   bastasai et ebastasas. Ferre potes molestias propter Christum et
   vexationes; at non potes ferre pseudapostolos."

   Ver. 4. "Nevertheless I have somewhat against thee, because thou hast
   left thy first love."--"Echo kata sou: cf. for the same phrase Matt. v.
   23; Mark xi. 25; and for a similar, Col. iii. 13. This is one of three
   occasions (see ver. 14, 20) on which Christ has to make a like
   exception, and to dash his praise with blame. In neither, however, of
   the other cases is the blame so severe as here, the "somewhat," which
   appears in part to mitigate the severity of this judgment, having
   nothing corresponding with it in the original. It is indeed not a
   "somewhat," which the Lord has against the Ephesian Church; it
   threatens to grow to be an "every thing;" for see the verse following,
   and compare 1 Cor. xiii. 1-3. The great passage on "first love" is Jer.
   ii. 2: "I remember thee, the kindness of thy youth, the love of thine
   espousals, when thou wentest after me in the wilderness, in a land that
   was not sown,"--words which set forth the first warmth of gratitude,
   the first devotion of heart on the part of Israel to its Redeemer and
   Lord (Exod. xiv. 31; xv. 1), when it seemed as if the flood-tides of a
   thankful love would never ebb, but would bear it triumphantly over
   every obstacle which it might meet in its path. Such a "first love" of
   the Bride to the heavenly Bridegroom, and in Him to all that are his,
   dwelt largely in the Ephesian Church when St. Paul wrote his Epistle to
   it; he gives God thanks for their love unto all the saints (i. 15); he
   draws them without a misgiving into the deepest mysteries of human love
   and divine (v. 23-33). The suggestion that this leaving of the first
   love can refer to the abating of any other love but that to God and
   Christ, grows out of an entire ignorance of the whole spiritual life,
   the ways by which it travels, and the dangers to which it is inevitably
   exposed, and which, alas! only too often prove fatal to it.

   On the question, When the Apocalypse was composed, we have a certain
   amount of implicit evidence here, in this reproach with which the Lord
   reproaches the Ephesian Angel; such as has its value in confirming the
   ecclesiastical tradition which places it in the reign of Domitian, as
   against the more modern view which assumes it to have been written in
   the time of Nero. It has been well observed that in St. Paul's Epistle
   to the Church of Ephesus there are no signs, nor even presentiments, of
   this approaching spiritual declension with which the great Searcher of
   hearts upbraids it here. Writing to no Church does he treat of higher
   spiritual mysteries. There is no word in the Epistle of blame, no word
   indicating dissatisfaction with the spiritual condition of his Ephesian
   converts. He warns them, indeed, in his parting charge given at Miletus
   of dangers threatening them no less from within than from without (Acts
   xx. 29, 30); but no word indicates that they by any fault of theirs
   were laying themselves open to these. Those who place the Apocalypse in
   the reign of Nero hardly allow ten years between that condition and
   this--too brief a period for so great and mournful a change. It is
   inconceivable that there should have been such a letting go of first
   love in so brief a time. No: that which we have here described marks,
   as Hengstenberg has excellently said, the rise of another generation--a
   condition analogous to that of the children of Israel, when Joshua and
   the elders who had seen the great wonders in Egypt were gathered to
   their fathers (Josh. xxiv. 31). With their departure another order of
   things commences. A second generation rises up rather with the
   traditions of earnest religion; than the living power of it. The forms,
   which were once instinct with life, still survive; but the life itself
   has, not indeed altogether, but in good part, departed from them. Place
   the Apocalypse under Domitian, and thirty years will have intervened
   since St. Paul wrote his Epistle to Ephesus--exactly the period which
   we require, exactly the life of a generation; the outlines of the truth
   are still preserved; but the truth itself is not for a second
   generation what it was for the first; apparently there is nothing
   changed; while yet in fact every thing is changed. How often has
   something of this kind repeated itself in the Church. [20]

   Ver. 5. "Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent,
   and do the first works."--There are ever goads in the memory of a
   better and a nobler past, goading him who has taken up with meaner
   things and lower, and urging him to mlake what he has lost once more
   his own; as, to take an extreme instance, it is the prodigal's
   recollection of the bread enough and to spare in his father's house,
   which makes the swine's husks and the famine even among them, so
   intolerable to him. And therefore is it that this Ephesian Angel is
   bidden to remember the glorious heights of grace, the heavenly places
   whereon, though yet on earth, he once walked with Christ during the
   fervency of his first love. Perhaps the desire shall thus be kindled in
   him to scale these heights again. In this "from whence thou art
   fallen," an allusion may possibly lie to Isai. xiv. 12, "How art thou
   fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning."--"And, as thou
   rememberest, repent, and do the first works." Christ does not say "Feel
   thy first feelings;" that perhaps would have been impossible, and even
   if possible, might have had but little value in it; but "Do the first
   works," such as thou didst in the time of thy first devotedness and
   zeal. Not the quantity, but the quality, of his works was now other and
   worse than once it had been.

   "Or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy candlestick
   out of his place, except thou repent."--The "quickly" is wanting in
   most MSS., and has probably found its way here from ver. 16; iii. 11;
   xxii. 7, 12, 20. The removing of the candlestick from a place implies
   the entire departure of Christ's grace, of his Church with all its
   blessings, from that spot, with the transfer of it to another; for it
   is removal of the candlestick, not extinction of the candle, which is
   threatened here--judgment for some, but that very judgment the occasion
   of mercy for others. And so it has been. The Churches of Asia are now
   no more, or barely and hardly exist; but the grace of God, withdrawn
   from them, has been bestowed elsewhere. The seat of the Church has been
   changed, but the Church itself still survives. The candlestick has been
   removed, but the candle has not been quenched; and what the East has
   lost the West has gained. How awful the fulfilment of the threat has
   been in regard of Ephesus every modern traveller thither has borne
   witness. One who lately visited the place found only three Christians
   there, and these sunk in such ignorance and apathy as scarcely to have
   heard the names of St. Paul or St. John.

   Ver. 6. "But this thou hast, that thou hatest the deeds of the
   Nicolaitans, which I also hate."--Very beautiful is the tenderness of
   the Lord in thus bringing forward a second time some good thing which
   He had found at Ephesus. Having been compelled to speak sharp severe
   words, He yet will not leave off with these; but having wounded, He
   will, so far as it is safe to do so, also heal. [21] It is no small
   praise to love that which Christ loves, and to hate that which Christ
   hates, and this praise the Lord will not withhold from the Angel of
   Ephesus.

   But the Nicolaitans, whose deeds were the object of the earnest hate of
   Christ's servant, as also of his own, who were they? It is not an easy
   question to answer. Was there, in the first place, any sect existing at
   the time when these words were uttered, which actually bore this name?
   I am disposed to think there was not. The other names of this Book,
   Egypt, Babylon, Sodom, in agreement with its apocalyptic character, are
   predominantly mystical and symbolic; and in all probability this is so
   as well; while the key to the right understanding of it is given us at
   ii. 14, 15; where those "that hold the doctrine of Balaam" (ver. 14)
   are evidently identical with those "that hold the doctrine of the
   Nicolaitans" (ver. 15). We are here set upon the right track. It is
   probable that we hardly rate high enough the significance of Balaam as
   an Anti-Moses, and therefore as an Antichrist, in the Old Testament.
   But without entering more into this, it may be observed that his name,
   according to the best etymology, signifies "Destroyer of the people"
   ("qui absorpsit populum," from vl and m), and Nikolaos (nikan ton laon)
   is no more than a grecizing of this name,--such alternation, or
   duplication, presenting a word, now in its Greek, now in its Hebrew
   aspect, being altogether in the character of the Book, Greek in
   language, but Hebrew in form and spirit, and several times recurring in
   it; thus, Apolluon and Abaddon (ix. 11); Diabolos and Satanas (xii. 9;
   xx. 2); nai and amen (i. 7). The genesis of the name, which, so
   understood, will almost exactly correspond to Armillus (= eremolaos),
   the name by which the final Antichrist, who shall seduce the Christians
   to their ruin, is known among the Jews (see Eisenmenger, Entd. Judenth.
   ii. 705, sqq.), may be accounted for in this way. The Nicolaitans, as
   we have seen, are the Balaamites; no sect bearing the one name or the
   other; but those who in the New Dispensation repeated the sin of Balaam
   in the Old, and sought to overcome or destroy the people of God by the
   same temptations whereby Balaam had sought to overcome them before. But
   it was into the fleshly sins of heathenism that he had sought to lead
   them, to introduce these among the people of God, to draw them to eat
   idol meats and to commit fornication (Num. xxv. 1-9; xxxi. 16); and
   this the leading character of his wickedness must be also of theirs.

   The Nicolaitans then, or Balaamites, are no sect that in early times
   bore one of these names or the other; but those who after the pattern
   of Balaam's sin sought to introduce a false freedom; the freedom of the
   flesh, into the Church of God. These were the foremost tempters of the
   Church in the later apostolic times when the Apocalypse was written,
   and in the times immediately succeeding. The first great battle which
   the Church had to fight was with Jewish legalism; this came to its head
   historically, and found its condemnation, in the Council of Jerusalem
   (Acts xv. 1-31), dogmatically in St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians,
   those who refused to accept the Church's decisions on the matter
   gradually forming themselves more and more into a schismatical
   heretical body, not any longer within, but henceforth without, the
   Church's pale. But this danger overcome, St. Paul lived to see before
   the close of his ministry the rise of another, of exactly the opposite
   error--that, namely, of heathen false freedom and libertinism; while in
   the later writings of the New Covenant, in the Epistle of St. Jude, in
   the second of St. Peter, and in the Apocalypse of St. John we find
   these libertine errors full blown. They all speak of lawless ones (2
   Pet. ii. 16), who abused St. Paul's doctrine of grace (iii. 16), who
   promised liberty to others, being themselves the servants of corruption
   (ii. 19), who turned the grace of God into lasciviousness (Jude 4); or,
   as these Nicolaitans, would fain entice the servants of God to eat idol
   meats and commit fornication. It is not indeed a little remarkable, as
   attesting the identity of those whose works the Lord here declares that
   He hates with them whom his Apostles denounce, that Balaam, whose name
   as we have seen is the key-word to the name which these Nicolaitans
   bear, and to the works which they do, is set ftorth both by St. Peter
   (ii. 15) and St. Jude (ver. 11) as the seducer in whose path of error
   these later seducers were themselves running and persuading others to
   run.

   But it may be urged against this view of the matter that we find actual
   Nicolaitans in the second century. Doubtless we do so. That there
   existed in the second and third centuries a sect of antinomian
   Gnostics, who bore this name, has been denied by some; but on grounds
   quite insufficient. Irenæus (i. xxvi. 3) is probably in error when he
   makes the founder of this sect to have been Nicolas, the proselyte of
   Antioch, of whom such honourable mention is made in the Acts (vi. 3,
   5); and who, if this were true, must afterwards have miserably fallen
   away from the faith; while yet the fault of Irenæus is probably no more
   than that he too lightly admitted the claim which they made to Nicolas,
   as the author of their heresy. It is certainly difficult to see what
   authority any statement of his would retain with us, if we felt at
   liberty to set aside his distinct assertion of such a sect as existing
   in his own time. But still more explicit are the references made to
   them by Tertullian (De Præsc. Hær. 46). It cannot be said of him, as it
   sometimes is of Irenæus, that he knows nothing about them except what
   he has drawn from these passages of Scripture; for he gives an account
   of their doctrines, not merely libertine, but Gnostic, at considerable
   length. Clement of Alexandria also (Strom. ii. 20) speaks without
   hesitation of the Nicolaitans (hoi phaskontes heautous Nikolao
   hepesthai) as a body existing in his day; and compare iii. 4, where he
   records their unbridled excessive lusts. He indeed entirely acquits
   Nicolas the deacon from having had any share in the authorship of this
   heresy, giving no credit to this boasted genealogy of theirs. The
   Apostolic Constitutions (vi. 8) do the same. With such distinct notices
   of Nicolaitans existing in the second century, it seems a piece of
   unwarranted scepticism to deny the historic existence of such a sect.
   At the same time, there is no need to suppose that they were the
   spiritual descendants of actual Nicolaitans, of libertines I mean,
   bearing this name, in the times of the Apostle. Rather, springing up at
   a later day, one of the innumerable branches of the Gnostic heresy,
   they assumed this name which they found ready made for them in the
   Apocalypse. [22]

   It may seem indeed, at the first showing, almost inconceivable that a
   sect, professing to stand even in the remotest relation to
   Christianity, should appropriate to itself a name so branded with
   infamy as in Holy Scripture is this. But we must remember that with
   many of the Gnostics this was a relation of absolute and entire
   opposition to nearly all of the Scripture; and the history of these
   daring fighters against God would supply many parallel instances of
   blasphemous impiety. Thus, not to speak of the Ophites, there were the
   Cainites (Tertullian indeed identifies them and the Nicolaitans, De
   Præsc. Hær. 33), all whose saints and heroes were those whom the
   Scripture had marked with deepest reprobation, the list beginning with
   Cain and ending with Judas Iscariot (Tertullian, De Præsc. Hær. 47).
   When too we keep in mind the intense antagonism of the antinomian
   Gnostics to John as a judaizing Apostle, contradistinguished from Paul,
   who with their own Marcion was to sit, Paul on the right hand, and
   Marcion on the left hand, of Christ in his kingdom, being those for
   whom this was reserved of the Father (Matt. xx. 23; Origen, in Luc.
   Hom. 25), assuredly there will seem nothing strange that a name which
   John branded with worst dishonour, they who gloried in their shame
   should assume as one of chiefest honour;--just as in an infidel
   publication of the present day which has sometimes come under my eye,
   there are letters signed in blasphemous earnest with the signature of
   "Antichrist."

   One point still remains. Is the hating the deeds of the Nicolaitans of
   this verse identical with not being able to "bear them which are evil"
   of ver. 2? or, being a grace growing out of the same holy impatience of
   evil, is there for all this a certain difference between them, so that
   while that was rather a hatred of error in doctrine, of departure from
   the faith once delivered, an unmasking of them that said they were
   apostles, and were not, this is more a hatred of evil done, of the
   deeds of the Nicolaitans? In other words, is the Lord here recurring to
   the good thing which He has already found and praised in Ephesus? or is
   this new praise, and the recognition of a further grace? Most
   expositors take for granted that Christ here returns to the praise
   which He has already uttered, that the Nicolaitans therefore are
   identical with "them that are evil" of the former verse. I cannot think
   it; but must see here not the repetition of praise bestowed before,
   which seems somewhat flat, but a further merit which Christ is well
   pleased to find and to acknowledge in his Church at Ephesus. The deeds
   of the Nicolaitans were, no doubt, the crowning wickedness there, the
   bitter fruit growing out of that evil root of false doctrine; but
   whether in root or fruit this evil was equally hated by the Angel and
   Church of Ephesus.

   Ver. 7. "He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto
   the Churches."--These words recur in each of the Epistles; with only
   this difference, that in the former three they occur before, in the
   latter four after, the final promise. Is there any meaning in this
   change of place? It is difficult to believe that there is not. The
   Apocalypse is a work of such consummate art, a device of such profound
   wisdom, that one is slow to assume any thing accidental in it, any
   departure from a rule which has been once admitted, without a meaning.
   At the same time I must own that I have never seen any satisfactory
   explanation of this. That in every case the words usher in, or commend,
   truths of the deepest concernment to all, there can be no doubt. This
   we might confidently argue from the very form of the exhortation; but
   we further gather it from a comparison of the passages, all of them of
   deepest significance, where the same summons to attention recurs (Matt.
   xi. 15; xiii. 9, 43; Mark vii. 16; Rev. xiii. 9); so that Irving
   (Expos. of the Revelation, vol. i. p. 354) has perfect right when he
   affirms, "This form always is used of radical and as it were of
   generative truths, great principles, most precious promises, most deep
   fetches from the secrets of God, being as it were eyes of truth, seeds
   and kernels of knowledge." These words then proclaim to us that they
   are matters of weightiest concernment to the whole Church of God, which
   Christ is uttering here.

   But let us look a little closer at them, and see what other lessons
   this summons, in the form which it here takes, is capable of yielding.
   And first the "ear" here is not a natural ear, and this therefore a
   summons to every man, for every man has such a natural ear, to attend
   to the words now spoken; but rather the words are an equivalent to the
   ho dunamenos chorein choreito of Matt. xix. 12, and imply that,
   spiritual truth needing a spiritual organ for its discernment, only he
   will be able to hear to whom God has given the hearing ear (Deut. xxix.
   4), whose ear He has wakened (Isai. l. 4, 5); of others it is true,
   "their ear is uncircumcised, and they cannot hearken" (Jer. vi. 10).
   And yet for all this the words are in another sense addressed to every
   one, inasmuch as he who has not this hearing ear, who discovers from
   the failure of these words of Christ to reach the depths of his spirit,
   that he has it not, is implicitly bidden to seek it of Him, who can
   alone give it to any, and who would be well pleased to give it to all.
   But secondly we are taught by these words how absolute is the identity
   between the workings of the Son and the Holy Ghost; how truly the
   Spirit is the Spirit of the Son, as of the Father. Christ has been
   speaking throughout; but now without a word of explanation, what He
   speaks is declared to be what the Spirit speaks. It is the Spirit who
   declares these things to the Churches. And in that phrase, "the
   Churches," we are further reminded of the universal character which
   this Epistle and those that follow it possess. It might seem that all
   which had hitherto been uttered had been uttered only to one Church, to
   that of Ephesus; nor is it meant in the least to deny this primary
   destination, that all the reproofs, encouragements, warnings, promises
   which it contained were designed for Ephesus; but they are not limited
   to it. Christ will allow of no such limitation. In a form somewhat more
   solemn He virtually repeats what He once spoke in the days of his
   flesh, "What I say unto you, I say unto all;" for, standing as He does
   at the central heart of things, in his particular there ever lies
   involved an universal; and therefore is it that heaven and earth may
   pass away, but his words can never pass away.

   "To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the tree of life, which
   is in the midst of the Paradise of God."--It is deeply interesting and
   instructive to observe how in this, and probably in every other case,
   the character of the promise corresponds to the character of the
   faithfulness displayed. They who have abstained from the idol meats,
   from the sinful dainties of the flesh and world, shall, in return, "eat
   of the tree of life;" or, as it is in the Epistle to Pergamum, "of the
   hidden manna" (ii. 17); the same law of correspondency and compensation
   being found, as I have said, to reign in most, if not all of the other
   promises as well. They who have not feared those who can kill the body
   only, who have given, where need was, their bodies to the flame, shall
   not be hurt by the second death (ii. 11). They whom the world has not
   vanquished, shall have dominion over the world (ii. 26, 27). They who
   keep their garments here undefiled, shall be clad in the white and
   shining garments of immortality there (iii. 4, 5). They who overcome
   Jewish pretensions (and the earnest warnings of the Epistle to the
   Hebrews, show us that this for some was not done without the hardest
   struggle) shall be made free, not of an earthly, but of an heavenly,
   Jerusalem (iii. 12). The only Church in which any difficulty occurs in
   tracing the correlation between the form of the victory and the form of
   the reward, is the last.

   But this much said by way of general introduction to all the promises,
   the promise here may well claim closer attention. "To him that
   overcometh." The image of the Christian as a conqueror, an overcomer,
   is frequent with St. Paul (2 Tim. ii. 5; 1 Cor. ix. 24, 25); but such
   phrases as nikan ton kosmon, nikan ton poneron, or simply nikan as
   here, nowhere occur in his Epistles--the only passage in them which in
   the least resembles these, or where the word is used to express the
   moral victory over sin and temptation, is Rom. xii. 21. This use of
   nikan, with that single and partial exception, is exclusively St.
   John's; and the frequent recurrence of it on the one side in his
   Gospels and Epistles, and on the other in the Apocalypse (thus compare
   John xvi. 32; 1 Ep. ii. 13, 14; v. 4, 5, with Rev. ii. 11, 17, 26; iii.
   5, 12, 21; xii. 11; xxi. 7), constitutes an interesting point of
   contact between the language of this Book and of those others whereof
   he was the author as well; and for those who need such arguments, as
   argument for the identity of the author of those and of this.

   It is very noteworthy, and this "I will give," recurring as it does so
   constantly in all these Epistles, bids us to note, how absolutely
   without reserve or qualification Christ assumes for Himself throughout
   them all, the distribution of rewards, as supreme and sole
   misthapodotes (Heb. xi. 6) in the kingdom of glory (ii. 10, 17, 26, 28;
   iii. 21; cf. xxi. 6, and 2 Tim. iv. 8). Elsewhere St. Paul has said,
   "The gift of God is eternal life" (Rom. vi. 22); here it appears
   eminently as the gift of Christ. And his "I will give," though still in
   the future, is sure. It has nothing in it of the doso of that ever
   promising but never performing king of Macedon; who, having ever this
   same doso on his lips, but never the doso in his hands, acquired the
   name of Doson, fastened as no honourable distinction upon him who never
   crowned the promise with the performance.

   In "the tree of life" there is manifest allusion to Gen. ii. 9. The use
   of xulon, the dead timber in classical Greek, for dendron, the living
   tree, there as here is Hellenistic; not indeed exclusively confined to
   the Septuagint and the New Testament, being found in the Alexandrian
   poets, Callimachus for instance, as well; indeed, there is an
   anticipation of it in Herodotus, iii. 47. The tree which disappeared
   with the disappearance of the earthly Paradise, reappears with the
   reappearance of the heavenly, Christ's kingdom being in the highest
   sense "the restitution of all things" (Acts iii. 21). Whatever had been
   lost through Adam's sin is won back, and that too in a higher shape,
   through Christ's obedience. That the memory of "the tree of life" had
   not in the mean time perished, we gather from such passages as Prov.
   iii. 18; xi. 30; xiii. 12; xv. 4. [23] To eat of the tree of life is a
   figurative phrase to express participation in the life eternal; cf.
   Gen. iii. 22; Ezek. xlvii. 12; [24] Rev. xxii. 2, 14; 2 Esdr. ii. 12;
   vii. 53; and Ecclus. xix. 19: "They that do the things that please Him
   shall receive the fruit of the tree of immortality." Compare the words
   of the Christian Sibyl:

   Hoi de Theon timontes alethinon aenaonte
   Zoen kleronomousi ton aionos ?ronon, autoi
   Oikountes Paradeisou homos erithelea kepon,
   Dainumenoi glukun arton ap' ouranou asteroentos.

   We meet with echoes and reminiscences of this "tree of life" in the
   mythologies of many nations; or if not actual reminiscences of it, yet
   reachings out after it, as in the Yggdrasil of our own northern
   mythology (see Grimm, Deutsche Mythol. p. 756); and still more
   remarkable in the Persian Hom. This is the king of trees, is called in
   the Zend-Avesta the Death-destroyer; it grows by the fountain of
   Arduisur, in other words, the waters of life; while its sap drunken
   confers immortality (Creuzer, Symbolik, vol. i. p. 187, and often).

   For the words, "which is in the midst of the Paradise of God," there
   can be no doubt that we should read simply, "which is in the Paradise
   of God." Transcribers brought their "in the midst" from Gen. ii. 9.
   Paradeisos is a word whose history is well worth tracing. The word and
   thing which it designated are both generally said to be Persian; though
   this is now earnestly denied by some, who claim for it a Semitic origin
   (see Tuch, Genesis, p. 68). As is well known, it was first naturalized
   in Greek by Xenophon, who designated by it the parks or
   pleasure-gardens of Persia, in which wild beasts were kept, or stately
   trees grown (Hell. iv. 1. 15; Cyrop. i. 4. 11), being at once the
   "vivarium" and the "viridarium" of the Romans. Classical Latin did not
   know the word paradisus' (see A. Gellius, ii. 20. 4, and the long
   circumlocution by which Cicero, De Senect. 17, is compelled to express
   the thing). Where the Septuagint employs paradeisos, it is commonly to
   designate the garden of Eden (Gen. ii. 8; iii. 1; Ezek. xxviii. 13),
   though sometimes employing it for any stately garden of delight
   whatever (Isai. i. 30; Jer. xxix. 5; Eccl. ii. 5): epoiesa moi kepous
   kai paradeisous). The word, when it appears in the New Testament, has
   taken a great spring. The ideal beauty of that dwelling-place of our
   first parents, perhaps also the fact that it had now vanished from the
   earth, has caused the name "Paradise" to be transferred to that region
   and province in Hades, or the invisible world, where the souls of the
   faithful are gathered, waiting for their perfect consummation and
   bliss. "Their [the Jews'] meaning therefore was this; that as paradise,
   or the garden of Eden, was a place of great beauty, pleasure, and
   tranquillity, so the state of separate souls was a state of peace and
   excellent delights" (J. Taylor). It is in this sense that Christ
   allowed and employed the term, when to the dying thief He said, "This
   day shalt thou be with Me in Paradise" (Luke xxii. 43). [25] But even
   this is not all. The word takes a higher meaning yet; for this inferior
   Paradise is not to be confounded with the heavenly Paradise, "the
   Paradise of God," as it is here called, "the third heaven," where is
   the presence and glory of God (2 Cor. xii. 2, 4). [26] We may thus
   trace paradeisos passing through a series of meanings, each one higher
   than the last; from any garden of delight, which is its first meaning,
   it comes to be predominantly applied to the garden of Eden, then to the
   resting-place of separate souls in joy and felicity, and lastly, to the
   very heaven itself; and we see eminently in it, what we see indeed in
   so many words, how revealed religion assumes them into her service, and
   makes them vehicles of far higher truth than any which they knew at
   first, transforming and transfiguring them, as in this case, from glory
   to glory.

   This "tree of life," with the privilege of eating of its fruits, as
   belonging to the faithful overcomer, reappears at the close of this
   Book (xxii. 2, 14). Indeed it is very interesting to note, and here
   will be a fit opportunity for noting, the fine and subtle bands which
   knit one part of the Apocalypse to another, the marvellous art, if we
   may dare to use an earthly word speaking of a heavenly fact, with which
   this Book is constructed. Especially these seven Epistles, which at
   first sight might appear, which to some have appeared, to hang loosely
   on the rest, to be but slightly attached, do yet on nearer examination
   prove to be bound to it by the closest possible bands. There is not one
   of the promises made to the faithful in these second and third
   chapters, which does not look on to, and perhaps first finds its
   explanation in, some later portion of the Book. Thus the eating of the
   tree of life, at xxii. 2, 14, 19; deliverance from the second death
   (ii. 11) receives its solemn commentary, xx. 14; xxi. 8; the writing of
   the new name of ii. 17 reappears xiv. 1; the dominion over the heathen
   of ii. 26 at xx. 4; the morning star of ii. 28 at xxii. 16; the white
   garments of iii. 5 at iv. 4; vii. 9, 13; the name found written in the
   book of life of iii. 5 at xiii. 8; xx. 15; the New Jerusalem and the
   citizenship in it of iii. 12 at xxi. 10; xxii. 14; the sitting upon the
   throne of iii. 21 at iv. 4. [27]

   There is one thing more to observe before leaving this promise,-namely
   the large amount of evidence in favour of a very interesting
   reading,--"in the Paradise of my God" (tou Theou mou). It is not hard
   to understand the motives which led to the omission of this mou--the
   fear namely of Arian conclusions, or others dishonourable to the
   divinity of Christ, which may probably have influenced transcribers.
   Such fears are altogether superfluous, as Arethas long ago observed.
   This Scripture does but say what innumerable others say as well. The
   Lord after his resurrection could speak of "my Father and your Father,
   my God and your God" (John xx. 17); and compare in this very Book, "the
   temple of my God," "the name of my God," "the city of my God" (iii.
   12); while St. Paul does not scruple to speak of the God, as well as
   the Father, of our Lord Jesus Christ (Ephes. i. 17).
     __________________________________________________________________

   [19] This intolerance of error, this resolution to hold fast the
   precious deposit of the truth, to suffer nothing to be added to it,
   nothing to be taken from it, nothing to be altered in it, was still the
   mark and glory of the Ephesian Church at a date somewhat later than
   this. It is a remarkable testimony to this which Ignatius, writing not
   many years after, bears, and it admirably agrees with the testimony
   which the Lord Himself bears here to its zeal for doctrinal purity (ad
   Ephes. vi.): autos men oun Onesimos huperepainei humon ten en Theo
   eutaxian, hoti en humin oudemia hairesis katoikei; all' oude akouete
   tinos pleon eper Iesou Christou lalountos en aletheia. And again, c.
   ix. egnon de parodeusantas tinas ekeithen, echontas kaken didachen;
   ohos ouk eiasate speirai eis humas, busantes ta ota, eis to me
   paradexasthai ta speiromena hup' auton.

   [20] There is a passage in Bishop Burnet's History of his own Times,
   which has always seemed to me to throw considerable light on this
   picture of the Ephesian Church, active, zealous of good works, resolute
   to maintain a form of sound words, the truth once delivered, and yet
   with its inner principle of love so far decayed. He is describing the
   state of the Protestant communities of Switzerland, Germany, and
   Holland, and of the French Protestant refugees who had found shelter
   among them' from the dragonades, the "mission bottée" as it is so
   facetiously called by some Roman Catholic writers, of Louis XIV. His
   words, written in the year 1680, are as follows: "I was indeed amazed
   at the labours and learning of the ministers among the Reformed. They
   understood the Scriptures well in the original tongues, they had all
   the points of controversy very ready, and did thoroughly understand the
   whole body of divinity. In many places they preached every day, and
   were almost constantly employed in visiting their flock. But they
   performed their devotions but slightly, and read their prayers, which
   were too long, with great precipitation and little zeal. Their sermons
   were too long and too dry. And they were so strict, even to jealousy,
   in the smallest points in which they put orthodoxy, that one who could
   not go into all their notions, but was resolved not to quarrel with
   them, could not converse much with them with any freedom." Speaking of
   the French refugees from the dragonades, he says: "Even among them
   there did not appear a spirit of piety and devotion suitable to their
   condition, though persons who have willingly suffered the loss of all
   things rather than sin against their consciences, must be believed to
   have a deeper principle in them, than can well be observed by others."

   [21] On this mingling of praise, so far as truth will allow, with the
   necessary blame, and the leaving off not with blame, but with praise,
   Plutarch has much to say in his delightful treatise, "How to discern a
   Flatterer from a Friend," which is full of instruction on the true
   spirit of Christian rebuke. On this, which the Lord so notably
   practises here, namely the not leaving off with rebuke, but if possible
   with praise, he beautifully says (c. 37): Epei toinun, hosper eiretai,
   pollakis he parrhesia to therapeuomeno lupera huparchei, dei mimeisthai
   tous iatrous. oute gar ekeinoi temnontes, en to ponein kai algein
   kataleipousi to peponthos, all' enebrexan prosenos kai kateonesan; oote
   hoi nouthetountes asteios, to pikron kai dektikon prosbalontes
   apotrechousin, all' homiliais heterais kai logois epieikesin
   ekpra?nousi kai diacheousin. Cf. c. xxxiii.

   [22] The fullest collection of all passages of antiquity bearing on the
   Nicolaitans which I know is to be found in Stern's Commentar über die
   Offenbarung, 1854, pp. 141-145.

   [23] The Rabbis, of course, know a great deal about this "tree of
   life." Its boughs overshadow the whole of Paradise. It has five hundred
   thousand fragrant smells, and its fruit as many pleasant tastes, not
   one of them resembling the other (Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum,
   vol. ii. p. 311).

   [24] Lucian's words (Ver. Hist. ii. 14), in his account of the Island
   of the Blest, sound very much like a scoff at this: hai men ampeloi
   dodekaphoroi eisi, kai kata mena ekaston karpophorousi.

   [25] The most interesting passages in the Fathers on Paradise as this
   middle state, are Tertullian, De Animâ, 55 (his book De Paradiso has
   not reached us); and Origen, De Princ. ii. 11. 6.

   [26] There is much about both Paradises, the upper and the under, as
   the Jews were wont to call them, in Eisenmenger, Endecktes Judenthum,
   vol. ii. pp. 260-320.

   [27] Very beautifully Bengel on this matter, though his words refer not
   to the seven Epistles only, but to the whole Book: "Partes hujus libri
   passim inter se respiciunt. Omnino structura libri hujus prorsus artem
   divinam spirat; estque ejus quodam modo proprium, ut res futuras
   multas, et in multitudine varias, proximas, intermedias, remotissimas,
   maximas, minimas, terribiles, salutares, ex veteribus prophetis
   repetitas, novas, longas, breves, easque inter se contextas, oppositas,
   compositas, seque mutuo involventes et evolventes, ad se invicem ex
   intervallo parvo aut magno respicientes, adeoque interdum quasi
   disparentes, abruptas, suspensas, et postea de improviso opportunissime
   sub conspectum redeuntes, absoluto compendio complectatur; atque his
   rebus, quæ complectitur liber, structura libri exacte respondet. Itaque
   in omnibus suis partibus admirabilem habet varietatem, spirasque
   pulcerrimas, simulque summam harmoniam, per ipsas anomalias, quæ illam
   interpellare videntur, valde illustratam."
     __________________________________________________________________

II.

EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH OF SMYRNA.

   Rev. ii. 8-11.

   Ver. 8. "And unto the Angel of the Church in Smyrna write."--The next
   in order to Ephesus of the seven Churches is Smyrna, the next in the
   natural order as it is also in the spiritual, lying as it does a little
   to the north of that city. Smyrna, agalma tes Asias, as it has been
   called, was one of the fairest and noblest cities of Ionia; most
   favourably placed upon the coast to command the trade of the Levant,
   which equally in old and modern times it has enjoyed. In early
   ecclesiastical history Smyrna is chiefly famous as the Church over
   which Polycarp presided as bishop. This Church must have been founded
   at a very early date, though there is no mention of it either in the
   Acts or the Epistles of St. Paul. Knowing as we do that at a period
   only a little later than this, Polycarp was bishop there, a very
   interesting question presents itself to us, namely, whether he might
   not have been bishop now; whether he may not be the Angel to whom this
   Epistle is addrest. There is much to make this probable; and the fact,
   if it were so, would throw much light on the character of the Epistle,
   and beautifully account for that key-note of martyrdom to which it is
   set; while the difficulties which some find in this, rest mainly on the
   erroneous assumption that the Apocalypse was composed under Nero or
   Galba, and not under Domitian. It is true indeed that we have thus to
   assume an episcopate of his, which lasted for more than seventy years;
   for "the good confession" of Polycarp did not take place till the year
   168, while the Apocalypse was probably written in 96. Let us see,
   however, how far ecclesiastical history will bear us out in this. As
   early as 108 Ignatius on his way to his Roman martyrdom found Polycarp
   the bishop or Angel of the Church of Smyrna (Mart. Ign. 3), addressing
   to him a letter which, despite of all which has been said against it,
   must still be considered genuine. We have only to extend his episcopate
   twelve years a parte ante, and he will have been Angel of Smyrna when
   this Epistle was addrest to that Church.

   Is there any great unlikelihood in this? His reply to the Roman
   Governor, who tempted him to save his life by denying his Lord, is well
   known--namely that he could not thus renounce a Lord whom for eighty
   and six years he had served, and during all this time had received
   nothing but good from Him (De S. Polyc. Mart. 9; Eusebius, H. E. iv.
   15). But these "eighty and six years" can scarcely represent the whole
   length of his life, for Irenæus (Adv. Hær. iii. 3. 4; cf. Eusebius, H.
   E. iv. 14) lays such a stress on the extreme old age which Polycarp had
   attained, that, great as this age is, we must yet esteem the number of
   his years to have been greater still. They represent no doubt the years
   since his conversion. Counting back eighty-six years from the year 168,
   being that of his martyrdom, we have A.D. 82 as the year when he was
   first in Christ. This will give us fourteen years as the period which
   will have elapsed from his conversion to that when this present Epistle
   was written, during which time he may very well have attained the post
   of chiefest honour and toil and peril in the Church of Smyrna.
   Tertullian indeed distinctly tells us that he was consecrated bishop of
   Smyrna by St. John (De Præsc. Hæret. 32); and Irenaeus, who declares to
   us that he had himself in his youth often talked with Polycarp,
   declares the same (Eusebius, H. E. iv. 14; cf. iii. 36; Jerome, Catal.
   Script. s. v. Polycarpus; Jacobson, Patt. Apostoll. p. 564; and Röthe,
   Die Anfänge d. christl. Kirche, p. 429). There are then very sufficient
   reasons for thinking it at least possible, to me it seems probable,
   that to Polycarp himself the words which follow were first spoken.

   "These things saith the first and the last, which was dead, and is
   alive."--Being addressed, as this Epistle is, to a Church exposed, and
   hereafter to be still more exposed, to the fiercest blasts of
   persecution, it is graciously ordered that all the attributes which
   Christ here claims for Himself should be such as would encourage and
   support his servants in their trials and distress. Brightman: "Titulos
   sibi sumit [Christus] qui præsenti rerum conditioni conveniunt. Unde
   varium suæ gloriæ radium in singulis Epistolis spargit, pro variâ
   fortunâ quâ sunt Ecclesiæ." For these titles of Christ, "the first and
   the last," and "which was dead, and is alive," or rather, "who became
   dead, and lived again," see i. 17, 18. Ezesen here is not "vixit," but
   "revixit" (cf. Ezek. xxxvii. 3; John v. 25; Rev. xiii. 14); death
   having been for Him only the passage to a more glorious life. How then
   should his servants fear them who could kill the body, and then had
   nothing more which they could do? how should they doubt of committing
   their souls to One, who had so triumphantly redeemed his own?

   Ver. 9. "I know thy works, and tribulation, and poverty; but thou art
   rich."--For the first clause see what has been said already on ver. 2;
   the words of themselves express neither praise nor blame. The
   "tribulation" refers out of all doubt to the affliction which the
   Church of Smyrna endured at the hands of its Jewish and heathen
   persecutors and oppressors, thlibein and thlipsis being constant words
   to express this (1 Thess. iii. 4; Heb. xi. 37; Acts xx. 23; Rev. i. 9,
   and often). So too their "poverty" will probably have come upon them
   through the spoiling of their goods (Heb. x. 34), and the various
   wrongs in their worldly estate which the profession of the faith of
   Christ will have brought with it.

   "But thou art rich."--How much better this, poor in the esteem of the
   world, but rich before Christ, than the condition of the Laodicean
   Angel, rich in his own esteem, but most poor in the sight of Christ
   (iii. 17). There can, of course, be no doubt that "rich" here means
   rich in grace (cf. Rom. viii. 32; Col. ii. 3; 1 Tim. vi. 18), having
   treasure in heaven (Matt. vi. 20; xix. 21; Luke xii. 21), as the same
   word plousios expresses in a similar, but yet a far higher sense, rich
   in glory elsewhere (2 Cor. viii. 9). These words, to which James ii.
   5-7 furnishes a remarkable parallel, constitute a very beautiful
   parenthesis, declaring as they do the judgment of heaven concerning
   this Church of Smyrna, as contradistinguished from the judgment of
   earth. Men saw nothing there save the poverty, but He who sees not as
   man seeth, saw the true riches which this seeming poverty concealed,
   which indeed the poverty, rightly interpreted, was; even as He too
   often sees the real poverty which may lie behind the show of riches;
   for there are both poor rich-men and rich poor-men in his sight.

   "And I know the blasphemy of them which say they are Jews, and are not,
   but are the synagogue of Satan."--The most important question which
   presents itself here is, In what sense shall we take the term "Jews"?
   by "those which say they are Jews, and are not," shall we understand
   Jews literally so called, who, being the natural seed of Abraham,
   claimed also to be the spiritual; or accepting "Jews" here as the
   designation of the true circumcision not made with hands, that is, of
   Christians, shall we see in these, some who claimed to be Christians,
   but whose right to belong to his Church Christ here denies? The former
   appears to me the preferable interpretation. The analogy of such
   passages as Rom. ii. 28, 29; ix. 6; Phil. iii. 2, 3, seems to point
   this way. [28] Then again these opposers and blasphemers were evidently
   persecutors to bonds and death of the faithful at Smyrna; but, extreme
   shame and disgrace as some of the heretical sects were bringing on the
   true Church at this time, there is no tittle of evidence that they had
   the power or the desire to persecute it with the weapons of outward
   persecution. It was otherwise, however, with the Jews literally so
   named. What their blasphemy' against Jesus of Nazareth, against the
   Lord of glory, but known to them as "the hanged one," was, and still
   is, we know only too well (see Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, vol.
   i. pp. 61-188). While too the opposition of the heathen was still
   languid and occasional, the jealousy of Rome being hardly awakened, the
   fierceness of their enmity, the eagerness with which they sought to
   arouse that of the heathen, almost every page in the Acts declares
   (xiii. 50; xiv. 2, 5, 19; xvii. 5; xxiv. 2; 1 Thess. ii. 14); and many
   a page of early ecclesiastical history no less. Moreover, this
   blasphemy and malignant antagonism of the Jews against the truth
   displayed itself in bitterest enmity against this very Church of
   Smyrna. We learn from that precious document, the Epistle of the Church
   of Smyrna recording the martyrdom of Polycarp, that Jews joined with
   heathens in crying out in the amphitheatre that the Christian bishop
   should be cast to the lions; and when there was a difficulty about
   this, that he should be burned alive; which being granted, the Jews, as
   was their wont (hos ethos autois), were foremost and forwardest in
   bringing logs for the pile; they, too, doing all that lay in their
   power to hinder the remains of the martyr from being delivered to his
   followers for burial (ch. 12, 13, 17).

   In the words which follow, "but are the synagogue of Satan," I find
   another proof that Jews, literally so called, are intended. To them
   belonged the synagogue, to Christians the Church. Throughout all the
   New Testament sunagoge is only once used for a Christian place of
   assembly (Jam. ii. 2), never for the body of the faithful in Christ
   Jesus. With this one exception, capable of an easy explanation (see my
   Synonyms of the New Testament, § 1), the word is abandoned to the Jews.
   And that of theirs, which might have been the Church of the living God,
   is now "the synagogue of Satan"--a hard saying, a terrible word, but
   one which they, once the chosen people of the Lord, had wrought with
   all their might to deserve. Nothing else indeed was possible for them,
   if they would not be his people indeed; they could not be as the
   heathen, merely non-Christian, they must be anti-Christian. The measure
   of their former nearness to God was the measure of their present
   distance from Him. In the height to which they were lifted up was
   included the depth to which, if they did not continue at that height,
   they must inevitably fall. And this, true for them, is true also for
   all.--As nothing is accidental in this Book, so it is worth remarking
   that as we have here "the synagogue of Satan," so presently "the throne
   of Satan" (ii. 13), and then lastly, "the depths of Satan" (ii. 24);
   "the synagogue of Satan" representing the Jewish antagonism to the
   Church, "the throne of Satan" the heathen, and "the depths of Satan"
   the heretical.

   Ver. 10. "Fear none of those things which thou shalt suffer."--The
   great Captain of our salvation never keeps back or conceals what those
   who faithfully witness for Him may have to bear for his name's sake;
   never entices recruits into his service, or seeks to retain them under
   his banner, by the promise that they shall find all things easy and
   pleasant there. So far from this, He says of Paul at the outset of his
   apostolic career, "I will show him how great things he must suffer for
   my name's sake" (Acts ix. 16; cf. Matt. x. 16-31; Luke ix. 23; John
   xvi. 1, 23; Ezek. ii. 3-7; Jer. i. 19); and in like manner He announces
   to the Angel of Smyrna that bonds, and tribulation, and death itself,
   are before him and before others, as many as at Smyrna shall continue
   faithful to the end. But for all this they are not to fear. Presently
   He will declare to them why they should not fear; but first he further
   unrolls in their sight the scroll of their sufferings.

   "Behold, the devil shall cast some of you into prison, that ye may be
   tried."--Ho diabolos (= kategor, Rev. xii. 10), a name given to Satan
   by the Alexandrian translators with reference to the work of accuser
   ascribed to him, Job i. 2; Zech. iii. 1, 2. How well under him the Jews
   played the secondary rôle of diaboloi, first against the Lord Himself,
   and then against his servants, appears in the Gospels (Luke xxiii. 2;
   John xix. 12), in the Acts (xvii. 5-8; xxiv. 2), and in all the early
   Church history. From a multitude of passages in Justin Martyr's
   Dialogue with Trypho, and Origen's answer to Celsus (iii. 1; vi. 27),
   it is clear that they were the authors of the calumnies against the
   Christians with which the malice of the heathen was stimulated and fed.

   The manner in which this persecution of the saints is here traced to
   the direct agency of Satan, is very well worthy of note. We sometimes
   assume that Christians were persecuted, because the truth for which
   they bore witness affronted the pride, the prejudices, and the passions
   of men; and this is true; but we have not so reached to the ground of
   the matter. There is nothing more remarkable in the records which have
   come down to us of the early persecutions, and in this point they
   singularly illustrate the Scripture before us, than the sense which the
   confessors and martyrs, and those who afterwards narrate their
   sufferings and their triumphs, entertain and utter, that these great
   fights of affliction through which they were called to pass, were the
   immediate work of the Devil, and no mere result of the offended
   passions, prejudices, or interests of men. The enemies of flesh and
   blood, as mere tools and instruments, are nearly lost sight of by them
   in a continual reference to Satan as the invisible but real author of
   all. And assuredly they had right. So we might boldly say, even if we
   had not the warrant of such Scriptures as this. Thus, who that reads
   that story of the persecution of the saints at Lyons and Vienne, A.D.
   177, happily preserved for us by Eusebius (H. E. v. 1) in the very
   words of the survivors, that wondrous tale of persistent inventive
   cruelty on the part of the heathen, overmatched by a superhuman
   patience on the part of the faithful, but must feel that here there is
   infinitely more than a conflict of bad men with good? There is rather
   on the one side an outbreak from the bottomless pit, the might and
   malice of the Devil, making war against God in the person of his
   saints; on the other, such a victory over Satan as could only have been
   surpassed when Christ Himself beheld him fall like lightning from
   heaven. This reference to the Devil as the primary author of all
   assaults upon the Church, the sense of which speaks out so strikingly
   in these Acta Martyrum, of the Gallic martyrs, hardly speaks out less
   strongly in others; thus see the Ep. de S. Polycarpi Mart. iii. 17, 19;
   Mart. Ignat. 7.

   From the fact that our Translators have rendered hina peirasthete,
   "that ye may be tried," we may certainly conclude that they
   contemplated these peirasmoi rather as the gracious trials of God (cf.
   Jam. i. 2, 3; 1 Pet. i. 7) than the temptations of the Devil. Yet
   assuredly this is not so; and Tyndale and Cranmer, who translate, "to
   tempt you," are to be preferred; so Marckius: "Ut tentemini; non
   simplici probatione constantiæ, quo pacto Deus tentat suos, sed
   incitatione ad malum et infidelitatem, quo pacto Deus neminem tentat."
   Temptation from the Devil, not trial or proof from a Heavenly Father's
   hand, is that which, according to this word of the Lord, was in store
   for them. It is indeed perfectly true that the same event is oftentimes
   both the one and the other--God sifting and winnowing the man to
   separate his chaff from his wheat, the Devil sifting and winnowing him
   in the hope that nothing else but chaff will be found in him. It is
   quite true also that peirazein is used in both senses; sometimes in a
   sense closely bordering upon that of dokimazein, and then ascribed to
   God, who, as the supreme dokimastes ton kardion, tempts and makes trial
   of his servants to show them what of sin, of infirmity, of unbelief is
   in themselves; and showing them this, to leave them holier than before
   this temptation He found them (Heb. xi. 17: cf. Gen. xxii. 1; Exod. xv.
   25; Deut. xiii. 3). At the same time peirazein is much oftener used of
   tempting by the Devil, solicitation on his part to evil (Matt. iv. 1; 1
   Cor. x. 13; Gal. vi. 1; 1 Thess. iii. 5; Heb. ii. 18; Jam. i. 13); and
   the words going immediately before, "Behold the Devil will cast some of
   you into prison," are decisive that the Lord is here warning his
   servants, as HIe did in the days of his personal ministry upon earth,
   against fierce assaults of their ghostly enemy which were close at
   hand, that so by watchfulness and prayer they might be able to stand in
   the evil day that was so near (Luke xxii. 32).

   The temptations of imprisonment He especially adduces here. In the
   records of the Church's early conflicts with the heathen, we constantly
   find the prison doing its work; those who endured torture bravely being
   returned to prison, that so it might be seen whether hunger and thirst,
   darkness and chains, would not be effectual in breaking down by little
   and little the courage and the steadfastness which had resisted
   manfully the first onset of the foe. Sometimes it would prove so. The
   Church's early story, furnishing in the main a glorious commentary on
   these words, furnishes a mournful commentary as well. When temptations
   such as the Lord here speaks of arrived, it would be ever seen that
   there were many weak brethren, and some false brethren; and the Church,
   rejoicing over the steadfastness of multitudes among her children, had
   yet to mourn over the faltering infirmity of some, and the bold
   apostasy of others (Eusebius, H. E. v. 1. 10; Cyprian, De Laps. 1, 2).

   "And ye shall have tribulation ten days."--For hexete Lachmann and
   others have received into the text hechete, which then equally with
   peirasthete will depend hina. These "ten days," during which the
   tribulation of Smyrna shall endure, have been very variously
   interpreted, some understanding by them a very long period (cf. Gen.
   xxxi. 41; Job xix. 3; Num. xiv. 22); and some a very short (Gen. xxiv.
   55; Num. xi. 19). Those who interpret in the former sense have very
   commonly seen here allusion to the ten persecutions which the Church is
   often said to have passed through, during the three hundred years of
   its conflict with heathen Rome. It has been objected that this
   enumeration of exactly ten persecutions is merely an arbitrary one;
   that, if we include in our list only those which had some right to be
   called general, as extending over the whole Roman empire, the
   persecutions would not be so many; if all those which reached any one
   Church or province, they would be many more. But, setting this
   objection aside, I am persuaded we must look for something very
   different here from an announcement of the great length of time over
   which the persecution would extend; the "ten days" declare rather the
   shortness of time within which all this tyranny would be overpast. I
   conclude this from the fact that only so will the words fall in with
   the whole temper and spirit of this verse, which is encouraging and
   consolatory throughout. Here, as so often elsewhere, the briefness of a
   trial is urged as a motive for the patient endurance of it (cf. Isai.
   xxvi. 20; liv. 8; Ps. xxx. 5; Matt. xxiv. 22; 2 Cor. iv. 17; 1 Pet. i.
   6; v. 30).

   "Be thou faithful unto death, and I woill give thee a crown of
   life."--More than one of the early Fathers have written an "Exhortatio
   ad Martyrium," but what are they all as compared with this? It needs
   hardly be observed that this "unto death" is an intensive, not an
   extensive, term. Christ does not mean, "to thy life's end,"
   contemplating life under the aspect of time; but "to the sharpest and
   worst which the enemy can inflict upon thee, even to death itself."
   Dare and endure, the words would say, the worst which evil men can
   threaten and inflict, even death itself (Matt. x. 22; xxiv. 13; Ecclus.
   iv. 28). Marckius: "Quam exigit [fidelitatem] usque ad mortem, non tam
   terminum temporis notans, quanquam et ad metæ nostræ finem sit
   perseverandum, quam quidem gradum mali, in quo fidelitas nostra
   demonstranda est, ut mortem ipsam in causâ fidei et pietatis subire non
   detractemus." For the words of the promise which follow, "and I will
   give thee a crown of life," compare 2 Esdr. ii. 42-47, which, however,
   it can hardly be doubted is the interpolation of some later Christian
   hand (see Lücke, Offenb. d. Johan. p. 155, 2d edit.).

   This "crown of life," always remaining essentially the same, is not the
   less designated by a rich variety of images. Here, and with St. James
   (i. 12), it is "a crown of life;" with St. Paul, "a crown of
   righteousness" (2 Tim. iv. 8; cf. Plutarch, Philop. et Flam. 3:
   dikaiosunes kai chrestotetos stephanos); with St. Peter, "a crown of
   glory" (1 Ep. v. 4); with Isaiah, "a crown of beauty" (lii. 3,
   stephanos kallous, LXX.; with which compare diadema tou kallous, Wisd.
   v. 17); in the Mart. S. Polycarpi, "a crown of incorruption"
   (aphtharsias, xvii. 19; cf. Eusebius, H. E. v. 1; megas tes aphtharsias
   stephanos; with Ignatius, "a crown of conflict" (athleseos, Mart. 5,
   with probable reference to 2 Tim. ii. 5). Whether Lucian intended a
   sneer at these glorious promises of the Scripture, when he introduces
   the impostor Peregrinus, who had been among the Christians, though he
   died a Cynic, to declare his intention of adding, by a voluntary death,
   a golden crown to a golden life (chruso bio chrusen koronen epitheinai,
   De Mort. Pereg. § 33), may be questionable. That he has many such
   scoffs at the promises of Scripture, as at its miracles and other
   facts, no one who has at all studied the matter will be disposed to
   deny.

   One may pause to consider here, Is this crown the diadem of royalty, or
   the garland of victory, "Krone" or "Kranz"? I believe the former. It is
   quite true that stephanos is seldom used in this sense, much oftener
   diadema (see my Synonyms of the New Testament, § 23); yet the "golden
   crowns" (stephanoi) of chapter v. can only be royal crowns (cf. ver.
   10); stephanos too is the word which all the Evangelists employ of the
   crown of thorns, evidently a caricature of royalty, which was planted
   on the Saviour's brows. Did we indeed meet these words "a crown of
   life" in the Epistles of St. Paul, we should be justified in saying
   that in all probability the wreath or garland of the victor in the
   games, the "crown" in this sense was intended. St. Paul was familiar
   with the Greek games, and freely drew his imagery from them (1 Cor.
   vii. 24-27; Phil. iii. 12; 1 Tim. vi. 12); does not fear to contemplate
   the faithful under the aspect of runners (theodromoi, as Ignatius, ad
   Philad. c. ii., calls them) and wrestlers in the games. His universal,
   Hellenic as well as Jewish, education, exempted him from any scruples
   upon this point. Not so, however, the Christians of Palestine. These
   Greek games were strange to them, or only not strange, as they were the
   objects of their deepest abhorrence; as witness the tumults and
   troubles which accompanied the first introduction of them by Herod the
   Great at Jerusalem, recorded at length by Josephus (Antt. xv. 8. 1-4).
   Tertullian's point of view, who styles them (Scorp. 6) "contentiosa
   solemnia et superstitiosa certamina Græcarum et religionum et
   voluptatum," would very much have been theirs. And. then, to me at
   least, decisive on this point is the fact, that nowhere else in the
   Apocalypse is there found a single image drawn from the range of
   heathen antiquity. The Book moves exclusively in the circle of Jewish
   imagery--either sacred or cabalistic; derived in largest part from the
   depths of the temple service. The palms in the hands of those who stand
   before the throne (vii. 9) may seem an exception to the universality of
   this rule; but really are far from so being. It is quite true that the
   palm was for Greek and Roman a token of victory, but this "palmiferens
   company," to use Henry More's words, these happy palmers, do not stand
   before the throne as conquerors,--Tertullian's exposition, "albati et
   palmis victoriæ insignes" (Scorp. 12.), being at fault,--but as those
   who keep the true feast of tabernacles, the feast of rest, of all the
   weary toil in the wilderness accomplished and ended; and as such, and
   to mark them for what they are, they bear, according to the injunctions
   of the Old Testament, the branches of palms in their hands (Lev. xxiii.
   40; cf. Neh. viii. 15; 2 Macc. x. 7; John xii. 13; Josephus, Antt.
   xiii. 13. 5); see some beautiful remarks on this point in Hengstenberg,
   in part anticipated by Vitringa. I must needs then believe, that these
   are royal crowns, not victorious garlands, which the Lord is promising
   here.

   Ver. 11. "He that hath an ear to hear, let him hear what the Spirit
   saith unto the Churches; he that overcometh shall not be hurt of the
   second death."--This "second death," setting forth the "vita non
   vitalis," the death in life of the lost, as contrasted with the life in
   death of the saved, is a phrase peculiar to the Apocalypse (cf. xx. 6,
   14; xxi. 8); but is not uncommon in the later Jewish theology; indeed
   frequent in the Chaldee Paraphrase. Vitringa: "Phrasis nata haud dubie
   in scholâ sanctorum virorum qui fidem et spem Ecclesiæ post reditum ex
   exilio Babylonico explicarunt." But though the word is not on the lips
   of the Lord during his earthly life, He does not shrink from
   proclaiming the fearful thing. The deuteros thanatos of this Book is
   the geenna of Matt. v. 29; Mark ix. 43-49; Luke xii. 5. The phrase is
   itself a solemn witness against the Sadduceeism and Epicureanism, which
   would make the natural death the be-all and end-all of existence. As
   there is a life beyond this present life for the faithful, so a death
   beyond the death which falls under our eye for the wicked. "Vita
   damnatorum mors est," is the fearful gloss of Augustine on these words.
   [29]

   So much has been idly written upon names, not a little most idly on the
   names of these seven Churches, and the mystical meanings which they
   contain, that one shrinks from any seeming fellowship in such foolish
   and unprofitable fancies; and yet it is difficult not to remember here
   that smurna, the name of this suffering Church which should give out
   its sweetness in persecution and in death, is a subform of murrha
   (Lobeck, Pathol. p. 241); and that myrrh, an aromatic gum of Arabia.
   served for embalming the dead (John xix. 39; cf. Herodotus, ii. 40,
   86), went up as incense before the Lord (Exod. xxx. 23), was one of the
   perfumes of the bridegroom (Ps. xlv. 8), and of the bride (Cant. iii.
   6); all which Vitringa has excellently urged: "Myrrha itaque nobis hic
   symbolice figurat graviores Ecclesiæ afflictiones, amaras equidem et
   ingratas carni, pros to paron, quod ad tempus præsens, sed ex quibus
   fructus provenit vere salutaris. Solet enim eas Deus suâ providentiâ
   Ecclesiæ immittere, ut electos et electorum fidem præservet a
   corruptione, et illos hoc etiam medio veluti condiat ad immortalitatem,
   et fragrantiam iis conciliet egregiam virtutum Christianarum, quarum
   exercitium persecutiones Ecclesiæ solent suscitare."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [28] There is a long discussion in one of Augustine's letters (Ep.
   cxcvi. § 6-16), how far Christians, as the true circumcision, might
   rightfully be called Jews.

   [29] Philo too, though he does not know this phrase, "the second
   death," has a terrible commentary upon it (De Proem. et Poen. 12):
   anthropoi men gar peras timorion einai nomizousi thanaton; en de to
   theio dikasterio mogis estin houtos arche. And going on to ask what is
   the punishment of the ungodly, he answers, zen apothneskonta aei, kai
   tropon tina thanaton athanaton hupomenein kai ateleuteton, with more
   which I cannot quote.
     __________________________________________________________________

III.

EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH OF PERGAMUM.

   Rev. ii. 12-17.

   Ver. 12. "And to the Angel of the Church in Pergamos write."--A word or
   two may fitly find place here on the name of this city, as it appears
   in our Authorized Version. In the first place, why do our Translators,
   writing "Pergamos," and not "Pergamus," retain a Greek termination for
   it, and for it alone? Assos' (Acts xx. 13, 14) is not a parallel case,
   for the Romans wrote Assos' as frequently as Assus;' and always Chios,'
   which therefore is quite correct (Acts xx. 15). But if Pergamos,' then,
   by the same rule, Ephesos,' Miletos,' and many more. And even against
   Pergamus,' though more correct than Pergamos,' there would still be
   something to object. Instances of the feminine, he Pergamos (Ptolemy,
   i. 2), are excessively rare (see Lobeck, Phrynichus, p. 422); while the
   neuter, to Pergamos in Greek. and Pergamum' in Latin, occurs
   innumerable times (Xenophon, Anab. vii. 8. 8; Polybius, iv. 48. 2;
   Strabo, xiii. 4; Pliny, H. N. v. 33). I shall speak throughout of the
   city under this its more usual designation. It was another illustrious
   city of Asia; epiphanes polis Strabo calls it (xiii. 4); "longe
   clarissimum Asiæ Pergamum," Pliny (H. N. v. 33). Although of high
   antiquity, its greatness, splendour, and importance did not date very
   far back. It only attained these under the successors of Alexander. One
   of these made Pergamum the capital of his kingdom--the same kingdom
   which a later of his dynasty, Attalus the Second, bequeathed to the
   Romans. It was famous for its vast library; for splendid temples of
   Zeus, of Athene, and of Apollo; but most of all for the worship of
   Æsculapius (Tacitus, Annal. iii. 63; Xenophon, Anab. vii. 8. 23), the
   remains of whose magnificent temple outside the city still remain.

   "These things saith He which hath the sharp sword with two
   edges."--Compare i. 16.

   Ver. 13. "I know thy works, and where thou dwellest, even where Satan's
   seat is."--This may not sound, at the first hearing, a reassuring word;
   and yet indeed it is eminently such. None of the peculiar difficulties
   and dangers which beset the Church at Pergamum are concealed from
   Christ. We indeed ask now, and it is not easy to give a satisfactory
   answer to the question, Why should Pergamum more than any other corrupt
   heathen city have been "Satan's seat," or "Satan's throne;" for as
   thronos is constantly in this Book translated "throne" when applied to
   the powers of heaven, it should be so also when applied to the hellish
   caricature of the heavenly kingdom; to the kingdom which the rulers of
   the darkness of this world seek to set up over against the kingdom of
   light. The question has been variously answered. Some have supposed
   that allusion is here to the fane of Æsculapius, Theos Soter he was
   called, where lying miracles of healing were vaunted to be performed,
   Satan seeking by the aid of these to counterwork the work of the
   Gospel. The explanation is quite insufficient. All which we can
   securely conclude from this language is, that from one cause or
   another, these causes being now unknown, Pergamum enjoyed the bad
   preeminence of being the head-quarters in these parts of the opposition
   to Christ and his Gospel. Why it should have thus deserved the name of
   "Satan's throne," so emphatically repeated a second time at the end of
   this verse, "where Satan dwelleth," must remain one of the unsolved
   riddles of these Epistles. Some circumstances, of which no historical
   notice has reached us, may have especially stirred up the fanaticism of
   the heathen there.

   "And thou holdest fast my name, and hast not denied my faith, even in
   those days wherein Antipas was my faithful martyr, who was slain among
   you, where Satan dwelleth."--There is a multitude of small variations
   of reading here, though none seriously affecting the sense. There was
   probably an anacoluthon in the sentence originally, which transcribers
   would not let be; but tried by various devices to palliate or remove.
   It is evident from the testimony borne here to the Pergamene Church,
   that many there, probably the Angel himself, had shown an honourable
   steadfastness in the faith; had been confessors of it; though possibly
   only one, Antipas, had resisted, or had been called to resist, unto
   blood. Eusebius (H. E. iv. 15) records several martyrs who at a
   somewhat later day were at Pergamum faithful to death, and received a
   crown of life. Attalus also, it may be mentioned, who did so valiantly
   in the persecutions of Lyons and Vienne, and won a foremost place in
   that noble company of martyrs, was a Pergamene (Ib. v. 1, 14, 38, 47).

   Of Antipas, except from the glorious record which the Lord bears to him
   here, we know absolutely nothing. It is difficult to understand the
   silence of all ecclesiastical history respecting so famous a martyr,
   one singled out by Christ to such honour as this; for silent in regard
   of him ecclesiastical history must be confessed to be; that which
   Tertullian (Scorp. 12) and other early writers tell us about him, being
   merely devised in fugam vacui, and manifestly drawn from the passage
   before us. They know nothing about him except what they find here.
   Later Latin martyrologies, of course, know a great deal; according to
   these he was bishop of Pergamum, and by command of Domitian was shut
   up, Perillus-like, in a brazen bull, afterwards made red-hot; this
   being his passage to life. lengstenberg has a curious explanation of
   this name, though it is not perfectly original; he has derived at least
   the hint of it from Aretius. Pressing the fact that almost all other
   names, he would say all, are symbolic in this Book, as Jezebel, Balaam,
   Egypt, Sodom, he urges that this must be symbolic too. But Antipas,
   what is it but a word formed on the same model as Antichristos; and as
   this is made up of anti and Christos, so Antipas of anti and pas, and
   Antipas is one who for Christ's sake has dared to stand out against
   all, an antikosmos; cf. Jer. xx. 10; xv. 10, "Woe is me, my mother,
   that thou hast borne me a man of strife and a man of contention to the
   whole earth," which must be the character and condition of an eminently
   godly man set in the midst of a world which lieth in the wicked one
   (Jam. iv. 4; Acts iv. 19; v. 29). A later commentator contemptuously
   dismisses this with the observation that Antipas is only an
   abbreviation of Antipatros, as Nikomas of Nikomedes, Menas of
   Menodoros, and the like. I am certainly not disposed to rate this
   higher than an ingenious fancy, a lusus of the critic's art, but see
   little or no force in this argument against it. Antipas, once formed,
   enters into all the rights which its new form confers upon it,
   irrespective of the process by which it may have attained this form.
   But it is not worth while to vindicate from a bad objection that which
   will not commend itself a whit the more, even after this objection is
   set aside.

   Ver. 14. "But I have a few things against thee, because thou hast there
   them that hold the doctrine of Balaam, who taught Balac to cast a
   stumbling-block before the children of Israel, to eat things sacrificed
   unto idols, and to commit fornication."--Those "that hold the doctrine
   of Balaam" are, I am persuaded, identical with the Nicolaitans of ver.
   6, 15; indeed the latter verse seems to leave no doubt on the matter.
   The mention of him as the tempter and seducer would of itself
   sufficiently explain what was the nature of the sins to which he
   tempted and seduced (Num. xxv. 1-9; xxxi. 15, 16); but the sins are
   here expressly named. First, however, something may be said on the
   words; hos edidasken to Balak, which we, and I believe rightly, have
   rendered, "who taught Balac." Hengstenberg indeed, and Bengel before
   him, on the strength of this dative, a dativus commodi as they regard
   it, united with the fact that didaskein habitually governs an
   accusative of the person who is the object of the teaching (thus ver.
   20. in this very chapter), have urged that we ought to translate "who
   taught for Balac," that is, in the interests of Balac, to please him;
   and, in confirmation of this, they press that there is no hint in
   Scripture of Balaam having suggested to Balac to put these temptations
   in the way of the children of Israel; the parting of the two is
   recorded Num. xxiv. 25, nor is there any reason, they say, to suppose
   that they ever met again; it was to the Moabitish women themselves, to
   Balac's people, but not to Balac himself, that Balaam suggested the
   placing these stumbling-blocks in their way. I am persuaded that this
   is a mistake. The construction proposed is much too artificial for the
   Apocalypse; the dative after didaskein is the penetrating of a Hebrew
   idiom through the forms of the Greek language; and there is nothing at
   Num. xxxi. 16 to compel us to understand that Balaam's communication
   with the daughters of Moab was immediate, and not through the
   intermediation of the king. Thus see Josephus, Antt. iv. 6. 6, who
   assumes this last to have certainly been the case; and cf. Vitringa,
   Obss. Sac. 1. iv. c. ix. § 29.

   There are two words which claim here special consideration, skandalon
   and eidolothuton. Skandalon, a later form of skandalethron
   (Aristophanes, Acharnan. 686), and skandalizo (there is no
   skandalethrizo, see Rost und Palm), occur only, I believe, in the
   sacred Scriptures, the Septuagint and the New Testament, and in such
   writings as are immediately dependant upon these (see Suicer, s. v.);
   being almost always in them employed in a tropical sense; Judith v. 1;
   Lev. xxix. 14 are exceptions. Skandalon is properly a trap (joined
   often with pagis, Josh. xxiii. 13; Ps. cxl. 9; Rom. xi. 9), or more
   precisely that part of the trap on which the bait was laid, and the
   touching of which caused the trap to close upon its prey; then
   generally any loop or noose set in the path, which should entangle the
   foot of the unwary walker and cause him to stumble and fall; skandalon
   = proskomma (Rom. xiv. 13) and skandalizein = proskoptein (Matt. iv. 6;
   Rom. ix. 32); and next any stone, or hindrance of any kind (Hesychius
   explains it by empodismos), which should have the same effect (1 Pet.
   ii. 7). Satan, then, as the Tempter is the great placer of "scandals,"
   "stumbling-blocks," or "offences," in the path of men; his sworn
   servants, a Balaam or a Jeroboam (1 Kin. xiv. 16), are the same
   consciously. All of us unconsciously, by careless walking, by seeking
   what shall please ourselves rather than edify others (1 Cor. viii. 10),
   are in danger of being the same; all are deeply concerned with the
   warning of Matt. xviii. 7.

   Eidolothuton is a New Testament word to express what the heathen
   sacrifices were, as they presented themselves to the eye of a Christian
   or a Jew, namely things offered to idols. [30] The Gentiles themselves
   expressed the same by hierothuton (which word occurs 1 Cor. x. 28,
   according to the better reading, St. Paul there assuming a Gentile to
   be speaking, and using, if not an honourable, yet at any rate a neutral
   word), or by theothuton, which the Greek purists preferred (Lobeck,
   Phrynichus, p. 139). It will be worth while here to consider under what
   plea any who even named the name of Christ could consent to eat of
   these idol-meats, and yet claim to retain allegiance to that name. We
   may be quite sure that as many of the stock of Abraham as joined
   themselves to the Church of Christ were not so much as tempted to this
   sin; their whole previous education, all that they had learned to abhor
   or to hold dear, was for them a sufficient safeguard against it (Num.
   xxv. 2; Ps. cvi. 28; Dan. i. 8; Tob. i. 10, 11). It was otherwise with
   the converts from the heathen world; with the Gentile Christian,
   gathered in, it may be, to the Church of Christ out of some corrupt
   Greek city. Refusal to partake in the idol-meats was for him refusal to
   partake, not merely in the idolatry which he had renounced, but in very
   much else which he was not at all so well prepared to renounce; it
   involved abstinence from almost every public, every private festivity,
   a withdrawal in great part from the whole social life of his time; for
   sacrifice had bound itself up in almost every act of this social life.
   We have a singular evidence of this in the fact that "to kill" and "to
   sacrifice" had in Greek almost become identical; thoein, which had
   originally meant the latter, meaning the former now. The poor, offering
   a slain beast, after the priest and the altar had received their
   shares, would sell the remainder in the market; the rich would give
   this which remained over away. From one cause or another, there was a
   certainty at many entertainments of meeting these sacrificial meats,
   there was a possibility of meeting them at all. The question therefore
   was one which, like that of caste at the present day in India, would
   continually obtrude itself, which could not be set aside. [31]

   Already we find at the Council of Jerusalem the Apostles resolving that
   among the few "necessary things" (Acts xv. 28) which must be absolutely
   demanded of the Gentile converts, abstinence from "the pollutions of
   idols" (ver. 20), or, as in the more formal decree it is expressed,
   "meats offered to idols" (ver. 29), was one. Some two years later
   various cases of conscience have occurred exactly in that Church where
   beforehand we might have looked for them, namely at Corinth, and St.
   Paul has been called upon to settle them. Some it would seem there, who
   boasted of their gnosis, affirmed that they saw through the whole
   heathen idolatry that it was a fraud and a lie; to them an idol was
   nothing; what fear then that they should become partakers with the idol
   through partaking of the idol meats? and these, in the assertion of
   their liberty, sat openly at meat in the very idol temple itself (1
   Cor. viii. 10). So too at a somewhat later date, in Justin Martyr's
   Dialogue with Trypho, the Jew Trypho makes it a charge against the
   Christians that many of them partook of idol sacrifices, affirming that
   they were in no way injured by them (c. 35); to whom the Christian
   Father replies that these Marcionites, Valentinians, and the rest,
   usurped the name of Christ, but that the Catholic Church repudiated
   them utterly, in no way acknowledged them for children of hers. From
   Irenæus (i. 6. 3) we learn that they not merely thus ate of the idol
   meats, boasting that they were not defiled by them, but took a foremost
   share in the celebration of the heathen festivals. Others, in an
   opposite extreme and excess of scrupulosity, were exceedingly troubled
   lest the meat they innocently bought in the market, or partook of at
   the house of a heathen friend, might not have been offered in
   sacrifice, and so they unknowingly defiled (1 Cor. x. 25, 27). All will
   no doubt remember the wonderful wisdom and love with which St. Paul
   deals with these various cases, strengthening and guiding the weak,
   rebuking and restraining the proud. Some, however, of these latter
   continued to allow themselves in these dangerous liberties,
   degenerating easily into scandalous excesses; although, after such
   decisions, first of the Council at Jerusalem, and afterwards of St.
   Paul, not any longer within the bosom of the Church, but without it;
   and one may see in the Nicolaitans the legitimate spiritual descendants
   of those Gnostics (Gnostics at least in the bud) who were not brought
   back to humbler, more loving, more self-denying courses by the earnest
   remonstrances of St. Paul.

   Ver. 15. "So hast thou also them that hold the doctrine of the
   Nicolaitans, which thing I hate.--"As Balac had Balaam, a false prophet
   and seducer, "so hast thou also," wanting that earnest hatred of evil
   which would make such a presence and such a teaching intolerable to
   thee, "them that hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitans;" and then Christ
   adds, "which thing I hate," reminding him how ill it became him not to
   hate that which was hated of his Lord. In this matter at least the
   Angel of Ephesus had more of the mind of Christ than he had (ver. 6).
   What Christ hated, that Angel hated too.

   Ver. 16. "Repent; or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will fight
   against them with the sword of my mouth."--Out of this feebleness of
   moral indignation against evil it had come to pass that the Angel had
   not testified with sufficient energy against the Nicolaitans and their
   doctrine; he could not say with Paul, "I am pure from the blood of all
   men" (Acts xx. 26). But now repenting and faithfully witnessing against
   their errors, he would either recover them for the truth, or else drive
   them wholly from the communion of the Church--in either case a gain. If
   he do not repent, the Lord will come quickly, and fight against him and
   them with the sword of his mouth. We have, I am persuaded, another
   allusion here to the history of Balaam, namely to Num. xxxi. 8 (cf.
   Josh. xiii. 22): "Balaam also, the son of Beor, they slew with the
   sword;" this sword of the children of Israel being indeed the sword of
   God; cf. Num. xxii. 31. Vitringa: "Verba hæc manifeste respiciunt
   historiam Bileami: in quâ habemus, primo quidem, Angelum Domini stricto
   ense se Bileamo, populo Dei maledicere meditanti, in viâ opposuisse,
   et, si in instituto perseveraret, exitium illi minatum esse; deinde
   Bileamum, et Israelitas qui consilium illius secuti fuerant, jussu Dei
   gladio periisse."

   In that, "I will fight against them," it might seem at first sight as
   if there was only a threat for these ungodly workers; and not for the
   Angel who had been faithful in the main, nor for the better portion of
   the Church. But it is not so. When God has a controversy with a Church
   or with a people, the tribulation, reaches all, though the judgment is
   only for his foes.. The gold and the dross are cast alike into the
   fire, though it is only the dross that is consumed therein. The holy
   prophet is entangled outwardly in the same doom with the ungodly king
   (Jer. xxxix. 4; xliii. 6; Matt. xxiv. 20, 21). There may be, there
   assuredly will be, on the part of the faithful, a separation from the
   sin--there is seldom a separation from the suffering--of such a time.
   This suffering is for all. It is well that it should be so; that there
   should be nothing in the usual course of God's judgments to flatter the
   selfish hope of avoiding a share in the woe. Enough for any to escape
   the woe within the woe, namely, the sense of this suffering ass the
   utterance of the extreme displeasure of God.

   Ver. 17. "He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto
   the Churches; To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the hidden
   rnanna."--There can, I think, be no doubt that allusion is here to the
   manna which at God's express command Moses caused to be laid up before
   the Lord in the Sanctuary (Exod. xvi. 32-34; cf. Heb. ix. 4). This
   manna, as being thus laid up in the Holy Place, obtained the name of
   "hidden," "occultatum," or "reconditum," as Cocceius presses that it
   should be rendered, not "occultum;" for it is not krupton in the
   original, but kekrummenon; not therefore "latens manna" as in
   Tertullian, but "absconditum" as in the Vulgate. It is true that many
   commentators, as Hengstenberg, omit any reference to this, and some
   expressly deny that there is any such; but Vitringa rightly: "Ducit
   autem phrasis nos manifeste ad cogitandum de mannâ illo, quod ex jussu
   Dei in urnâ reponendum erat in sacratissimo Tabernaculi conclavi, per
   divinam providentiam ab omni corruptione præservandum; . . . . quod
   manna vere symbolum fuit Christi virtute obedientiæ suæ in coe lum
   translati, et ibi delitescentis, usque quo Ecclesia ipsius luctam suam
   in his terris absolverit." The question, what we shall exactly
   understand by this "hidden manna," and the eating of it, has not always
   been answered with precision. Origen very characteristically
   understands by it the inner mystical sense of Scripture as contrasted
   with the outward form and letter (Hom. 9 in Exod.): "Urna mannæ
   reposita, intellectus Verbi Dei subtilis et dulcis." For the Mystics it
   is in general that graciousness of God which can only be known by those
   who have themselves actually tasted it; thus one of these: "Hujus
   spiritualis et occulti mannæ sapor latet in occulto, nisi gustando
   sentiatur." I take it, however, that this "hidden manna" represents a
   more central benefit even than these; moreover, like all the other
   promises of these Epistles, it represents a benefit pertaining to the
   future kingdom of glory, and not to the present kingdom of grace. I
   would not indeed affirm that this promise has not prelibations which
   will be tasted in the present time; for the life eternal commences on
   this side of the grave, and not first on the other; and here in the
   wilderness Christ is the bread from heaven, the bread of God, the true
   manna, of which those that eat shall never die (John vi. 31-33, 48-51).
   Nay, more than this; since his Ascension He is in some sort a "hidden
   manna" for them now. Like that manna laid up in the Sanctuary before
   the Testimony, He too, withdrawn from sight, but in a human body, and
   bearing our flesh, is yet exempted from the law of corruption under
   which all other children of men have lain (Exod. xvi. 20, 33, 34; Acts
   ii. 27, 31). But this promise of feeding on "the hidden manna" is
   misunderstood, or at any rate is scanted of its full meaning, unless we
   look on to something more and higher than this. The words imply that,
   however hidden now, it shall not remain hidden evermore; and the best
   commentary on them is to be found at 1 Cor. ii. 9; [32] 1 John iii. 2.
   The seeing Christ as He is, of the latter passage, and through this
   beatific vision being made like to Him, is identical with this eating
   of the hidden manna; which shall, as it were, be then brought forth
   from the sanctuary, the Holy of Holies of God's immediate presence,
   where it was withdrawn from sight so long, that all may partake of it;
   the glory of Christ, now shrouded and concealed, being then revealed to
   his people.

   There has been, and there will be again, occasion to observe, that in
   almost all these promises there is a peculiar adaptation of the promise
   to the self-denial by which it will have been won. Witsius notes this
   here, and draws out very beautifully the inner sweetness of this
   promise (Miscell. Sacra, vol. i. p. 692): "Eas [profanas epulas] si
   quis generosâ fidei constantiâ, una cum omnibus blandientis seculi
   deliciis atque illiciis fortiter spreverit, sciat se satiatum iri
   suavissimis divinæ tam gratiæ quam gloriæ epulis, quorum suavitatem
   nemo rite æstimare novit, nisi qui gustavit. Propterea autem mannæ
   absconditæ comparantur, id est, illi quæ in urnâ aureâ in abdito loco
   asservanda, coram facie Jehovæ seposita fuit, I. Quia quod præcipuum
   est in illâ dulcedinis Christi participatione reservatur cum Christo in
   coelis (Col. iii. 3; 2 Tim. i. 12). II. Quia mundanorum hominum nemo
   dulcedinem hujus novit (Joh. xiv. 17); immo ne ipsi fideles quidem
   antequam experiantur (1 Joh. iii. 2). III. Quia communio ista non in
   diem est, uti manna quotidiana, sed perpetua, uti illa quæ seposita
   coram Domino a putrefactione et vermibus immunis erat (Joh. vi. 27), et
   propterea profanis Pergamensium epulis immensum anteferenda."

   "And will give him a white stone, and in the stone a new name written,
   which no man knoweth saving he that receiveth it."--" White" is every
   where the colour and livery of heaven; and nowhere with a greater or so
   great an emphasis, or with so frequent iteration, as in this Book. Thus
   of the Son of God we were told, "His head and his hairs were white like
   wool, as white as snow" (i. 14). Then besides this "white stone" we
   have "white raiment" (iii. 5), "white robes" (vii. 9), "a white cloud"
   (xiv. 14), "fine linen clean and white" (xix. 8, 14), "white horses"
   (xix. 11, 14), "a great white throne" (xx. 11). With these passages
   compare Dan. vii. 9; Matt. xvii. 2; xxviii. 3; Mark ix. 3; xvi. 5; John
   xx. 12; Acts i. 10. The sense of the fitness of white to serve as a
   symbol of absolute purity speaks out in many ways; it would do so
   singularly in the Latin; "castus," if Döderlein's suggestion that
   "castus" is a participle of "candeo" could be allowed. It may be well
   to observe that this "white" as the colour of heaven, is not the mere
   absence of other colour, not the dull "albus," but the bright
   "candidus;" glistering white--as is evident from many passages; for
   instance, from a comparison of Matt. xxviii. 3 and Luke xxiv. 4 with
   John xx. 12; of Rev. xx. 11 (leukos thronos) with its original in
   Daniel vii. 9 (thronos autou phlox puros); and from those passages just
   now referred to, which relate to the Transfiguration. It is the
   character of intense white to be shining; thus "niteo" (= "niviteo") is
   connected with "nix;" leukos with "lux," see Donaldson, New Cratylus, §
   269. We may note too how leukos and lampros are used as convertible
   terms, Rev. xix. 8, 14; while at Acts x. 30, leuke and lampra are
   different readings; and at Cant. v. 11, the Septuagint has leukos, and
   Symmachus lampros.

   And as "white," so also "new" belongs eminently to this Book; being one
   of the key-words of it; He who is the giver of this revelation every
   where setting forth Himself as the only renewer of all which sin had
   made old; the author of a new creation even in the midst of a decaying
   and dying world; and thus we have besides the "new name" here (cf. iii.
   12), the "new Jerusalem" (iii. 12), the "new song" (v. 9), the "new
   heaven and the new earth" (xxi. 1), and finally "all things new" (xxi.
   5); with all which we may profitably compare Ps. xxxii. 3; cxliii. 10;
   Isai. xlii. 10; lxii. 2; lxv. 17; Jer. xxxi. 31; Ezek. xi. 19; xxxvi.
   26.

   But though it is not difficult to fix the symbolic significance of
   "white" and "new" in this Book, it must be freely admitted that we
   still wait an entirely satisfactory explanation of this "white stone"
   with the "new name" written in it. The greater number of expositors,
   especially the older ones, start from a point to which no objection can
   be made, namely, that there was in ancient times something festal,
   fortunate, of good omen, in white pebbles or beans. Thus the Greek
   phrase leuke hemera, or leukon himar (Æschylus, Pers. 305), is commonly
   derived from a custom ascribed to the Scythians or Thracians, of
   indicating each happy day which they spent with a white stone placed in
   an urn, each unhappy with a black. After death, as those or these
   preponderated in number, their lives were counted happy or miserable
   (Pliny, H. N. vii. 41; the Younger Pliny, Ep. vi. 11; Martial ix. 53:
   "Dies nobis Signandi melioribus lapillis"). Or there is another
   explanation of the "white day," connecting it still with the white
   stone or bean, I mean that given by Plutarch in his Life of Pericles,
   c. 61; I quote the translation of North. At the siege of Samos, fearing
   that his soldiers would be weary with its length, "he divided his army
   into eight companies, whom he made to draw lots, and that company which
   lighted upon the white bean, they should be quiet and make good cheer,
   while the other seven fought. And they say that from thence it came
   that when any have made good cheer, and taken pleasure abroad, they do
   yet call it a white day, because of the white bean."

   But how, it may be asked, is all this brought to bear on the promise of
   the "white stone" to the faithful here? The earliest attempt to find
   help in this quarter is that of the Greek commentator Andreas. He sees
   allusion in these words to the white pebble, by placing which in the
   ballot-box the Greek judges pronounced the sentence of acquittal
   (psephoi sozousai they were therefore called), as by the black of
   condemnation; a custom expressed in the well-known lines of Ovid
   (Metam. xv. 41, 42):

   Mos erat antiquns, niveis atrisque lapillis,
   His damnare reos, illis absolvere culpæ."

   But, not to speak of a grave fault, of which I shall presently speak,
   common to this and almost every other explanation of these words which
   is offered, this one is manifestly inadequate; the absolving pebble was
   not given to the acquitted, as this is to the victor, nor was there any
   name written upon it.

   Others see allusion to the tessera (it too was called psephos) which
   the conquerors at the Olympic or other solemn games (the olumpionikai,
   hieronikai) received from the master of the games; which psephos gave
   ever after to him who received it certain honorary distinctions and
   privileges, as for example, the right of free access to the public
   entertainments. So Arethas, Gerhard (Loci Theoll. vol. ii. p. 327), and
   others; while Vitringa is obliged to confess that he can only explain
   the symbol by combining together these two customs of the absolving
   pebble, and the tessera given to the victor in the games; which two in
   the higher interpretation must be blended into one: "Ut tamen verum
   fatear, probabile videri possit Dominum orationem suam hoc loco ita
   temperâsse, ut non ad simplicem aliquem ritum, apud Græcos receptum,
   hic loci alluserit, sed phrasin suam mutuatus sit a duobus illis
   ritibus supra commemoratis, inter se compositis, qui licet diversi
   fuerint generis, in tertio tamen, quod dicitur, inter se conveniebant."

   But all these explanations, and others which it would be tedious to
   enumerate, even if they were more satisfactory, and they appear to me
   most unsatisfactory, are affected with the same fatal weakness, namely,
   that they are borrowed from heathen antiquity, while this Book moves
   exclusively within the circle of sacred, that is, of Jewish, imagery
   and symbols; nor is the explanation of its symbols in any case to be
   sought beyond this circle. All which on this matter was said in respect
   of the "crown of life" (ii. 10) finds its application here. It is true
   that Hengstenberg, whose interpretation I have not yet mentioned,
   avoids this mistake, but at a cost which leaves his as valueless as the
   others. For him the "white stone" has no significance of its own, no
   independent value, being introduced merely for the sake of the "new
   name" which is written upon it, and that it may serve as a vehicle for
   this name, the substrate on which that is superinduced, and as such
   entirely subordinate to it. Few, I am persuaded, reading the words of
   the promise, with the emphasis which the Lord lays on the
   twice-repeated mention of the stone, and noting the independent place
   which it occupies as itself a gift, whatever other gifts might be
   associated with it, will be content to acquiesce in this, or to regard
   as a solution, what is in fact merely an evasion, of the difficulty
   which the words present.

   But to return. The first necessary condition of any interpretation
   which should be accepted as satisfactory being this, that it should be
   sacred and not heathen, at the same time this is not the only one.
   There appear to me two other necessary conditions, the non-fulfilment
   of which is fatal to any exposition; the fulfilment of them, on the
   contrary, not being itself a proof that the right interpretation has
   been seized; but only a conditio sine quâ non, and up to a certain
   point implying a probability that this has been attained. Besides thus
   being Jewish or sacred, and not heathen or profane, which I believe is
   the universal law of all Apocalyptic symbolism, the solution must in
   this particular instance refer to the wilderness period of Jewish
   history, in the same way as the "hidden manna" does. I must ask the
   reader to suspend his demand for a proof of this assertion till we have
   reached the very last of the promises, when the course and order of
   them all will be considered. And, in the second place, it must be
   capable of being brought into some unity with that other promise of
   eating of the hidden manna; there must be some bond of connexion
   between the two. I conclude this not merely from the natural fitness of
   things, but from the analogy of all the other promises made to the
   other Churches. In every other case the promise is either absolutely
   single, as at ii. 7, 11; iii. 21; or single in its central idea, as at
   ii. 26-28; iii. 5, 12, which I shall have the opportunity of showing.
   Which thing being so, it is very improbable that the present should be
   an exception to the rule, and that here two entirely disparate promises
   should be arbitrarily linked together.

   The only solution I know which fulfils all these conditions, is one
   proposed by Züllig. [33] It has found no favour whatever, having been
   indeed wrought out by him in a manner of itself sufficient to insure
   its rejection. Fully acknowledging my obligation to him for the
   original suggestion of it, and for some of the arguments by which it is
   supported, I must yet claim to set it forth independently of him, nor
   is he in any respect responsible for my statement of it.

   Starting then from a reconsideration of the word psephos, this, it may
   be observed, is sometimes used in the later Greek for a precious stone;
   thus psephos daktulike, the gem in a seal-ring. Neither is there in the
   epithet leukos, not "albus" but "candidus," anything which renders this
   unlikely here, but rather the contrary; a diamond, for instance, being
   of the purest glistering white. The psephos leuke, then may be, not
   what we commonly begin with taking for granted it must be, a white
   pebble, but a precious stone shining white, a diamond. But may not the
   mysterious Urim and Thummim have been exactly this? First, let me
   observe, by way of preoccupying a difficulty on the threshold, that
   whatever this may have been, it was not two things, but two names for
   one and the same thing (see Bähr, Symbolik d. Mos. Cult. vol. ii. pp.
   109, 110); often therefore called only the Urim (Num. xxvii. 21; 1 Sam.
   xxviii. 6). Sparing my readers the learning which might easily be
   transcribed to any amount from the many elaborate treatises devoted to
   the question what this Urim and Thummim was, let me state the
   conclusions to which those who have studied the matter most profoundly
   have arrived. They are agreed that it was some precious thing which the
   High Priest bore within the Choschen or square breastplate of judgment,
   this being doubled back upon itself, to the end that like a purse it
   might contain the treasure committed to it (Exod. xxviii. 15-30; Lev.
   viii. 8), and with all its costly jewellery and elaborate workmanship
   existing for this object, quite as much as the ark for the tables of
   the law. But what precious thing this Urim was is shrouded in mystery;
   only as that in the purse, that for which the purse was made, is likely
   to have been more precious than the purse itself, if that was set with
   its twelve precious stones, each with the name of a tribe engraven on
   it, in this we are led to look for a stone rarer and more costly than
   them all; and it is certainly very noticeable that among the twelve
   stones of the breastplate the diamond does not appear; for the mention
   of it in our Version (Exod. xxviii. 18) is confessedly a mistake;--as
   though this stone had been reserved for a higher honour and dignity
   still.

   Then further, no one knows, probably no one ever knew, what was written
   on the Urim; except indeed the High Priest; who, consulting it that he
   might in some way obtain through it lively oracles from God, in matters
   which greatly concerned the weal or woe of the people, could not have
   remained ignorant of this. It is generally conjectured, however, to
   have been the holy Tetragrammaton; the ineffable name of God. I need
   hardly ask the reader who has followed me thus far to note how well
   this agrees with the words before us, "and in the stone a new name
   written, which no man knoweth saving he that receiveth it." Many indeed
   are led away from the right interpretation of these last words, by
   referring this "receiveth it," to the "name," and not to the "stone;"
   "saving he that receiveth this name,"--when, as I feel sure, we ought
   to understand it, "saving he that receiveth this stone.", They assume
   the overcomer's own name to be that written on this stone; and draw
   from these words an intimation that, just as the mystery of
   regeneration is known only to the new-born, so the yet higher glory of
   heaven only to him that is partaker of it (1 Cor. xiii. 9); which all
   is most true, and a new name is often used to express a new blessedness
   (Isai. lxii. 2; lxv. 15); but yet it is not the truth, I am persuaded,
   of the present words. The "new name" here is something even better than
   this. It is the new name of God or of Christ, "my new name" (iii. 12),
   some revelation of the glory of God, only in that higher state capable
   of being communicated by Him to his people, and which they only can
   understand who have actually received; for it is a knowing which is
   identical with a being.

   How excellently well the promise, so understood, matches with the other
   promise of the hidden manna, which goes hand in hand with it. I said at
   the outset of this inquiry, that there ought to be an inner bond
   between the two parts of the promise, and such, according to this
   interpretation, there is. "The hidden manna" and the "white stone" are
   not merely united in time, belonging both to the wilderness period of
   the history of God's people; but they are united as both representing
   high-priestly privileges, which the Lord should at length impart to all
   his people, kings and priests to God, as He will then have made them
   all. If any should eat of "the hidden manna," who but the High Priest,
   who alone had entrance into the Holy Place where it was laid up? If any
   should have knowledge of what was graven on the Urim, who but the same
   High Priest, in whose keeping it was, and who was bound by his very
   office to consult it? The mystery of what was written there, shut to
   every other, would be open to him. In lack of any more satisfying
   explanation of the "white stone;" with the "new name" written upon it,
   I venture to suggest that the key to it may possibly be here.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [30] It is a notable example of the extreme inconsistency of our
   Version in rendering the same word in different places, that
   eidolothuta is rendered in four different ways; it is "meats offered to
   idols" (Acts xv. 29), it is "things offered to idols" (Acts xxi. 15),
   it is "things that are offered in sacrifice unto idols" (1 Cor. viii.
   4), it is "things sacrificed unto idols" (Rev. ii. 14).

   [31] See an excellent Essay on this subject in Stanley's Commentary on
   the First Epistle to the Corinthians, with this title, The sacrificial
   feasts of the heathen, vol. i. pp. 149-152.

   [32] Alcuin: "Apte ergo illa satietas celestis gloriæ manna
   [absconditum?] vocatur, quia juxta Pauli vocem nec oculus vidit, nec in
   cor hominis ascendit, quæ præparavit Deus diligentibus se."

   [33] Offenb. Johannis, vol. i. pp. 408-454.
     __________________________________________________________________

IV.

EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH OF THYATIRA.

   Rev. ii. 18-29.

   Ver. 18. "And unto the Angel of the Church in Thyatira write."--The
   Roman road from Pergamum to Sardis left Thyatira, as we are told by
   Strabo (xiii. 4), a little to the left; St. John is led in the Spirit
   by the same route which he may often in time past have travelled in the
   course of his apostolic visitations. Thyatira, a city of no first-rate
   dignity, was a Macedonian colony (Strabo, xiii. 4); and it may be
   looked at as a slight and unintentional confirmation, in a minute
   particular, of the veracity of the Acts, that Lydia, a purple-seller of
   Thyatira, is met exactly in the Macedonian city of Philippi (Acts xvi.
   14), being precisely that which was likely to happen from the close and
   frequent intercourse maintained between a mother city and its daughter
   colonies. From this Lydia, whose heart the Lord had opened to attend to
   the things spoken of Paul, the Church at Thyatira may have taken its
   beginnings; she who had gone forth for a while, to buy and sell and get
   gain, when she returned home may have brought home with her richer
   merchandise than any she had looked to obtain.

   "These things saith, the Son of God, who hath his eyes like unto a
   flame of fire, and his feet are like fine brass."--The attributes which
   the Lord claims are again drawn from the description of the first
   chapter, ver. 14, 15, which see. The title "Son of God" (cf. xix. 13)
   is not indeed expressly and in so many words there; but it is involved
   in, and is the sum total of the impression left by the whole
   description. The actual form of this title is here drawn from the
   second Psalm, ver. 9, as is plain from more than one reference to that
   Psalm before this Epistle is ended; thus, compare ver. 26 with Ps. ii.
   8; and ver. 27 with ii. 9. He who will presently give dominion to his
   servants, first claims it for Himself. The heathen have been given to
   Him for an inheritance, else He could not give them to his servants. If
   they are to rule them with a rod of iron, and break them in pieces like
   a potter's vessel, it is only as partakers in a power which He has
   Himself first received.

   Ver. 19. "I know thy works, and charity, and service, and faith, and
   thy patience, and thy works; and the last to be more than the
   first."--Omit "and thy works" on its second occurrence, which has no
   right to a place in the text, and which mars the symmetry of all. We
   shall then have two pairs,-- first, "thy charity and thy service," for
   the article prefixed to all these words shows that the concluding sou
   belongs to them all,--the "charity," or love, being the more inward
   thing, the "service" (diakonia) the outward ministrations, the helps of
   all kind shown first to the household of faith, and then to all others,
   in which this "charity" found its utterance (Acts xi. 29; 1 Cor. xvi.
   15; 2 Cor. xii. 9; Heb. vi. 10). As the first pair have a very close
   inner connexion, so have also the next pair, "thy faith and thy
   patience." It needs but to refer in proof to Heb. xi. 27: "He endured,
   as seeing Him that is invisible;" and indeed Scripture everywhere
   declares that faith is the root and source of all patient continuance
   in well-doing.--"And the last to be more than the first." The faithful
   in Thyatira were growing and increasing in this service of love, this
   patience of faith; herein satisfying the desire of Him, who evermore
   desires for his people that they should abound more and more in all
   good things. How much better this ta eschata pleiona ton proton than
   that of which St. Peter elsewhere speaks as the state of some, ta
   eschata cheirona ton proton (2 Ep. ii. 20; cf. Matt. xii. 45), which,
   as regards the most excellent grace of all, the Lord has just declared
   to be the state of the Ephesian Church (ver. 4).

   Ver. 20. "Notwithstanding I have a few things against thee, because
   thou sufferest that woman Jezebel, which calleth herself a prophetess,
   to teach and to seduce my servants to commit fornication, and to eat
   things sacrificed unto idols."--Omit "a few things" (oliga), which has
   no business in the text, changing, as a consequence of this, "because"
   into "that"--but do not change "that woman" into "thy wife" (ten
   gunaika sou), the authority for the insertion of sou being insufficient
   to justify this. The whole condition of things at Thyatira was exactly
   the reverse of what it was at Ephesus. There much zeal for orthodoxy,
   and for the maintenance of sound doctrine, but little love, and as a
   consequence, no doubt, few ministrations of love. Here the activity of
   faith and love; but insufficient zeal for the maintenance of godly
   discipline and doctrine, a patience of error even where there was not a
   participation in it. Each of these Churches was weak in that wherein
   the other was strong.

   But whom shall we understand by "that woman Jezebel, which calleth
   herself a prophetess," whom the Lord proceeds presently to threaten
   with so terrible a doom? It will be expedient here to consider first
   the position which the literal and historic Jezebel occupies in the
   history of the Church of the Old Testament. As Balaam, in the earlier
   history of the children of Israel, was the author of the great attempt
   to introduce heathenism with all its train of attendant impurities into
   the heart of the Church of God (Rev. ii. 14; Num. xxv.), so Jezebel in
   the later period of that same history. She was a daughter of Ethbaal,
   king of Sidon (1 Kings xvi. 13). The identity of this Ethbaal and
   Eithobalos, mentioned in a fragment of the Tyrian Annals of Menander,
   preserved by Josephus (Con. Apion. i. 18), is sufficiently made out,
   and is not, I believe, called in question by any. Of him then we there
   learn that he was priest of Astarte, and, by the murder of his
   predecessor Pheles, made his own way to the throne and kingdom.
   Jezebel, so swift to shed blood (1 Kings xviii. 4; xix. 2; xxi. 10), is
   a worthy offshoot of this evil stock. Nor less does she attest herself
   the daughter of the priest of Astarte. Hitherto the worship of the
   Calves had been the extent of the departure of the Ten Tribes from the
   Levitical institutions,--the true God worshipped still, the law of
   Moses in the main allowed and kept, however there might be a certain
   amount of sinful will-worship mingling with and spoiling all. But from
   the time of Ahab's marriage with the daughter of Ethbaal the apostasy
   of Israel assumes altogether a different character; the guilt of it is
   of quite another and an infinitely deadlier kind (1 Kings xvi. 31; xxi.
   25, 26). A fanatical promoter of the Baal worship (1 Kings xviii. 19),
   overbearing with her stronger will the weak will of her despicable
   husband, animated with the fiercest hatred against the prophets of
   Jehovah, the last witnesses for Him in Israel, now that the Levitical
   priesthood had been abolished there (1 Kings xxi. 31), she seeks
   utterly to exterminate these (1 Kings xviii. 13). She was probably
   herself, like her moral namesake here, a false prophetess; a priestess
   of that foul enthusiasm. Many arguments might be adduced to make this
   probable at the least. As much seems implied in Jehu's answer to
   Joram's question, "Is it peace?" "What peace, so long as the whoredoms
   of thy mother Jezebel, and her witchcrafts are so many" (2 Kings ix.
   22)? While, again, when we keep in mind the essentially impure
   character of the Phoenician idolatries which she introduced,--Ashtaroth
   or Astarte was the Phoe nician Aphrodite,--we have an explanation of
   the "whoredoms" which Jehu further lays to her charge, and which may
   thus have set an hideous contradiction between her and her name, if
   indeed that derivation which would make it etymologically to signify
   The Chaste (our Agnes) is the true one. Nor is this the only passage
   where these impurities are ascribed to her. There is at Jeremiah iv. 30
   an allusion, often overlooked, but, so soon as attention is called to
   it, not to be gainsaid, to 2 Kings ix. 30; and there the lovers or
   paramours of Jezebel appear.

   Such was the elder Jezebel. And the later, assuredly not a sect of
   evil-workers personified, but some single wicked woman in the Church of
   Thyatira, inheriting from her this name of infamy in the Church of God,
   would seem to have followed hard in the steps of her Jewish prototype
   (for a like transfer of an evil name see Isai. i. 10). She gave herself
   out for a prophetess, and in one sense probably was so,--no mere
   teacher of perverse things, employing her intellectual faculties in the
   service of Satan, and not of God; but claiming inspiration, and
   probably possessing it, wielding spiritual powers, only they were such
   as reached her from beneath, not such as descended on her from above;
   for as at this time miraculous gifts of grace and power were at work in
   the Church, so were also their counterparts. And thus, by aid of these,
   she seduced the servants of Christ "to commit fornication, and to eat
   things sacrificed to idols;" see ver. 14. The attempt to restrain
   "servants" here to those who hold office in the Church is certainly a
   mistake. Doulos may very well have this narrower meaning at i. 1; but
   that douloi includes the whole body of the faithful at vii. 3; xxii. 3,
   is evident. A comparison of this verse with ver. 14-16 leaves no doubt
   that the Jezebelites, and Balaaminites, and Nicolaitans, with secondary
   differences no doubt, were yet substantially the same;--all libertine
   sects, disclaiming the obligations of the moral law; all starting with
   a denial that Jesus Christ was come in the flesh, and that in the flesh
   therefore men were to be holy; false spiritualists, whose
   high-pretensions did not hinder them from ending in the foulest fleshly
   sins.

   Ver. 21. "And I gave her space to repent of her fornication, and she
   repented not."--The fact that punishment does not at once overtake
   sinners is constantly perverted by them as an evidence that it never
   will overtake them (Eccl. viii. 11; Isai. xxvi. 10; Ps. xxvi. 11); that
   God does not see, or, seeing, does not care to avenge. Christ opens out
   here another aspect under which this delay in the divine revenges may
   be regarded. The very time during which ungodly men are heaping up for
   themselves greater wrath against tie day of wrath, was a time lent them
   for repentance (Rom. ii. 4; 2 Pet. iii. 9), if only they would have
   understood the object and the meaning of it.

   Ver. 22. "Behold, I will cast her into a bed and them that commit
   adultery with her into great tribulation, except they repent of their
   deeds."--These last words imply that even now the day of grace was not
   expired for these transgressors, however near at hand the close of it
   might be. "I will cast her into a bed;" [34] there where she has sinned
   shall she also be punished (cf. 1 Kings xxi. 19); the bed of sin shall
   be the bed of languishing, of sickness, and of death. The allusion
   which Vitringa traces here to the bed on which Ahab cast himself down
   heavy and displeased (1 Kings xxi. 4) is ingenious, but exceedingly
   far-fetched.

   Ver. 23. "And I will kill her children with death."--If her lovers,
   those "that commit adultery with her" (ver. 22), can only mean the
   chief furtherers and abettors of those evil things (she may have
   seduced them to fleshly as well as spiritual wickedness), "her
   children" must be rather the less prominent, less forward members of
   the same wicked company, more the deceived, while the others were the
   deceivers (Isai. lvii. 3), who yet should be overtaken with those
   others in a common doom (Ezek. xxiii. 47). The words "with death" must
   plainly be accepted as emphatic; some understand, with pestilence and
   plague (see Jer. xxi. 7), relying mainly on Rev. vi. 8; which, however,
   is insufficient to bear out this view, seeing that thanatos in that
   passage itself cannot be proved to mean this; a reference to 2 Sam.
   xxiv. 13, 15, LXX. would be more to the point. Hengstenberg detects an
   allusion to the death of the adulteress (Lev. xx. 10; cf. John viii.
   5); but this call scarcely be; for it is the "children" of the
   adulteress, not the adulteress herself, who are here threatened with
   death. Others find a reference to tire two sweeping catastrophies which
   overtook the Baal priests and votaries at exactly that period of Jewish
   history to which the mention of Jezebel here points (1 Kings xviii. 40;
   2 Kings x. 25). To me it seems no more than a threat that their doom
   should be a signal one, that they should not die the common death of
   all men, nor be visited after the visitation of all men (Num. xvi. 29),
   but leaving the precise manner of that doom undefined.

   "And all the Churches shall know that I am He, which searcheth the
   reins and hearts."--The judgment on this brood of transgressors shall
   be so open and manifest, their sin shall so plainly find them out,
   that, not the wicked, for God's judgments are far above out of their
   sight, whether those judgments overtake themselves or others, but "all
   the Churches," all who ponder these things and lay them to heart, shall
   confess that He who moves up and down in the midst of his Church,
   beholding the evil and the good, is a God of knowledge (see ii. 2), who
   is not mocked; "which searcheth the reins and hearts" (tais ennoiais
   embateuon, as Olympiodorus explains it),--"the reins" being regarded as
   the seat of the passions, "the heart" of the affections; cf. Jer. xvii.
   10; xx. 12. But this searching of the hearts and reins being, as it is,
   a prerogative of Deity (Mark ii. 8), God only knowing the hearts of men
   (ho kardiognostes Theos, Acts xv. 8; i. 24; 1 Chron. xxix. 17), it is
   plain that Christ, claiming this to Himself, is implicitly claiming to
   be God.--Ereunan is used in this same sense of searching, Rom. viii.
   27, and always expresses a careful investigation, a following up of
   tracks or indications as far as they will lead, as the dog the
   footprints of the chase, the miner the veins of the metal (Gen. xxxi.
   35; 1 Kings xx. 6; Prov. xx. 27; 1 Cor. ii. 10; 1 Pet. i. 11).
   Expressing, as the word does, this laborious and even painful
   investigation, leading step by step to its result, it, in the same way
   as every other discursive act, can only anthropopathos be ascribed to
   God; to whom by absolute and immediate intuition all hearts at all
   times lie open and manifest; who needs not to search out, and in this
   way to find, that which He always knows. ereunon the Septuagint
   Translators prefer etazon (Ps. vii. 10; 1 Chron. xxix. 17; Ps.
   cxxxviii. 22; Jer. xvii. 10), which does not occur in the New
   Testament.

   "And I will give unto every one of you according to your works."--This
   promise, or this threat, for it may be either, is one which we commonly
   keep at this time too much in the background; but it is one which we
   should press on ourselves and on others with the same emphasis
   wherewith Christ and his Word presses it upon us all (Ps. lxii. 13;
   Matt. xvi. 27; Rom. ii. 6; Job xxxiv. 11; Prov. xxiv. 12; Jer. xxii.
   19). It is indeed one of the gravest mischiefs which Rome has
   bequeathed to us, that in a reaction and protest, itself absolutely
   necessary, against the false emphasis which she put on works, unduly
   thrusting them in to share with Christ's merits in our justification,
   we often fear to place upon them the true; being as they are, to speak
   with St. Bernard, the "via regni," however little the "causa regnandi;"
   though here too it must of course never be forgotten that it is only
   the good tree which brings forth good fruit; and that no tree is good
   until Christ has made it so.

   Ver. 24. "But unto you I say, and unto the rest in Thyatira, as many as
   have not this doctrine, and which have not known the depths of Satan,
   as they speak; I will put upon you none other burden."--Leave out the
   kai with which the second clause in this sentence begins, and read,
   "But unto you I say, the rest in Thyatira, &c." The Gnostics, starting
   probably from 1 Cor. ii. 10, were ever boasting their acquaintance with
   mysteries, the deep things of God; could speak much about the buthos,
   "vere cæcutientes, qui profunda Bythi adinvenisse se dicunt" (Irenæus;
   cf. Tertullian, Adv. Valentin. § 1). A question is often here raised,
   whether these evil-workers spoke of "depths of Satan;" or only of
   "depths," while "of Satan" is a further characteristic of these
   "depths," added by the Lord Himself; who thus intimates with a keen
   irony what was the real character of those "depths" into which they
   professed themselves to have entered, and into which they sought to
   guide others. In this last way the words are generally understood, the
   Lord declaring what, in his all-seeing eye, was the true nature of the
   megalorrhemosunai (such Ignatius, Ep. ad Ephes. 10, calls them), the
   "great swelling words of vanity" which these Gnostics vented; promising
   liberty to others, being themselves servants of corruption. I should be
   disposed, however, to think with Hengstenberg, that it was they
   themselves who talked of "depths of Satan,"--the position of hos
   legousi seems to imply as much,--that in that fearful sophistry wherein
   they were such adepts, and whereby they sought to make a religion of
   every corrupt inclination of the natural mind, they talked much of
   "depths of Satan," which it was expedient for them to fathom. We know
   concerning them how they taught that it was a small tiling for a man to
   despise pleasure and to show himself superior to it, while at the same
   time he fled from it. The true, the glorious victory was, to remain
   superior to it, even while tasting it to the full; to give the body to
   all the lusts of the flesh, and yet with all this to maintain the
   spirit in a region of its own, uninjured by them; and thus, as it were,
   to fight against pleasure with the arms of pleasure itself; to mock and
   defy Satan even in his own kingdom and domain. We have an anticipation
   of this sophistry of sin, with its flatteries at once of the pride and
   corruption of the human heart, in the well-known mot of Aristippus, the
   Cyrenian philosopher, who being upbraided on the score of his relations
   with a Corinthian courtesan, defended himself with the reply, difficult
   adequately to render in English, Echo Laida, ouk echomai hup' autes
   (Clemens Alex. Strom. ii. 20). Here, however, were but the germs of
   that which in some of the Gnostics appears fully blown.

   "For you," says the Lord, "who have not gone to this Satanic school,
   who have been content with the simple knowledge of the good, and not
   thought it needful to know the evil as well, not good and evil, but
   only good, I will put upon you none other burden." If it be asked,
   "none other burden" than what?--the answer no doubt is, none other than
   a continued abstinence from, and protest against, these abominations.
   It was the master-stroke of the antinomian Gnostics to exaggerate, to
   distort, to misapply, all which St. Paul had spoken about the freedom
   of the Christian man from the law. They were the ultra-Paulines, who
   caricatured his doctrine, till of God's truth they had made a devil's
   lie. St. Paul had said of the law that it was not the ground of the
   Christian man's justification, nor yet the source of his holiness; they
   made him to say that it was not the rule of his life; as though he had
   rejected it altogether as a burden no longer to be borne by the
   redeemed. The Lord takes up this word "burden;"--"I do lay on you a
   burden, but it is a burden which it is your blessedness to bear, and
   over and above which I will impose no other." Compare Matt. xi. 30,
   where, however, phortion, not baros, stands in the original, and Acts
   xv. 28, 29, where baros occurs in this very sense of abstinence from
   idol-meats and fornication; and where exactly in the same sense, and
   almost in the same words, the Apostles declare that they will lay on
   the faithful of the Gentiles "no greater burden than these necessary
   things."

   Ver. 25. "But that which ye have already hold fast till I come."--It is
   on this condition that He will impose on them no additional burden.
   What they have of sound doctrine, of holy living, this they must hold
   fast, must so grasp it that none shall wrest it from them, till the day
   when the Lord shall come, and bring this long and painful struggle for
   the maintenance of his truth to an end. Ever and ever in Scripture, not
   the day of death, but the day of the Lord Jesus, is put as the term of
   all conflict.

   Ver. 26. "And he that overcometh, and keepeth my works unto the end, to
   him will I give power over the nations."--By "my works" we must
   understand, "works which I have commanded, in which I find pleasure,
   which are the fruit of my Spirit;" cf. John vi. 27, where "works of
   God" are to be understood in the same sense as "godly works." Here
   again that which is praised, that which will be crowned, is the keeping
   of these his works to the end; for Christ, the great epistates in the
   games, of which the Father is the agonothetes, and, still to keep the
   language of Tertullian, the Holy Ghost the xustarches, eternal life the
   brabeion, promises here this reward, not to him who enters the lists
   and endures for a time, but to him who, having begun well, continues
   striving lawfully to the last. "To him will I give power over the
   nations." The royalties of Christ shall by reflection and communication
   be the royalties also of his Church. They shall reign; but only because
   Christ reigns, and because IHe is pleased to share his dignity with
   them (iii. 21; Rom. v. 17; 2 Tim. ii. 12). When we ask ourselves in
   what sense, at what time, and in what form this "power over the
   nations" shall be the prerogative of the Church, we must find our
   answer in such passages as Rev. xx. 4; xxii. 5; 1 Cor. vi. 2; Ps.
   cxlix. 9, 6; and above all Matt. xix. 28.; cf. also Wisd. iii. 8.

   Ver. 27. "And he shall rule them with a rod of iron; as the vessels of
   a potter shall they be broken to shivers."--As this is a dignity which
   is originally Christ's (Ps. ii. 9; Rev. xii. 5; xix. 15), and only by
   Him made over to his servants, it is needful first to inquire what it
   means in respect of Him; and we may then understand what it means in
   respect of them. The passage in the second Psalm is no doubt that on
   which the three in this Book repose. It is there, "Thou shalt break
   them with a rod of iron;" but this Book throughout is in agreement with
   the Septuagint, "Thou shalt rule [poimaneis] them with a rod of iron."
   The Hebrew words for "Thou shalt break" and "Thou shalt rule" only
   differ in their vowels; their consonants are identical; at the same
   time the parallelism of the latter half of the verse, "Thou shalt dash
   them in pieces like a potter's vessel," leaves no doubt that "Thou
   shalt break" was the intention of the Psalmist. Shall we therefore
   conclude not merely that the Septuagint Translators mistook, which
   happens too frequently to be a matter to us of any serious wonder, but
   that the Lord set his seal to their error? Not so; He indeed accepts
   the pregnant and significant variation which they, intentionally or
   unintentionally, drew out of the language before them; and which was
   justified by the root common to both words; and instead of the mere
   unmingled judgment which lay in the passage as it originally stood in
   that Psalm, He expresses by it now judgment mingled with mercy,
   judgment behind which purposes of grace are concealed, and only waiting
   their due time to appear. Such a paideutike energeia, as Theodoret
   terms it, must be recognized in the poimainein; which our "Thou shalt
   rule," and the Latin "reges," only imperfectly give back; as, in regard
   of the Latin, Hilary (in Ps. ii.) urged long ago: "Reges eos in virgâ
   ferreâ; quanquam ipsum reges non tyrannicum neque injustum sit, sed ex
   æquitatis ac moderationis arbitrio regimen rationale demonstret, tamen
   molliorem adhuc regentis affectum proprietas, Græca significat. Quod
   enim nobiscum est, reges eos, cum illis est poimaneis autous, id est,
   pastoraliter reges, regendi scilicet eos curam affectu pastoris
   habiturus." For a still tenderer use of poimainein see John xxi. 16;
   Acts xx. 28. I do not in the least mean to affirm that the words do not
   contain a threat for the nations; but it is a threat of love. Christ
   shall rule them with a sceptre of iron to make them capable of being
   ruled with a sceptre of gold; severity first, that grace may come
   after; they are broken in pieces, that they may know themselves to be
   but men; that, their fierceness and pride being brought down, they may
   accept the yoke of Christ (Ps. lxxxiii. 16). And indeed how often the
   great tribulations of a people have been the propaideia, through which
   the Son of God has broken their pride, and made them capable of
   receiving his gospel, which, but for this, they would in their
   presumption and self-confidence have rejected to the end.

   Our Translators have only rendered rhabdos by sceptre' on a single
   occasion in the New Testament (Heb. i. 8). It were to be wished they
   had done so here, and at xii. 5; xix. 15. The word in the second Psalm
   svt has this meaning; cf. Ps. xliv. 8, where in like manner it occurs;
   and every thing else speaking of royalty here, this should do the same.
   It may be urged, indeed, that royal sceptres are not usually of iron,
   but of wood overgilded, or of silver, or of gold. This may be quite
   true, but, if so, only makes more striking the exception in the present
   instance. "He shall rule them with a sceptre of iron," which, harder
   and stronger than any other, shall dash them who oppose themselves to
   it in pieces like a potter's vessel; this image implying the ease with
   which all resistance shall be overcome, the utter destruction which
   shall overtake all them who attempt it (Jer. xix. 11; Isai. xxx. 14).
   Ewald: "Imago regis hostes suos facillimâ operâ conterentis et
   dispergentis."

   "Even as I received of my Father."--There was one who offered to
   inaugurate Him at once in the possession of all the kingdoms of the
   world and the glory of them; and the Lord had put back him and his
   offer with indignation (Luke iv. 5-8), not because these were not his
   just expectation and his due inheritance; but because He would receive
   them at no other hands than his Father's. And now we find that He has
   received them at these hands, and they are his; his to impart to his
   servants; and that which was a lying boast on the lips of the usurper,
   that he could give them to whom he would, is a truth on the lips of the
   rightful Lord. Even while upon earth He could say to his own (and the
   words constitute a very remarkable parallel to these), "I appoint unto
   you a kingdom, as my Father hath appointed unto Me" (Luke xxii. 29).
   Richard of St. Victor: "Magna promissio, magnum donum: hoc promittit,
   hoc tribuit, quod Ipse accepit."

   Ver. 28. "And I will give him the zorning star."--Compare xxii. 16,
   where the Lord Himself is "the bright and morning star" (ho aster ho
   lampros ho proinos). Whether He is meant by "the day-star" (phosphoros)
   of 1 Pet. ii. 19, may be a question. This star, as light-bringer,
   herald and harbinger of day, goes by many names; it is aster eothinos
   (Ecclus. 1. 6), ho heosphoros ho proi anatellon (Isai. xiv. 12,
   "Lucifer, son of the morning," E. V.), the beauty and transcendant
   brightness of it being continually celebrated by poets, as by Homer
   (Il. xxii. 317); by Virgil (Æn. viii. 389); by Ovid (Trist. i. 3. 71:
   "coelo nitidissimus alto"), and by Milton (Par. Lost, iv. 605:

   "Hesperus, that led
   The starry host, rode brightest").

   So does the Lord claim all that is fairest and loveliest in creation as
   the faint shadow and image of his perfections. A comparison with that
   other passage in this Book referred to already (xxii. 16) conclusively
   proves that when Christ promises that He will give to his faithful ones
   the morning star, He promises that He will give to them Himself, that
   He will impart to them his own glory and a share in his own royal
   dominion (cf. iii. 21); for the star, as there has been already
   occasion to observe, is evermore the symbol of royalty (Matt. ii. 2),
   being therefore linked with the sceptre (Num. xxiv. 17). All the glory
   of the world shall end in being the glory of the Church, if only this
   abide faithful to its Lord.

   Ver. 29. "He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto
   the Churches." Compare ii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [34] A curious testimony to the entire disappearance of Greek, and of
   the power of appealing to Greek copies of Scripture, probably to the
   total absence of Greek copies in Western Europe to appeal to, and the
   consequent exclusive dependence on the Vulgate, occurs here in the
   Commentary of Richard of St. Victor, one of the most learned men of
   perhaps the most learned monastic foundation in France. He observes
   that some copies here read lectum,' some luctum;' discusses at length
   the relative advantages and probabilities of the two readings, without
   a word implying the possibility of settling the question at once by a
   glance at the original.
     __________________________________________________________________

V.

EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH OF SARDIS.

   Rev. iii. 1-6.

   Ver. 1. "And unto the Angel of the Church in Sardis write."--Sardis,
   now Sart, was situated on the side of mount Tmolus, and on the river
   Pactolus. The ancient capital of Lydia, the kingdom of Croesus, it
   maintained a certain portion of its old dignity and splendour in the
   time of the Persians, and had not wholly lost it in the Roman period.
   For the things in which the Sardians gloried the most, see Tacitus,
   Annal. iv. 55.

   "These things saith He that hath the seven Spirits of God, and the
   seven stars."--There has been already occasion to speak of "the seven
   Spirits of God," and to claim for these that they in this complex can
   set forth no other than the one Holy Spirit, the third Person of the
   ever-blessed Trinity, in his sevenfold operation (i. 4). All that
   remains tlhen is to consider the relation in which Christ, declaring
   that it is He "that hath the seven Spirits of God," claims to stand to
   these seven. How entirely He "hath" them, by how close a right they are
   his, may best be understood by the comparison of other words, presently
   occurring in this same Book; "I beheld a Lamb as it had been slain,
   having seven horns and seven eyes, which are the seven Spirits of God
   sent forth into all the earth" (v. 6; cf. Zech. iii. 9; iv. 10). It
   need hardly be observed how important a witness this verse, when the
   right interpretation of "the seven Spirits" has been seized, bears to
   the faith of the Western Church on that great point upon which it is at
   issue with the Eastern, in respect, namely, of the procession of the
   Holy Ghost. He is indeed the Spirit of the Father and the Son. The Son
   "hath the seven Spirits," or the Spirit; not because He has received;
   for though it is quite true that in the days of his flesh He did
   receive (Matt. iii. 16; John iii. 34; Heb. i. 9); yet now it is the Son
   of God, a giver therefore, and not a receiver, who is speaking; who
   "hath" the Spirit; "hath" to the end that He may impart it. If, too,
   the Spirit be admitted to be God, then the Son, who "hath" the Spirit,
   must be God likewise; as is well argued, though not with reference to
   this particular verse, by Augustine (De Trin. xv. 26): "Quomodo Deus
   non est, qui dat Spiritum Sanctum? Immo quantus Dens est, qui dat
   Deum?" There is a special fitness in the assumption of this style by
   the Lord in his address to the Angel of the Church of Sardis. To him
   and to his people, sunken in spiritual deadness and torpor, the lamp of
   faith waning and almost extinguished in their hearts, the Lord presents
   Himself as one having the fulness of all spiritual gifts; able
   therefore to revive, able to recover, able to bring back from the very
   gates of spiritual death, those who would employ the little last
   remaining strength which they still retained, in calling, even when
   thus in extremis, upon Him.

   "And the seven stars."--This is the only approach to a repetition in
   the titles of the Lord throughout all the Epistles. He has already
   declared Himself "He that holdeth the seven stars in his right hand"
   (ii. 1), and now "He that hath the seven stars." But "the seven stars"
   are brought there and here into entirely different combinations. There
   "He that holdeth the seven stars" is set forth as the same "who walketh
   in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks;" here "He that hath the
   seven Spirits of God" hath also "the seven stars." But since "the stars
   are the Angels of the seven Churches" (i. 20), we must see in this
   combination a hint of the relation between Christ, as the giver of the
   Holy Spirit, and as the author of a ministry of living men in his
   Church; this ministry of theirs resting wholly on these gifts, even as
   the connexion between the two is often brought out in the New
   Testament. Of course the locus classicus on this matter is Ephes. iv.
   7-12; but compare further John xx. 22, 23; Acts i. 8; xx. 28. His are
   the golden urns from which these "stars" must continually draw their
   light. They need not fear to be left destitute of his manifold gifts,
   for his is the Holy Spirit in all his sevenfold operations, with which
   evermore to furnish them to the full.

   "I know thy works, that thou hast a name that thou livest, and art
   dead."--A passage which at once suggests itself as parallel to this, is
   1 Tim. v. 6, where St. Paul, of a woman living in pleasure, says, zosa
   tethneke; and compare, in the same sense, Matt. viii. 22; Luke xv. 24;
   Rom. vi. 13; Ephes. ii. 1, 5; Heb. vi. 1; ix. 14. Bengel suggests,
   though indeed earlier commentators had anticipated the suggestion, that
   the name of this Angel may have contained some assertion of life; which
   stood in miserable contradiction with the realities of death which the
   Lord beheld in him; a name therefore which in his case was not the
   utterance of a truth, but a lie; no nomen et omen, but the reverse; the
   name affirming and implying that he was alive, while in truth he was
   dead; Zosimos would be such a name in Greek, Vitalis in Latin.
   Hengstenberg considers the suggestion not improbable; it appears to me
   exceedingly improbable and far-fetched. The use of "name" as equivalent
   to fame, reputation, character, is as common in Greek as in English.
   The fact that Sardis should have had this name and fame of life is very
   startling, and may well summon each and all to an earnest
   heart-searching. There would have been nothing nearly so startling, if
   Sardis had been counted by the Churches round about as a Church fallen
   into lethargy and death. But nothing of the kind. Laodicea, we know,
   deceived herself (iii. 17), but we do not find that she deceived
   others; counted herself rich, when she was most poor; but there is
   nothing to make us think that others counted her so as well; Sardis, on
   the other hand, had a name to live, was spoken of, we may well believe,
   as a model Church, can therefore have been by no means wanting in the
   outer manifestations of spiritual life; while yet all these shows of
   life did but conceal the realities of death; so He, before whose eyes
   of fire no falsehood can endure, too surely saw.

   Ver. 2. "Be watchful, and strengthen the things which remain, that are
   ready to die."--Translate rather, "Become" (what thou art not now)
   "watchful (ginou gregoron)." Compare the many passages in which
   activity or vigilance of spirit is set forth under this same image,
   often by this same word (Matt. xxiv. 42, 43; xxv. 13; xxvi. 41; Mark
   xiii. 37; Acts xx. 31; 1 Cor. xiv. 13; 1 Thess. v. 6; 1 Pet. v. 9; Rev.
   xix. 15). Almost all better commentators are agreed that ta loipa here
   should not be rendered "the things which remain," "quæ huc usque tibi
   mansere virtutes" (Ewald); but rather, "the persons which remain," or
   "the rest," = tous loipous, as many as are not yet dead, though now at
   the point of death. We gather from these words that, with few
   exceptions, the entire Sardian Church shared in this deadness of its
   chief pastor; while he, in seeking to revive their life, to chafe their
   dead limbs, would best revive and recover the warmth of his own (Ps.
   li. 13). Their present abject and fallen condition is excellently
   expressed by the use of the neuter; cf. 1 Cor. i. 26; Ezek. xxxiv. 4;
   Zech. xi. 9; nor indeed need the use of it surprise us, even without
   the sufficient explanation which this supplies. It is not here only
   that sterizein is employed in this sense of establishing, confirming in
   the grace of God; thus compare Luke xxii. 32; Rom. i. 11; 2 Thess. iii.
   3; 1 Pet. v. 10; bebaioun often occurs in the same sense (1 Cor. i. 8;
   2 Cor. i. 21; Col. ii. 7); and themelioun as well (Eph. iii. 17; Col.
   i. 23; 1 Pet. v. 10). This command to the Sardian Angel implies that
   the nekros ei of ver. 1 must not be taken absolutely. The dead can bury
   their dead; but this is all which they can do; they must be themselves
   alive, who are bidden to impart a savour of life to others. The fire of
   grace may have burned very low in their hearts; but it cannot be quite
   extinguished; for how in that case could they kindle any flame in
   others?

   "For I have not found thy works perfect before God."--The word here
   employed is not that which we commonly render "perfect;" not teleia,
   but pepleromena; so that the Lord contemplates the works prepared and
   appointed in the providence of God for the faithful man to do as a
   definite sphere (Ephes. ii. 10), which it was his duty and his calling
   to have fulfilled or filled to the full,--the same image habitually
   underlying the uses of pleroun and plerousthai (Matt. iii. 15; Rom.
   xiii. 8). This sphere of appointed duties the Sardian Angel had not
   fulfilled; not, at least, "before God;" for on these last words the
   emphasis must be laid. Before himself and other men his works may very
   likely have been "perfect;" indeed, we are expressly told that he had
   "a name to live" (ver. 1); for we all very easily satisfy ourselves
   concerning our own works, neither is it very difficult to satisfy the
   world concerning them. But to have our works "perfect before God," to
   fill up the measure of those that He has ordained, so to have them
   pepleromena, that is quite a different and a far harder thing. Very
   striking and very searching words on this matter are those of one whose
   own devotion to his work gave him a right to speak--Juan d'Avila, the
   apostle of Andalusia: "Tot tantæque sunt pastorum obligationes, ut qui
   vel tertiam earum partem reipsâ impleret, sanctus ab hominibus
   haberetur; cum tamen eo solo contentus, gehennam non esset evasurus;"
   and few, who have read, will forget some words of Cecil very nearly to
   the same effect,--that a minister of Christ is very often in highest
   honour with men for the performance of one half of his work, while God
   is regarding him with displeasure for the neglect of the other half.

   It is a very instructive fact, that every where else, in the Epistles
   to all the Churches save only to this and to Laodicea, there is mention
   of some burden to be borne, of a conflict either with foes within the
   Church or without, or with both. Only in these two nothing of the kind
   occurs. The exceptions are very significant. There is no need to assume
   that the Church at Sardis had openly coalesced and joined hands with
   the heathen world; this would in those days have been impossible; nor
   yet that it had renounced the appearance of opposition to the world.
   But the two tacitly understood one another. This Church had nothing of
   the spirit of the Two Witnesses, of whom we read that they "tormented
   them that dwelt on the earth" (Rev. xi. 10), tormented them, that is,
   by their witness for a God of truth and holiness and love, whom the
   dwellers on the earth were determined not to know. There was nothing in
   it to provoke from the heathen, in the midst of whom it sojourned, any
   such words as those which the author of The Wisdom of Solomon puts into
   the mouth of the ungodly men (ii. 12-16). The world could endure it,
   because it too was a world. On the not less significant absence of all
   heretical opposition in these Churches, there will be something to say
   when we deal with the Epistle to Laodicea.

   Ver. 3. "Remember therefore how thou hast received and heard, and
   holdfast, and repent."--This "how" is by some interpreters referred to
   the manner of their former receiving, and by some to the matter which
   they formerly received and heard. Now if the character of the charges
   which the Lord is making against Sardis were that of holding, or even
   tolerating, any erroneous doctrine contrary to "the faith once
   delivered to the saints," I should certainly be on their side who
   referred this "how" to the matter, to the form of sound words which
   they had accepted at the first, and to which Christ would recall them
   now; I should see in these words a parallel to such passages as Col.
   ii. 6; 1 Tim. vi. 10; 2 Tim. i. 14. But the charge against Sardis is
   not a perverse holding of untruth, but a heartless holding of the
   truth; and therefore I cannot but think that the Lord is graciously
   reminding her of the heartiness, the zeal, the love with which she
   received this truth at the first. There was great joy in that city, no
   doubt, then; but now all was changed. Compare St. Paul to the
   Thessalonians, 1 Ep. i. 5-10, where, however, there is no such painful
   comparison to draw between their present and their past; also the same
   Apostle to the Galatians (iv. 13-15), a completer parallel to the words
   before us, St. Paul contrasting there their present disaffection and
   coldness of heart toward him and the Gospel of the grace of God which
   he brought, with the zeal and warmth and love wherewith they first
   received these glad tidings at his lips, the "how" of their present
   holding with the "how" of their past receiving. At the same time, this
   their joyful loving acceptance of the truth in times past is only
   one-half of the "how" of their receiving it. They are bidden, no doubt,
   in these words to remember as well "how" that truth itself came, that
   they might receive it; with what demonstration of the Spirit and of
   power from the lips of those ambassadors of Christ, whoever they may
   have been, who first brought it to Sardis; how holily, how unblamably
   these went in and out among them. And remembering all this, let them
   not guiltily let that go, which came so commended to them, which was so
   joyfully embraced by them, but rather hold it with a firm grasp. "Prize
   now"--this is what Christ would say--"that which thou didst once prize
   so highly, which came to thee so plainly as a gift from God,
   accompanied with the Holy Ghost from heaven; and repent thee of all the
   coldness and heartlessness with which thou hast learned to regard it"
   (2 Pet. i. 9).

   "If therefore thou shalt not watch, I will come on thee as a thief, and
   thou shalt not know what hour I will come upon thee."--Augustine has
   pointedly said, "Latet ultimus dies, ut observetur omnis dies." But
   should this Angel refuse thus to observe and watch, the Lord takes up
   against him and repeats here his own words, twice spoken, with slight
   variations, in the days of his ministry on earth (Matt. xxiv. 42, 43;
   Luke xii. 39, 40); words which must have profoundly impressed
   themselves on those who heard them, and on the early Church in general,
   as is evidenced from the frequent references to them in other parts of
   the New Testament; as by St. Paul (1 Thess. v. 2, 4); by St. Peter (2
   Ep. iii. 10); and by St. John (Rev. xvi. 15). It is the stealthiness of
   Christ's advent, and thus his coming upon the secure sinner when least
   He is looked for, which is the point of the comparison. not the violent
   taking away of the worldling's goods. In that case, he would be the
   lestes rather than the kleptes, the robber, and not the thief which
   here he is (cf. Matt. xxiv. 36-51; xxv. 13). The grand Greek proverb,
   which affirmed that the feet of the avenging deities were shod with
   wool, awfully expressed the sense which the heathen had of this
   noiseless approach of the divine judgments, of their possible nearness
   at the moment when they were supposed the furthest off. So too in those
   sublime lines of Æschylus, the very turn of the phrase in the
   conclusion reminds one of these words of Christ:

   dokeis ta theon su xuneta nikesai pote,
   kai ten diken pou makr' apokeisthai broton;
   he d' engus estin, ouch horomene d' hora,
   hon chre kolazein t', oiden; all' ouk oistha su,
   hopotan aphno molousa diolese kakous.

   Ver. 4. "Thou hast a few names even in Sardis which have not defiled
   their garments."--"Names" cannot here be slightingly used, any more
   than at Acts i. 15; cf. Rev. xi. 13; it must be simply equivalent to
   persons;--or there may be a tacit reference to ver. 1. The Angel of
   Sardis had a name that he lived, and was dead; but there were some
   there, however few, whose names were more than names; who had not
   merely the form of godliness (2 Tim. iii. 5, morphosis there = onoma
   here), but the power. It is very beautiful to observe the gracious
   manner in which the Lord recognizes and sets his seal of allowance to
   the good which any where He finds. Abraham said, "to slay the righteous
   with the wicked, that be far from Thee" (Gen. xviii. 25); but it is far
   from Him even to seem to include the righteous and the wicked in a
   common blame. He, the same who delivered Noah, a preacher of
   righteousness, from the destruction of the old world, who drew just Lot
   out of Sodom, who could single out from the whole wicked family of
   Jeroboam, and take from the evil to come, Ahijah, for some good thing
   toward the Lord his God which was found in him (1 Kings xiv. 13),
   beholds the few faithful in Sardis that had not defiled their garments,
   will not suffer them to suppose that they are overlooked by Him, or
   that his condemnation was intended to include them. The "garments"
   which these are thus declared not to have "defiled," are not to be
   identified with the "white raiment" of the next verse, nor with the
   "white" in the next clause of this. That "white raiment" there is the
   garment of glory,--this the garment of grace. That incapable of
   receiving a stain, being part of an inheritance which in all its parts
   is amiantos (1 Pet. i. 4); this something to which spiloi (Ephes. v.
   27; James iii. 6), miasmata (2 Pet. ii. 20), molusmoi (2 Cor. vii. 1),
   can only too easily adhere. That keeping itself, for nothing that
   defileth entereth the place where it is worn (Rev. xxi. 27); this
   needing to be kept, and above all keeping (Rev. xvi. 15), if the glory
   and brightness of it is not quite to disappear. This, itself a wedding
   garment (Matt. xxii. 11, 12), but not necessarily identical with "the
   fine linen, clean and white, the righteousness of saints" (Rev. xix.
   8), is put on at our entrance by baptism into the kingdom of grace;
   that at our entrance by the resurrection into the kingdom of glory.

   There were those at Sardis, a little remnant, who had thus kept their
   garments; or, according to the testimony of Christ, had "not defiled"
   them. Absolutely, and in the highest sense, no one has thus kept his
   garments, save only He who received more than a garment of grace at
   baptism; having been sanctified from his conception, and thus a "holy
   thing" (Luke i. 35) from the very first. But, in a secondary sense, and
   as compared with too many others, there are those who have not defiled
   these garments; the phrase is equivalent to St. James's "keeping
   oneself unspotted from the world" (i. 27). These are they who, if they
   do contract any defilement upon these, yet suffer it not to harden or
   become ingrained there; but go at once to the fountain open for all
   uncleanness, wash their garments and make them white again in the blood
   of the Lamb (Rev. vii. 14). Molunein differs from miainein, as
   "inquinare" from "maculare," being not so much to stain as to besmear
   or besmirch with impurity (Cant. v. 3; Gen. xxxviii. 31). It is with
   reference to this word that Hengstenberg is convinced we are to find a
   covert allusion here to the name of this city, Sardis or Sardes, which
   is so near to sordes; Christ saying that, with the few exceptions which
   He has made, Sardes is become sordes ("Sardes ist sordes geworden ").
   But a Latin pun in the Apocalypse! A Hebrew, or even a Greek, play on
   words would be very conceivable in these Epistles; indeed, I am
   convinced that there is one in the name "Nicolaitans," given to the
   libertines of the apostolic period (see ii. 6). A deep sense of the
   significance of words and names will often find its utterance in such;
   but a Latin pun, and that without the slightest hint to set any looking
   for it, is about the unlikeliest thing in the world to encounter there.
   Not a few expositors, bringing this passage into connexion with Jude
   23, find reference in both to those ceremonial uncleannesses spoken of
   Lev. xv. and elsewhere, which so very easily may be moral uncleannesses
   as well. I do not think this to lie in the words; but that every
   defilement (molusmos) of the flesh and spirit (2 Cor. vii. 1) is here
   intended.

   "And they shall walk with Me in white."--Here are many promises in one.
   The promise of life, for only the living walk, the dead are still; of
   liberty, for the free walk, and not the fast bound. Much more too we
   may find in these words, "they shall walk in white," than if it had
   been merely said, "they shall be clothed in white." The grace and
   dignity of long garments only appears, at least only appears to the
   full, when the person wearing them is in motion; cf. Luke xx. 46: "the
   scribes desire to walk in long robes." And all this has its
   corresponding truth in the kingdom of heaven. God's saints and servants
   here in this world of grace, and no doubt also in that world of glory,
   are best seen and most to be admired when they are engaged in active
   services of love. And such they shall have. They shall walk (cf. Zech.
   iii. 7) with their Lord, shall be glorified together with Him (Rom.
   viii. 17; John xvii. 24); his servants shall serve Him (Rev. xxii. 3).

   "For they are worthy,"--God's Word does not refuse to ascribe a
   worthiness to men (Matt. x. 10, 11; xxii. 8; Luke xx. 35; xxi. 36; 2
   Thess. i. 5, 11); although this worthiness must ever be contemplated as
   relative, and not absolute; as grounding itself on God's free
   acceptance of an obedience which would fain be perfect, even while it
   actually is most imperfect, and on this his acceptance and allowance of
   it alone. There are those who "are worthy" according to the rules which
   free grace has, although there are none according to those which strict
   justice might have, laid down; and God is "faithful" (1 John i. 9), in
   that having laid these rules down, He will observe and abide by them.
   Vitringa well: "Dignitas hic notat proportionem, et congruentiam, quæ
   erat inter statum gratiæ quo fuerant in his terris, et gloriæ quam
   Dominus ipsis decreverat, æstimandam, ex ipsâ lege gratiæ." There is
   another very fearful "They are worthy" in this Book (xvi. 6), where no
   such observation would need to be made, where no such mitigation of the
   word's force would be required; for see the antithesis between death as
   the wages (opsonia) of sin, and eternal life as the gift (charisma) of
   God, Rom. vi. 23.

   Ver. 5. "He that overcometh, the same shall be clothed in white
   raiment."--A repetition of the promise of the verse preceding. They who
   have kept their garments here, as a few in Sardis to whom the Lord
   bears testimony (ver. 4) had done, shall have brighter garments given
   to them there, "vestes vitæ;," as in the book of Enoch they are called.
   Of white as the colour of heaven, and of white garments as shining
   ones, there has been already occasion to speak; see p. 170. Add the
   words of Grotius: "leuka himatia, hoc loco et infra, iii. 18; iv. 4,
   sunt vestes coruscantes, et sic sume stolas leukas, infra, vi. 11, vii.
   9, 13." It is not in Scripture merely that white is thus presented as
   the colour of heaven, and white garments the suitable investiture of
   the blessed inhabitants of heaven. The same, out of a deep inborn
   symbolism, repeats itself in heathen antiquity as well; thus see Plato,
   Legg. xii. 956; Cicero, Legg. ii. 18; Virgil, Æn. vi. 665; Ovid, Fast.
   iii. 363; iv. 419, 420; Metam. x. 432. As we cannot conceive of any
   room in heaven for raiment in the literal sense of the word, we must
   understand by this that vesture of light, that clothing with light as
   with a garment, which shall be theirs who shall then "shine out
   (eklampsousi, Matt. xiii. 43) as the sun in the kingdom of their
   Father; "their raiment, and yet for all this not something external to
   them, but the outward utterance of all which now inwardly they are, who
   have left all sin behind them for ever. The glorified body, defecated
   of all its dregs and all its impurities, transformed and transfigured
   into the likeness of Christ's body (Phil. iii. 21), this, with its robe
   and atmosphere of light, is itself, I believe, the "white raiment"
   which Christ here promises to his redeemed.

   I have alluded already, see p. 147, to the frequency, as it appears to
   me, of the scoffing side-glances at Scripture which occur in the
   writings of Lucian. It would be curious to know whether he intended a
   mock at this and at the glorious hope of the Christian, when, relating
   the tales current about Peregrinus, after his fiery passage in the
   spirit of Empedocles to a mock immortality, he makes one of this
   impostor's followers assure his hearers that shortly after the
   disappearance of Peregrinus in his funeral-pile he beheld him walking
   in a white garment, shining, and crowned with a garland of olive (en
   leuke estheti peripatounta, phaidron, kotino te estemmenon, De Mort.
   Pereg. 40). One or two such passages we might attribute to accident;
   but they seem to me to occur too often for any such explanation. See a
   very good article by Planck, Lucian und das Christenthum, in the
   Theoll. Stud. und Krit. 1851, pp. 826-902.

   "And I will not blot out his name out of the book of life."--It is much
   more than a simple negative; ou me exaleipso = "nequaquam delebo." We
   read of a "book of life," Exod. xxxii. 32; Ps. lxix. 29; Dan. xii. 1;
   Phil. iv. 3; Rev. xiii. 8; xx. 15; xxi. 27; of those "written among the
   living" (Isai. iv. 3); and resting on the same image, our Lord speaks
   of some whose names "are written in heaven" (Luke x. 20; cf. Heb. xii.
   23). These are the tetagmenoi eis zoen of Acts xiii. 48. At the same
   time the pledge and promise which is here given, implying, as on the
   face of it it does, that there are names, which, having been once
   written in that book, might yet be afterwards blotted out of it, has
   proved not a little perplexing to those followers of Augustine, who
   will not be content in this mystery of predestination with having some
   Scriptures on their side, and leaving the reconciliation of these and
   those others which are plainly against them, and apparently
   contradictory to these, for another and a higher state of knowledge;
   but who would fain make it appear that all Scripture is on their side
   (see Turretine's treatise, De Libro Vitæ, pp. 9-22). If this passage
   had stood by itself, it would not have been hard for them to answer, as
   indeed they do answer, that all who are written in the book of life
   overcome; therefore this promise holds good for them all, and none who
   are there written have their names blotted out from thence. But,
   unhappily, beside and behind this passage, there are others not capable
   of this solution, and principally Exod. xxxii. 32; Ps. lxix. 29; Rev.
   xxii. 19. To what hard shifts they are put in forcing these statements
   within the limits of their system may be judged from Augustine's
   comment on the second of these passages (Enarr. in Ps. lxix.):
   "Deleantur de libro viventiumn, et cum justis non scribantur, non sic
   accipere debemus quod quemquam Deus scribat in libro vitæ;, et deleat
   illum; si homo dixit, Quod scripsi scripsi, Deus quemquam scribit et
   delet? . . Isti ergo quomodo inde delentur, ubi nunquam scripti sunt?
   Hoc dictum est secundum spem ipsorum, quia ibi se scriptos putabunt.
   Quid sit, deleantur de libro vitæ;? Et ipsis constet non illos ibi
   esse."

   "But I will confess his name before my Father, and before his
   Angels."--Christ had spoken when on earth of confessing those who
   confessed Him, before his Father in heaven (Matt. x. 32, 33), and
   before the Angels (Luke xii. 8, 9). That "in heaven" is of course
   omitted now, for there is no longer any contrast between the Father in
   heaven and the Son on earth; but the two confessions, which were
   separated before, appear united now; and in general we may observe of
   this Epistle that in great part it is woven together of sayings which
   the Lord had already uttered once or oftener in the days during which
   He pitched his tent among men; He now setting his seal from heaven upon
   his words uttered on earth. On these costly mosaic-works of Scripture,
   which in our careless reading of it we so often overlook, there are
   some beautiful remarks in Delitzsch, Commentar über den Psalter, on Ps.
   cxxxv.; which is itself, as are also Ps. xcvii. xcviii. striking
   examples of the skill of a divine Artificer herein.

   Nor will it be inopportune to observe further what signal internal
   evidence this same fact, analysed a little closer, will supply on
   another point; upon this, namely, that these Epistles are what they
   profess themselves to be, namely Epistles, directly, and in their form
   no less than their substance, from Christ the Lord. With no unworthy
   thought about their inspiration, we might very easily come to regard
   them as having past through the mind of St. John, and having been
   recast, in their form at least, in the passage. What they would have
   been, if they had undergone any such modifying process as this, St.
   John's own Epistles tell us. But no; it is the Lord Himself who speaks
   throughout; who not merely suggests the thoughts, but dictates the
   words. That St. John is here merely his mouthpiece, that the Master is
   speaking and not the servant, is, I say, remarkably witnessed for in
   the fact of the numerous points of contact and coincidence between
   these seven Epistles and the words of Christ as recorded in the
   Gospels, in the three synoptic Gospels above all. Had such only been
   found in St. John's own Gospel, this might have suggested quite a
   different explanation. But it is mainly the other Gospels which furnish
   these. Thus in this Sardian Epistle alone, where, it is true, the
   points of resemblance are more numerous than any where else, spiritual
   activity is set forth as a watching, ver. 3; with which compare Matt.
   xxiv. 42; xxv. 13; xxvi. 41; Mark xiii. 37. Christ likens his.
   unlooked-for coming to that of a thief (ibid.); compare Matt. xxiv. 43;
   Luke xii. 39. He speaks here of blotting out a name from the book of
   life (ver. 5), there of names written in the book of life (Luke x. 20);
   here of confessing his servants before his Father (ibid.), with which
   the parallels from the Gospels have just been given. The remarkable
   reappearance in this and in all these Epistles of the words so often on
   our Lord's lips, according to the three first Gospels, but never
   noticed in the fourth, "He that hath an ear to hear, let him hear"
   (Matt. xi. 15; xiii. 9, 45; Mark iv. 9, 23; vii. 16, 33; Luke viii. 8;
   xiv. 35), has been dwelt on already, p. 120.

   Ver. 6. "He that hath an ear, let him, hear what the Spirit saith unto
   the Churches."--Compare ii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

VI.

EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH OF PHILADELPHIA.

   Rev. iii. 7-13.

   Ver. 7. "And to the Angel of the Church in Philadelphia
   write."--Philadelphia, at the foot of mount Tmolus, on the banks of the
   little river Cogamus, which not far from the city falls into the Hermus
   (Pliny, H. N. v. 29, 30), was built by Attalus Philadelphus, king of
   Pergamum (he died B.C. 138), from whom it derives its name. No city of
   Asia Minor suffered more, or so much, from frequent earthquakes--polis
   seismon pleres Strabo calls it (xiii. 4), and describes it as almost
   depopulated in consequence of these. In the great earthquake in the
   reign of Tiberius Philadelphia was nearly destroyed (Tacitus, Ann. ii.
   47).

   "These things saith He that is Holy."--Christ claims here to be ho
   Hagios, The Holy One; cf. Acts ii. 27; xiii. 35; Heb. vii. 26. In all
   these passages, however,hosios, not hagios, stands in the original; nor
   are these words perfectly identical, though we have but the one word
   "holy" by which to render them both. The hosios, if a man, is one who
   diligently observes all the sanctities of religion; anterior, many of
   them, to all law, the "jus et fas," with a stress on the latter word.
   If applied to God, as at Rev. xv. 4; xvi. 5, and here, He is One in
   whom these eternal sanctities reside; who is Himself the root and
   ground of them. The hagios is the separate from evil, with the perfect
   hatred of the evil. But holiness in this absolute sense belongs only to
   God; not to Angels, for He chargeth his Angels with folly (Job iv. 18),
   and certainly not to men (Jam. iii. 2; Gen. vi. 5; viii. 21). He then
   that claims to be "The Holy One,"--a name which Jehovah in the Old
   Testament continually claims for Himself,--implicitly claims to be God;
   takes to Himself a title which is God's alone, which it would be
   blasphemy for any other to appropriate, and, unless we allow the
   alternative that He is guilty of this, can only be accepted as Himself
   God.

   "He that is true."--We must not confound alethinos (= "verus") with
   alethes (= "verax"). God is alethes (=apseudes, Tit. i. 2), as He
   cannot lie, the truth-speaking and truth-loving God; with whom every
   word is Yea and Amen; but He is alethinos, as fulfilling all that is
   involved in the name God, in contrast with those which are called gods,
   but which, having the name of gods, have nothing of the truth, wicked
   spirits, or dead idols. That is alethinos which fulfils its own idea to
   the highest possible point; as Origen (In Joan. tom. ii. § 4) well puts
   it: alethinos, pros antidiastolen skias kai tupou kai eikonos. Nor is
   alethinos only, as in this case of God, the true as contrasted with the
   absolutely false; but as contrasted with the subordinately true, with
   all imperfect and partial realisations of the idea; thus Christ is phos
   alethinon (John i. 9; 1 John ii. 8), artos alethinos (John vi. 32),
   ampelos alethine (John xv. 1); there is a skene alethine in heaven
   (Heb. viii. 2). In each of these cases the antithesis is not between
   the true and the false, but between the perfect and the imperfect, the
   idea fully, and the idea only partially, realized; for John the Baptist
   also was a light (John v. 35), and Moses gave bread from heaven (Ps.
   cv. 40), and Israel was a vine of God's planting (Ps. lxxx. 8), and the
   tabernacle pitched in the wilderness, if only a figure of the true, was
   yet pitched at God's express command (Exod. xxv.).

   "He that hath the key of David."--Let us note here, but only that we
   may avoid it, a not uncommon error of interpretation, namely, the,
   identifying, or confounding, of this "key of David" with "the key of
   knowledge," which in the days of his earthly ministry Christ accused
   the Scribes that they had taken away (Luke xi. 52). They who thus
   identify the two regard Him as here claiming to be the One who unlooses
   the seals of Scripture, opens the closed door into its inner chambers;
   who by his advent first made intelligible the dark and obscure
   prophecies of the Old Testament, and by his Spirit opens and enlightens
   the eyes of men to see and understand the deep things which are written
   in his Word. Into this erroneous interpretation Origen not unfrequently
   falls, bringing Rev. v. 7-9 into relation with these two passages as a
   third, having the same import; thus In Joan. tom. v. § 4; Sel. in
   Psalm. Ps. i.; Hilary no less (Prol. in libr. Psalm. §§ 5, 6); and
   Jerome (Ep. 50, de Stud. Script.).

   "The key" is of course here and elsewhere, as Andreas expresses it,
   exousias sumbolon, the symbol of power (cf. xxii. 1); and "the key of
   David" is "the key of the house of David," of that royal household
   whereof David was chief, and all his servants members. Cocceius:
   "Clavem Davidis vocat, quia ea regia clavis, et is tempore ministerii
   sui clausit et aperuit, typum Christi gerens; vide Ps. ci. 4-8." But
   David being a type of Christ, nay often his name being actually named
   for the name of Christ (Ezek. xxxiv. 23, 24), "the house of David"
   alluded to thus can mean nothing less than the heavenly house, the
   kingdom of heaven; and the Lord is, in fact, declaring, "I have the
   keys of the kingdom of heaven." Those keys which He committed to Peter
   and his fellow Apostles (Matt. xvi. 19), He announces to be in the
   highest sense his own. It depends on Him, the supreme kledouchos in the
   house of God, who shall see the King's face, and who shall be excluded
   from it. Men are admitted into, or shut out from, that presence
   according to the good pleasure of his will; for it is He, and no other,
   "that openeth, and no man shutteth, that shutteth, and no man openeth."
   Christ teaches us here that He has not so committed the keys of the
   kingdom of heaven, with the power of binding and loosing, to any other,
   his servants, here, but that He still retains the highest
   administration of them in his own hands. If at any time there is error
   in their binding and loosing, if they make sad the heart which He has
   not made sad, if they speak peace to the heart to which He has not
   spoken peace, then his judgment shall stand, and not theirs. For the
   promise that He would ratify and confirm in heaven the judgments of his
   Church on earth, could only be absolute and unconditional so long as
   the Church retained a discernment of spirits which was never at fault.
   When once this had departed from it, when therefore it was liable to
   mistake and error, from that moment the promise could be only
   conditional. From the highest tribunal upon earth there lies an appeal
   to a tribunal of yet higher instance in heaven; to his, who opens and
   none can shut, who shuts and none can open; and when through ignorance,
   or worse than ignorance, any wrong has been done to any of his servants
   here, HIe will redress it there, disallowing and reversing in heaven
   the erring or unrighteous decrees of earth. It was in faith of this
   that Hus, when the greatest Council which Christendom had seen for a
   thousand years delivered his soul to Satan, did himself confidently
   commend it to the Lord Jesus Christ; and many a faithful confessor
   that, at Rome or Madrid, has walked to the stake, his yellow san-benito
   all painted over with devils in token of those with whom his portion
   was to be, has never doubted that his portion should be indeed with Him
   who retains in his own hands "the key of David;" who thus could open
   for him, though all who visibly represented here the Church had shut
   him out with extreme malediction at once from the Church militant on
   earth and the Church triumphant in heaven.

   That the substrate of this language, and, so to say, the suggestion of
   this thought, is to be sought at Isai. xxii., there can be no
   reasonable doubt. The Prophet there describes the removal, indeed the
   shameful rejection, of Shebna, the chief oikonomos of the king, who had
   occupied for a while the place of highest dignity and honour, but whom
   the Lord beheld as unworthy of this, and from which He puts him down
   with shame and dishonour, with the substitution in his room of his
   servant Eliakim, and his inauguration into the honours and dignifies
   which the other had lost. It needs only to quote the words as they
   occur in the Septuagint: doso auto ten kleida oikou Dauid epi to omo
   autou, kai anoixei kai ouk estai ho apokleion, kai kleisei kai ouk
   estai ho anoigon. The Prophet describes all this with an emphasis and
   fulness, which, however highly we may conceive of Eliakim, is
   surprising and inexplicable, until we look beyond that present, and see
   in that Scripture not merely the history of a revolution in the royal
   palace or house of David,--a putting down of one and setting up of
   another; but, over and above this, the type and real prophecy of
   something immeasurably greater, the indignant rejection of all those
   unworthy stewards who in God's spiritual house had long abused their
   position, and the exaltation of the true Steward of the mysteries of
   God, who should be faithful in all his house, in their room. Vitringa
   (Comm. in Esai. xxii.): "Quæ Eliakimo promittitur prærogativa
   dignitatis, fore ut claves gerens Domûs Davidis clauderet et aperiret
   solus, et omnis ab eo suspenderetur sarcina et decus Domûs Davidis (in
   quam hic cadit emphasis): tam magnifice et ample dictum est, ut plus
   dixisse videretur Propheta quam debebat, si id in aliquo subjecto
   nobiliore, cujus Eliakimus typum gerere poterat, olim illustrius non
   consequeretur exemplum. Certe sunt verbi prophetici recessus profundi."

   Ver. 8. "I know thy works: behold, I have set before thee an open door,
   and no man can, shut it."--This "open door" is best explained by a
   reference to 1 Cor. xvi. 9; 2 Cor. ii. 12; Acts xiv. 27; Col. iv. 3.
   Vitringa: "Notat commodam Evangelii prædicandi occasionem." To this
   Philadelphian Church, weak probably in numbers, weak in worldly
   advantages, God had opened "a great door and effectual for the
   declaring of his truth; and, though there were many adversaries, no man
   could shut it. For was not He who opened, the same who had the key of
   David? and when He opened none could shut, when He made room for his
   truth in the heart of one or of many, none could hinder it from having
   free course and being glorified; even as, if He shut and withheld a
   blessing, all other might and power would be wholly unavailing to make
   for it an entrance there.

   "For thou hast a little strength, and hast kept my word, and hast not
   denied my name."--They were probably but a little flock, poor in
   worldly goods, of small account in the eyes of men (cf. 1 Cor. i.
   26-28), having "little strength"--not "a little strength," which would
   rather be an acknowledgment of power than of weakness--the fitter
   therefore that God should be glorified in them and by them; even as He
   had been; for, put to the proof, they had kept his word, and had not
   denied his name. The aorists, eteresas, ouk herneso, refer to some
   distinct occasions in the past, when, being thus put to the test, they
   had approved themselves faithful to Him.

   Ver. 9. "Behold, I will make them of the synagogue of Satan, which say
   they are Jews, and are not, but do lie; behold, I will make them? to
   come and worship before thy feet, and to know that 1 have loved
   thee."--Here is the reward of their faithfulness, of the entrance which
   they had made by that open door which the Lord set before them. The
   promise to Philadelphia, in respect of Jewish adversaries, is larger
   and richer than that to Smyrna. The promise there did but amount to
   this, that these enemies should not prevail against them (ii. 9, 10);
   but here are better promises, namely, that they shall prevail against
   their enemies; and that with a victory the most blessed of all, in
   which conquerors and conquered should be blessed alike, and should
   rejoice together. In reward of their faithfulness, they should see some
   of these fierce gainsayers and opposers, some of this "synagogue of
   Satan" (see ii. 9), falling on their faces, and owning that God was
   with them of a truth. The "worship" before their feet, of course, does
   not mean more than this; compare Isai. xlix. 23; lx. 14, to which last
   verse is manifest allusion here. It is only some of them who shall
   worship thus; for there is no promise during the present dispensation
   that all Israel, but only that a remnant, shall be saved (Rom. ix. 27).
   In our Version we have failed to express this, that they are only some
   of the synagogue of Satan who should thus acknowledge the presence of
   God in the Church of his dear Son, should look at Him whom they had
   pierced, and own that this Jesus of Nazareth was indeed He of whom
   Moses and the Prophets did write, the promised Messiah, the King of
   Israel, who should turn iniquity from Jacob. In connexion with this
   promise, there is an interesting passage in the Epistle of Ignatius to
   this same Philadelphian Church (c. 6), implying the actual presence in
   the midst of it, of converts from Judaism, who now preached the faith
   which once they persecuted. We may say too that this same promise has
   been gloriously fulfilled to other Churches in our own days, or almost
   in our own days, as we call to mind the. many of Germany's noblest
   theologians and philosophers, her Neanders and her Stahls; who, being
   of the stock of Abraham, have yet had the veil taken from their hearts,
   and owned of the Church of Christ that God was with it of a truth.

   Ver. 10. "Because thou hast kept the word of my patience, I also will
   keep thee from the hour of temptation, which shall come upon all the
   world, to try them that dwell upon the earth."--What does the Lord
   exactly mean here by "the word of my patience"? There are some who find
   reference to certain special words and sayings of Christ's, in which He
   has exhorted his servants to patience, or declared the need which they
   would have of it; such words as occur at Luke viii. 15; Matt. x. 22;
   xxiv. 13; cf. Rev. i. 19. Better, however, to take the whole Gospel as
   "the word of Christ's patience," everywhere teaching, as it does, the
   need of a patient waiting for Christ, till He, the waited for so long,
   shall at length appear. Observe, "Because thou hast kept" (eteresas,
   therefore "I also will keep" (tereso); the benigna talio of the kingdom
   of God; "because thou hast kept my word, therefore in return I will
   keep thee." The promise does not imply that the Philadelphian Church
   should be exempted from persecutions which should come on all other
   portions of the Church; that by any special privilege they should be
   excused from fiery trials through which others should have to pass. It
   is a better promise than this; and one which, of course, they share
   with all who are faithful as they are--to be kept in temptation, not to
   be exempted from temptation (terein ek not being here = terein apo,
   Jam. i. 27; Prov. vii. 5; cf. 2 Thess. iii. 3); a bush burning, and yet
   not consumed (cf. Isai. xliii. 2). They may take courage; the blasts of
   persecution will blow; but He will not winnow his barn-floor with so
   rough a wind that chaff and grain shall be borne away together. This
   "hour of temptation" is characterized as coming "upon all the world, to
   try them that dwell upon the earth." These, according to the constant
   use of the Apocalypse, include all mankind, with the exception of the
   aparche of the Church (vi. 10; xi. 10; xiii. 8, 14); who are already
   seated in heavenly places with Christ Jesus. The great catastrophies
   which come upon the earth are "temptations" to the world no less than
   to the Church. God is then putting "them that dwell upon the earth" to
   proof, whether now at least they will not repent, and, when his
   judgments are in the world, learn righteousness, however they may have
   in times past hardened themselves against Him. So too such times of
   great tribulation are trials or "temptations," because they bring out
   the unbelief, hardness of heart, blasphemy against God, which were
   before latent in these children of this world; hidden from others,
   hidden from themselves, till that "hour of temptation" came and
   revealed them (Rev. ix. 20, 21; xvi. 9, 11, 21). Thus Moses speaks of
   the plagues as the "temptations of Egypt" (Deut. iv. 34; vii. 19; xxix.
   3). They were such, inasmuch as they brought out the pride and obduracy
   that were in Pharaoh's heart and in his servants', as these would never
   have been otherwise revealed either to themselves or to others.

   Ver. 11. "Behold, I come quickly: hold that fast which thou hast, that
   no man take thy crown."-- This announcement of the speedy coming of the
   Lord, the ever-recurring key-note of this Book (cf. xxii. 7, 12, 20),
   is sometimes used as a word of fear for those who are abusing the
   Master's absence, wasting his goods and ill-treating their
   fellow-servants; careless and secure as those for whom no day of
   reckoning should ever arrive (Matt. xxiv. 48-51; 1 Pet. iv. 5; cf. Jam.
   v. 9; Rev. ii. 5, 16); but sometimes as a word of infinite comfort for
   those with difficulty and painfulness holding their ground; He that
   should bring the long contest at once to an end; who should at once.
   turn the scale, and for ever, in favour of righteousness and truth, is
   even at the door (Jam. v. 7, 9; Phil. iv. 5). Such a word of comfort is
   this announcement here: "Yet a little while, and thy patience shall
   have its full reward; only in the interval, and till I come, hold that
   fast which thou hast." That which Philadelphia "had" we have just
   seen--zeal, patience, with little means accomplishing no little work:
   "Continue as thou hast begun; hold the beginning of thy confidence firm
   unto the end, that no man take thy crown."

   It may be needful to observe, as some have misunderstood these last
   words, that they do not signify, "Let no man step into that place of
   glory which was designed for thee;" for example, after the manner that
   Jacob stepped into Esau's place (Gen. xxv. 34; xxvii. 36); Judah into
   Reuben's (Gen. xlix. 4, 8); David into Saul's (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 13);
   Eliakim into Shebna's (Isai. xxii. 15-25); Matthias into Judas's (Acts
   i. 25, 26); Gentiles into the place of Jews (Rom. xi. 11); men into
   that of angels; the number of the elect, as Gregory the Great concludes
   from these words, remaining still the same, only some filling the
   places which others have left empty (Moral. xxxiv. 20), and thus taking
   their crown. These received indeed a crown, which others lost; they did
   not take it (the accipiat' of the Vulgate is wrong here; it should be
   rather auferat'); and it is quite inconceivable that any who should
   ever himself' wear the crown, should be set forth as taking it from
   another. This taking, or seeking to take, the crowns from others' brows
   is the part, not of the good who would wear them on their own, but of
   the wicked who would have others discrowned like themselves. Instead of
   ascribing to the words any such meaning, we must regard them as simply
   equivalent to those of St. Paul: "Let no man beguile you of your
   reward" (katabrabeueto humas, Col. ii. 18); and as giving no least hint
   that what this Angel lost another would gain; the crown which he
   forfeited, another would wear. "Thy crown" is not the crown "which thou
   hast," but "which thou mayest have" (cf. 2 Tim. iv. 8: apokeitai moi ho
   tes dikaiosunes stephanos). "Let no man," Christ would say, "deprive
   thee of the glorious reward laid up for thee in heaven, of which many,
   my adversaries and thine, would fain rob thee; but which only one, even
   thyself, can ever cause thee to lose indeed."

   Ver. 12. "Him that overcometh will I make a pillar in the temple of my
   God, and he shall go no more out."--It need hardly be said, except that
   some have denied it, that this is a promise, as are all the others, of
   future blessedness, belonging not to the members of the Church militant
   here on earth, but of the Church triumphant in heaven. "Pillar" is not
   to be interpreted here exactly as it is at Gal. ii. 9. There the
   "pillars" (stuloi) are certain eminent Apostles, the main supports,
   under Christ, of the Church in its militant condition here upon earth;
   and, as such, towering above the rest of the faithful. But there is no
   such comparative preeminence indicated here; as is evident from the
   fact that the promise to every one of the faithful, to each that has
   overcome, is, that he shall be made "a pillar in the temple of God;"
   Christ so speaks, as Jerome (In Gal. ii. 9) says well, "docens omnes
   credentes qui adversarium vicerint, posse columnas Ecclesiæ fieri." To
   find any allusion here, as Vitringa and others have done, to the two
   monumental pillars, Jachin and Boaz, which Solomon set up, not in the
   Temple, but in the open vestibule before the Temple (1 Kings vii. 21; 2
   Chron. iii. 15, 17), I must say, appears to me quite beside the mark;
   and if there were any question on this point, the words which follow,
   "and he shall go no more out," would seem perfectly decisive upon this
   point. The pillars just named were always without the Temple; they
   would therefore have served very ill to set forth the blessedness of
   the redeemed, who should be always within it. Other pillars might do
   this, but certainly not these, which contradicted in their position the
   central intention of Christ's words here, which is to declare that he
   who overcomes shall dwell in the house of God for ever. "He shall go
   out no more;" for, as the elect angels are fixed in obedience, and have
   over-lived the possibility of falling, have attained what the Schoolmen
   call the beata necessitas boni, so shall it be one day with the
   faithful. Gerhard (Locc. Theoll. xxxii. 2): "Erit perpetuus heres
   æternorumn bonorum, nec ullius ekptoseos ipsi imminebit periculum, qui
   columna est, symbolum immobilitatis in statu gloriæ coe lestis." Once
   admitted into the heavenly kingdom, they are admitted for ever; the
   door is shut (Matt. xxv. 10), not merely to exclude others, but safely
   to include these. In that heavenly household the son, every son who has
   once entered, abideth for ever (John viii. 35; cf. Isai. xxii. 23); so
   that, in the language of Augustine, "Who is there that would not yearn
   for that City, out of which no friend departs, and into which no enemy
   enters?" [35]

   "And I will write upon him the name of my God."--Christ will write this
   name of his God upon him that overcometh--not upon it, the pillar. It
   is true indeed that there were sometimes inscriptions on
   pillars,--which yet would be stelai rather than stuloi,--but the image
   of the pillar is now dismissed, and only the conqueror remains. In
   confirmation of this, that it is the person, and not the pillar, whom
   the Lord contemplates now, we find further on the redeemed having the
   name of God, or the seal of God, on their foreheads (vii. 3; ix. 4;
   xiv. 1; xxii. 4), with probable allusion to the golden plate inscribed
   with the name of Jehovah, which the High Priest wore upon his (Exod.
   xxviii. 36-38). In the "kingdom of priests" this dignity shall not be
   any more the singular prerogative of one, but the common dignity of
   all. Exactly in the same way, in the hellish caricature of the heavenly
   kingdom, the votaries of the Beast are stigmatics, with his name upon
   their foreheads (xiii. 16, 17; xvii. 5; and cf. xx. 4).

   "And the name of the City of my God, which is New Jerusalem, which
   cometh down out of heaven from my God."--What the name of this City is
   we are told Ezek. xlviii. 35: "The Lord is there." Any other name would
   but faintly express the glory of it; "having the glory of God" (Rev.
   xxi. 11, 23). He that has the name of this City written upon him is
   hereby declared free of it. Even while on earth he had his true
   politeuma en ouranois (Phil. iii. 20; see Ellicott thereon), the state,
   city, or country to which he belonged was a heavenly one; but still his
   citizenship was latent; he was one of God's hidden ones; but now he is
   openly avouched, and has a right to enter in by the gates to the City
   (xxii. 14). This heavenly City, the City which hath the foundations,
   and for which Abraham looked (Heb. xi. 10; cf. xiii. 14), is but
   referred to here; the full and magnificent description of it is
   reserved as the fitting close of the Book (xxi. 10-xxii. 5). It goes by
   many and glorious names in Scripture. "That great city, the holy
   Jerusalem," St. John calls it (xxi. 10); claiming for it this title of
   "the holy," which the earthly Jerusalem once possessed (Matt. iv. 5),
   but which it had forfeited for ever. "Jerusalem which is above," St.
   Paul calls it (Gal. iv. 26). It is "the city of the living God, the
   heavenly Jerusalem" (Heb. xii. 22). It is the true Kallipolis, he ano
   Kallipolis, as Cyril of Alexandria has strikingly named it; being
   indeed that Beautiful City, of which Plato did but dream, when he
   devised this name (Rep. vii. 527 c). It is the Ouranopolis, as Clement
   of Alexandria (Pæd. ii. 12) has called it, recovering and reclaiming
   for it this magnificent title; which Greek sycophants in profane
   flattery had devised for another city (Athenæus, i. 36), one, if we may
   trust the pictures of it drawn by those who saw it closest and knew it
   best, far better deserving a name drawn from beneath than from above.

   The epithet "new," which is given here to the heavenly City, "the new
   Jerusalem," sets it in contrast with the old, worn-out, sinful city
   bearing the same name; for kainos expresses this antithesis of the new
   to the old as the out-worn; thus kaine ktisis, kainos anthropos, kainon
   himation; while nea would but express that which had recently come into
   existence, as contrasted with that which had subsisted long; thus
   Neapolis, the city recently founded. There would therefore have been no
   fitness in this last epithet here, for this New Jerusalem, "whose
   builder and maker is God," is at once new, in that sin has never wasted
   it, and at the same time the oldest of all. Bengel has well observed,
   that St. John writes always in his Gospel Hierosoluma, in the
   Apocalypse always Hierousalem; and gives, no doubt, the true
   explanation of this: "Non temere Johannes in Evangelio omnibus locis
   scribit Hierosoluma de urbe veteri: in Apocalypsi semper Hierousalem de
   Urbe Coelesti. Hierousalem est appellatio Hebraica, originaria et
   sanctior; Hierosoluma deinceps obvia, Græca, magis politica."

   Strange conclusions have been drawn from the words that follow: "which
   cometh down out of heaven from my God." The dream of an actual material
   city to be let down bodily from heaven to earth, an "aurea atque
   gemmata in terris Jerusalem," as Jerome somewhat contemptuously calls
   it (In Isai. Præf. ad Lib. 18; and compare Origen, De Princ. ii. 11.
   2), has been cherished in almost all times of the Church by some, who
   have been unable to translate the figurative language of Scripture into
   those far more glorious realities of the heavenly politeia, whereof
   those figures were the vesture and the outward array. Thus the
   Montanists believed that the New Jerusalem would descend at Pepuza in
   Phrygia, the head-quarters of their sect; and already, according to
   Tertullian (Adv. Marc. iii. 24) there were vouchsafed from time to time
   signs and prophetic outlines in heaven of the city which should come
   down to earth. For forty days, morning and evening, the splendid vision
   and sky-pageant of this City had been suspended in the sky. But if only
   it be a City "in which righteousness dwelleth," it will little matter
   whether we go to it, or it come to us; and in this shape assuredly it
   will not come. [36]

   "And I will write upon h)im my new name."--This "new name" is not "The
   Word of God" (xix. 13), nor yet "King of kings, and Lord of lords"
   (xix. 16). It is true that both of these appear in this Book as names
   of Christ; but at the same time neither of them could be called his
   "new name;" the faithful having been familiar with them from the
   beginning; but the "new name" is that mysterious, and in the necessity
   of things uncommunicated, and for the present time incommunicable,
   name, which in that same sublimest of all visions is referred to: "He
   had a name written, that no man knew, but He Himself" (xix. 12); for
   none but God can search out the deep things of God (1 Cor. ii. 12; cf.
   Matt. xi. 27; Judg. xiii. 18). But the mystery of this new name, which
   no man by searching could find out, which in this present condition no
   man is so much as capable of receiving, shall be imparted to the saints
   and citizens of the New Jerusalem. They shall know, even as they are
   known (1 Cor. xiii. 12).

   Ver. 13. "He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto
   the Churches."--Compare ii. 7. I cannot leave this Epistle, so full of
   precious promises to a Church, which, having little strength, had yet
   held fast the word of Christ's patience, without giving a remarkable
   passage about it from Gibbon (Decline and Fall, c. lxiv.), in which he
   writes like one who almost believed that the threatenings and promises
   of God did fulfil themselves in history: "In the loss of Ephesus the
   Christians deplored the fall of the first angel, the extinction of the
   first candlestick of the Revelations; the desolation is complete; and
   the temple of Diana or the church of Mary will equally elude the search
   of the curious traveller. The circus and three stately theatres of
   Laodicea are now peopled with wolves and foxes; Sardis is reduced to a
   miserable village; the God of Mahomet, without a rival or a son, is
   invoked in the mosques of Thyatira and Pergamus, and the populousness
   of Smyrna is supported by the foreign trade of the Franks and
   Armenians. Philadelphia alone has been saved by prophecy, or courage.
   At a distance from the sea, forgotten by the emperors, encompassed on
   all sides by the Turks, her valiant citizens defended their religion
   and freedom above fourscore years, and at length capitulated with the
   proudest of Ottomans. Among the Greek colonies and churches of Asia,
   Philadelphia is still erect--a column in a scene of ruins,--a pleasing
   example that the paths of honour and safety may sometimes be the same."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [35] "Quis non desideret illam Civitatem, unde amicus non exit, quo
   inimicus non intrat?"

   [36] Glorious things have been spoken of this City of God, and not in
   the sacred Scriptures only, but also in the writings of uninspired men,
   in whose hearts, while they have mused on that Heavenly Jerusalem, the
   fire has kindled, and they have spoken with their tongues. Thus our own
   "Jerusalem, my happy home," is worthy of no mean place among spiritual
   songs. But the German and the Latin hymnologies are far richer, both
   indeed are extraordinarily rich, in these hymns celebrating the glories
   of the New Jerusalem. Thus in German how lovely is Meyfart's
   (1590-1642) "Jerusalem, du hochgebaute Stadt" (Bunsen, Gesangbuch, no.
   495); but grander still, and not in Bunsen's collection, Kosegarten's
   (1758-1818) "Stadt Gottes, deren diamantnen Ring;" and in the Latin,
   Hildebert, not to speak of Prudentius (Psychom. 823-887), Bernard of
   Clugny in his Laus Patriæ Coelestis, and many others, has set forth the
   beauty and the blessedness of that City of the living God, and his own
   longing to be numbered among the citizens of it in verses such as
   these:

   "Me receptet Sion illa,

   Sion, David urbs tranquilla,

   Cujus faber auctor lucis,

   Cujus portæ lignum crucis,

   Cujus muri lapis vivus,

   Cujus custos Rex festivus.

   In hâc urbe lux solennis,

   Ver æternum, pax perennis:

   In hâc odor implens coelos,

   In hâc semper festum melos;

   Non est ibi corruptela,

   Non defectus, non querela;

   Non minuti, non deformes,

   Omnes Christo sunt conformes.

   Urbs coelestis, urbs beata,

   Super petram collocata,

   Urbs in portu satis tuto,

   De longinquo te saluto,

   Te saluto, te suspiro,

   Te affecto, te requiro:

   Quantùm tui gratulantur,

   Quàm festivè convivantur,

   Quis affectus eos stringat,

   Aut quæ gemma muros pingat,

   Quis chalcedon, quis jacinthus,

   Norunt illi qui sunt intus.

   In plateis hujus urbis,

   Sociatus piis turbis,

   Cum Moyse et Eliâ,

   Pium cantem Alleluia."
     __________________________________________________________________

VII.

EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH OF LAODICEA.

   Rev. iii. 14-22.

   Ver. 14. "And unto the Angel of the Church of the Laodiceans
   write."--Laodicea, called often Laodicea on the Lycus, to distinguish
   it from other cities (there were no less than six in all) bearing the
   same name, was a city in Southern Phrygia (Phrygia Pacatiana), midway
   between Philadelphia and-Colosse. Its nearness to the latter city is
   more than once referred to in St. Paul's Epistle to the Colossians (iv.
   13, 15, 16). Its earliest name was Diospolis, then Rhoas (Plin. H. N.
   v. 29). Being rebuilt and adorned by Antiochus the Second, king of
   Syria, he called it Laodicea, after his wife Laodice, by whom he was
   afterwards poisoned. In Roman times it was a foremost city among those
   of the second rank in Asia Minor; "celeberrima urbs" Pliny calls it.
   Its commerce was considerable, being chiefly in the wools grown in the
   region round about, which were celebrated for their richness of colour
   and fineness of texture. The city suffered grievously in the
   Mithridatic war, but presently recovered again; once more in the
   widewasting earthquake in the time of Tiberius, but was repaired and
   restored by the efforts of its own citizens, without any help asked by
   them from the Roman senate (Tacitus, Annal. xiv. 27).

   Some have supposed that the negligent Angel of the Laodicean Church was
   that Archippus, for whom St. Paul, writing to the Colossians, adds the
   message, "And say to Archippus, Take heed to the ministry which thou
   hast received in the Lord, that thou fulfil it" (Col. iv. 17). The
   urgency of this monition certainly seems to imply that St. Paul was not
   altogether satisfied with the manner in which Archippus was then
   fulfilling the "ministry," whatever that might be, which he had
   undertaken; and affording a not inconsiderable support to this
   conjecture is the fact that in the Apostolical Constitutions (viii.
   46), which with much of later times also contain much of the very
   earliest, Archippus is actually named as first bishop of Laodicea. Let
   him have been the son of Philemon (Philem. 2), a principal convert in
   the Colossian Church, whose son therefore might very probably have been
   chosen to this dignity and honour, and it would be nothing strange to
   find him some thirty years later holding his office still; while it
   would be only too consonant with the downward progress of things, that
   he who began slackly, should in the lapse of years have grown more and
   more negligent, till now he needed and received this sharpest reproof
   from his Lord. Whether the rebukes and threatenings contained in this
   Epistle did their work or not, it is only for Him who reads the hearts
   of men to know. But it is certain that the Church of Laodicea was in
   somewhat later times, so far as man's eye could see, in a flourishing
   condition. In numbers it increased so much that its bishop obtained
   metropolitan dignity; and in 361 an important Church Council, that in
   which the Canon of Scripture was finally declared, was held at
   Laodicea, and derives its name front thence. All has perished now. He
   who removed the candlestick of Ephesus, has rejected Laodicea out of
   his mouth. The fragments of aqueducts and theatres spread over a vast
   extent of country tell of the former magnificence of this city; but of
   this once famous Church nothing survives. Recent travellers with
   difficulty discovered one or two Christians in the poor village of
   Iski-Hissar, which stands on the site which Laodicea occupied of old.

   "These things saith the Amen, the faithful and true Witness."--"The
   Amen" (it is only here that the word is used as a proper name) is He
   who can add a "Verily, verily," an "Amen, amen," to every word which He
   utters; as so frequently He does--the double "Amen" indeed only in the
   Gospel of St. John, i. 51; iii. 3, 5, 11, and often. He is "the
   Witness, the faithful and the true," in that He speaks what He knows,
   and testifies what He has seen. The thought is a favourite and
   ever-recurring one in the Gospel of St. John (iii. 11, 32, 33); but
   does not appear in any other. It may be interesting here to call to
   mind how the confessors of Lyons and Vienne, referring to these very
   words, put back from themselves the name of "witnesses" (martures),
   when others would have given it to. them, saying that Christ was the
   faithful and true Witness, that this name was his and not theirs
   (Eusebius, H. E. v. 2).

   Of the two epithets, the first, pistos, expresses his entire
   trustworthiness. The word is employed in two very different senses in
   the New Testament as elsewhere-now as trusting or believing (John xx.
   27; Acts xiv. 1), now as trustworthy or to be believed (2 Tim. ii. 22;
   1 Thess. v. 27; 1 John i. 9). Men may be pistoi in both senses, the
   active and the passive, as exercising faith, and as being worthy to
   have faith exercised upon them; God can be only pistos in the latter.
   The Arians found this epithet applied to Christ (Heb. iii. 2), and, as
   though the word was and could be only used in the former sense, in that
   of exercising faith upon some higher object, itself of course a
   creaturely act, they drew from the application of this epithet to the
   Son an argument against his divinity. I quote the clear and excellent
   answer of Athanasius, and, as it has been well translated, use the
   translation (Library of the Fathers, Treatises against Arianism, p.
   289): "Further, if the expression, Who was faithful,' is a difficulty
   to them from the thought that faithful' is used of Him as of others, as
   if He exercises faith and so receives the reward of faith, they must
   proceed to find fault with Moses, for saying, God faithful and true,'
   and with St. Paul for writing, God is faithful, who will not suffer you
   to be tempted above that ye are able.' But when the sacred writers
   spoke thus, they were not thinking of God in a human way, but they
   acknowledged two senses of the word faithful' in Scripture, first
   believing, then trustworthy, of which the former belongs to man, the
   latter to God. Thus Abraham was faithful because he believed God's
   word; and God faithful, for, as David says in the Psalm, The Lord is
   faithful in all his words,' or is trustworthy, and cannot lie. Again,
   If any faithful woman have widows,' she is so called for her right
   faith; but, It is a faithful saying,' because what He hath spoken hath
   a claim on our faith, for it is true, and is not otherwise. Accordingly
   the words, Who is faithful to Him that made Him,' implies no parallel
   with others, nor means that by having faith He became well-pleasing,
   but that, being Son of God the True, He too is faithful, and ought to
   be believed in all He says and does."

   It will be seen that the truthfulness of Christ as a Witness is
   asserted in the pistos, not, as might at first sight be assumed, in the
   alethinos; that follows, or at least in it only as one quality among
   many. Christ is martus alethinos (not alethes), in that He realized and
   fulfilled in the highest sense all that belonged to a witness. Three
   things are necessary thereto. He must have been autoptes; having seen
   with his own eyes that which he professes to attest. He must be
   competent to relate and reproduce this for others. He must be willing
   faithfully and truthfully to do this. These three things meeting in
   Christ, and not the presence of the last only, constitute Him a "true
   witness," or one in whom all the highest conditions of a witness met.

   "The beginning of the creation of God."--There are two ways in which
   grammatically it would be possible to understand these words. They
   might say that Christ was passively this "beginning of the creation of
   God," as the first and most excellent creature of God's hands; thus
   Jacob addresses Reuben as arche teknon mou (Gen. xlix. 3; cf. Deut.
   xxi. 17). Or, on the other hand, they might declare of Christ that He
   was the active source, author, and, in this sense, "beginning" and
   beginner of all creation; as in the words of the Creed, "by whom all
   things were made." But while both meanings are possible so long as the
   words are merely considered by themselves, and without reference to any
   other statements concerning Christ, the analogy of faith imperatively
   demands the adoption of the latter. The Catholic Church has ever
   rejected the other as an Arian gloss; impossible to accept, because it
   would place this passage in contradiction with every passage in
   Scripture which claims divine attributes, and not creaturely, for the
   Son. To go no further than these seven Epistles, all the titles which
   Christ claims for Himself in them are either necessarily divine, or, at
   any rate, not inconsistent with his divinity; and this must be so no
   less. He is not, therefore, the "principium principiatum," but rather
   the "principium principians,"--not He whom God created the first, but
   He who was the fountain-source of all the creation of God, by whom God
   created all things (John i. 1-3; Col. i. 15, 18); even as elsewhere in
   this Book Christ appears as the Author of creation (v. 13). The Arians,
   as is well known, explained these words in the same way as they
   explained Col. i. 15, which is indeed the great parallel passage, as
   though arche, was "the begun," and not "the beginning;" and they
   brought Job xl. 19 into comparison. But for the use of arche in the
   sense and with the force which we here demand for it, as "principium,"
   not "initium" (though these Latin words do not adequately reproduce the
   distinction), compare the Gospel of Nicodemus, c. 25, in which Hades
   addresses Satan as he tou thanatou arche kai rhiza tes hamartias; and
   further, Dionysius the Areopagite (c. 15): ho Theos estin panton aitia
   kai arche; and again, Clement of Alexandria (Strom. iv. 25): ho Theos
   de anarchos, arche ton holon panteles. These and innumerable other
   passages abundantly vindicate for arche that active sense which we must
   needs claim for it here.

   Ver. 15. "I know thy works, that thou art neither cold nor hot: I would
   thou wert cold or hot."--zestos, from zeo, ferveo, cf. Acts xviii. 25;
   Rom. xii. 11; zeontes to pneumati, love to God being a divine heat, a
   divine fire (Cant. viii. 6; Luke xxiv. 32). Ophelon, properly the
   second aorist of hopheilo, but now grown into an adverbial use (=
   "utinam"), has so far forgotten what at the first it was, as to be
   employed promiscuously in all numbers and all persons; cf. 1 Cor. v. 8;
   2 Cor. xi. 1. It governs an indicative, not an optative, here (es, not
   eies, is the right reading), inasmuch as the Lord is not desiring that
   something even now might be, but only that something might have been.
   In form a wish, it is in reality a regret.

   Shall we take this, "I would thou wert cold or hot," merely as the
   expression of a holy impatience at the half-and-half position of this
   Laodicean Angel; without pushing the matter further, or attempting to
   explain to ourselves how the Lord should put coldness as one of two
   alternatives to be desired; as though He had said, "I would thou
   wouldst take one side or other, be avowedly with me, or avowedly
   against me, ranged under my banner, or under that of my enemies, that
   so I might understand how to deal with thee"? Hardly so. This
   impatience, looked at more closely, would not deserve to be called
   holy. It is the impatience of sinful man, not of the Son of God; to
   whom indecision between good and evil must be preferable to decision
   for evil. The state of lukewarmness must be in itself worse than even
   that of coldness, before the Lord could thus deliberately desire the
   latter as a preferable alternative. But how? for there is certainly a
   difficulty here. Lukewarmness is very inferior to heat, but seems
   preferable to absolute coldness in the things of God. To have only half
   a heart for these things is bad, but wherein is it better to have no
   heart at all? How shall we then understand this exclamation of the
   Saviour, "I would thou wert cold or hot"? Best, I think, in this way,
   namely, by regarding the "cold" as one hitherto untouched by the powers
   of grace. There is always hope of such a one, that, when he does come
   under those powers, he may become a zealous and earnest Christian. He
   is not one on whom the grand experiment of the Gospel has been tried
   and has failed. But the "lukewarm" is one who has tasted of the good
   gift and of the powers of the world to come, who has been a subject of
   Divine grace, but in whom that grace has failed to kindle more than the
   feeblest spark. The publicans and harlots were "cold," the Apostles
   "hot." The Scribes and Pharisees, such among them as that Simon in
   whose house the Lord sat and spake the parable of the fifty and the
   five hundred pence (Luke vii. 36-47), they were "lukewarm." It was from
   among the "cold," and not the "lukewarm," that He drew recruits; from
   among them came forward the candidates for discipleship and apostleship
   and the crown of life, Matthew, and Zacchæus, and the Magdalene, and
   the other woman that had been a sinner (if indeed another), and all
   those others, publicans and harlots, that entered into the kingdom of
   heaven, while the Scribes and Pharisees continued without. That woman
   which was a sinner, for example, having been "cold," passed from that
   coldness to the fervency of a divine heat, at which there is little or
   no likelihood that the "lukewarm" Simon ever arrived (Luke vii. 47).

   It is thus that Gregory the Great explains these words (Reg. Past. iii.
   34): "Qui enim adhuc in peccatis est, conversionis fiduciam non
   amittit. Qui vero post conversionem tepuit, et spem, quæ esse potuit de
   peccatore, subtraxit. Aut calidus ergo quisque esse, aut frigidus
   quæritur, ne tepidus evomatur, ut videlicet aut necdum conversus, adhuc
   de se spem conversionis præbeat, aut jam conversus in virtutibus
   inardescat." Compare Origen (De Princip. iii. 4): "Forte utilius
   videatur obtineri animam a carne, quam residere in suis propriis
   voluntatibus. Namque quoniam nec calida dicitur esse, nec frigida, sed
   in medio quodam tepore perdurans, tardam et satis difficilem
   conversionem poterit invenire. Si vero carni adhæreat, ex his ipsis
   interdum malis quæ ex carnis vitiis patitur, satiata aliquando et
   repleta, velut gravissimis oneribus luxuriæ ac libidinis fatigata,
   facilius et velocius converti a materialibus sordibus ad coe lestium
   desiderium et spiritualem gratiam potest." Jeremy Taylor, too, in the
   second of his sermons, Of Lukewarmness and Zeal, discusses this point,
   why the Lord preferred "hot" or "cold" to "lukewarm," at considerable
   length; and urges well that it is the "lukewarm," not as a
   transitional, but as a final state, which is thus the object of the
   Lord's abhorrence: "In feasts or sacrifices the ancients did use
   apponere frigidam or calidam; sometimes they drank hot drink, sometimes
   they poured cold upon their gravies or in their wines, but no services
   of tables or altars were ever with lukewarm. God hates it worse than
   stark cold; which expression is the more considerable, because in
   natural and superinduced progressions from extreme to extreme, we must
   necessarily pass through the midst; and therefore it is certain a
   lukewarm religion is better than none at all, as being the doing some
   parts of the work designed, and nearer to perfection than the utmost
   distance could be; and yet that God hates it more, must mean, that
   there is some appendant evil in this state which is not in the other,
   and that accidentally it is much worse: and so it is, if we rightly
   understand it; that is, if we consider it not as a being in, or passing
   through, the middle way, but as a state and a period of religion. If it
   be in motion, a lukewarm religion is pleasing to God; for God hates it
   not for its imperfection, and its natural measures of proceeding; but
   if it stands still and rests there, it is a state against the designs
   and against the perfection of God: and it hath in it these evils."

   I must not leave these words without observing that there is another
   way of explaining this, "I would thou wert cold or hot," which has
   found favour with somne in modern times. Urging that food, when either
   cold or hot, is pleasant to the taste, and only when tepid unwelcome,
   they make both the "cold" and the "hot" to express spiritual conditions
   absolutely acceptable in themselves, the only tertium comparationis
   being the nausea created by the tepid, and affirm that nothing further
   has a right here to be pressed. But assuredly there is much more in
   these words than this.

   Ver. 16. "So then because thou art lukewarm., and neither cold nor hot,
   I will spue thee out of my mouth."--The land of Canaan is said to have
   spued out its former inhabitants for their abominable doings; the
   children of Israel are warned that they commit not the same, lest in
   like manner it spue out them (Lev. xviii. 28; xx. 22); but this
   threatening is more terrible still: it is to be spued out of the mouth
   of Christ, to be rejected as with nausea, with moral loathing and
   disgust, by Him; to exchange the greatest possible nearness to Him for
   the remotest distance. At the same time, in the original the language
   is not quite so severe as in our Version; the threat does not present
   itself as one about to be put into immediate execution. The
   long-suffering of Christ has not been all exhausted; mello se emesai,
   "I am about," or "I have it in my mind, to spue thee out of my mouth,"
   as the Vulgate seeks to express it, "incipiam te evomere;" that is,
   "unless thou so takest to heart this threat that I shall never need to
   execute this threat" (Jon. iii. 10; 1 Kings xxi. 29). But if executed,
   it implies nothing less than absolute rejection, being equivalent to
   that "I will remove thy candlestick out of his place" (ii. 5), uttered
   against the Ephesian Angel. Not very different is the tropical use of
   ptuein, kataptuein, and in Latin of "respuere," "conspuere," as =
   "repudiare," "abhorrere ab aliquâ re."

   Ver. 17. "Because thou sayest, I am rich, and increased with goods, and
   have need of nothing; and knowest not that thou art wretched, and
   miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked."--There is a question
   whether this verse coheres the most closely with what goes before, or
   what follows after,--that is, whether Christ threatens to reject him
   from his mouth, because he says, "I am rich, and increased with goods,
   and have need of nothing;" or whether, because he says he is all this,
   therefore Christ counsels him to buy of Him what will make him rich
   indeed (ver. 18). Our Translators regard the latter connexion as the
   right one; and, by the punctuation which they have adopted, join this
   verse with that which follows after it, not with that which went before
   it--I doubt whether correctly. I should have preferred to place a colon
   at the end of ver. 16, and a full-stop at that of ver. 17, instead of
   the reverse, which they have done.--These riches and goods in which the
   Laodicean Church and Angel gloried we must understand as spiritual
   riches, in which they fondly imagined they abounded. Some interpreters
   take it in another sense, that they boasted of their worldly
   prosperity, their flourishing outward condition, and found in this a
   sign and token of God's favour towards them. But assuredly this is a
   mistake; it is in the sphere of spiritual things that the Lord is
   moving; and this language in this application is justified by numerous
   passages in Scripture: as by Luke xii. 21; 1 Cor. i. 5; 2 Cor. viii. 9;
   above all, by two passages of holy irony, 1 Cor. iv. 8 and Hos. xii. 8;
   both standing in very closest connexion with this; I can indeed hardly
   doubt that there is intended a reference to the latter of these in the
   words of our Lord. The Laodicean Angel, and the Church which he was
   dragging into the same ruin with himself, were walking in a vain show
   and imagination of their own righteousness, their own advances in
   spiritual insight and knowledge. That this may go hand in hand with the
   most miserable lack of all real grace, all true and solid advances in
   goodness, we have a notable example in the Pharisee of our Lord's
   parable (Luke xviii. 11, 12; cf. Luke xvi. 15; 1 Cor. xiii. 1); and so
   it was here. Rightly Richard of St. Victor: "Dicis quod sum dives et
   locupletatus, sive videlicet per scientiæ cognitionem, sive per
   Scripturæ prædicationem, sive per secularis eloquentiæ nitorem, sive
   per sacramentorum administrationem, sive per pontificialis apicis
   dignitatem, sive per vulgi laudem inanem."

   Such was their estimate of themselves; but now follows the terrible
   reality, namely, Christ's estimate of them: "And knowest not that thou
   art wretched, and miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked." Here, as
   so often, our Version, to its loss, has taken no note of the article
   which goes before the two first adjectives, and raises them to the
   dignity of substantives, while the three which follow are added as
   qualifying adjectives. Read rather, "And knowest not that thou art the
   wretched and the miserable one, [37] and poor, and blind, and naked."
   Talaiporos, "wretched," occurs only here and Rom. vii. 24; it is
   commonly derived by the grammarians from tlao and poros in the sense of
   grief, but thought now to be a poetical recasting of talapeirios, in
   which case we should find peira, a sharp piercing point, in the latter
   syllables. Eleeinos,"miserable," only here and 1 Cor. xv. 19, the
   object of extremest pity (eleous axios, Suidas), as in certain peril of
   eternal death, if he should remain what he was. The charge of blindness
   would seem to imply that the Laodicean Church boasted of spiritual
   insight. Like some before them, being blind, they yet said, "We see"
   (John ix. 21). This blindness, of course, was not absolute and
   complete; else the eyesalve which the Lord presently bids them to
   obtain of Him would have profited little. They were muopazontes, as St.
   Peter (2 Ep. i. 9) speaks of some, he too joining tuphlos and muopazon.

   Ver. 18. "I counsel thee to buy of Me gold tried in the fire, that thou
   mayest be rich; and white raiment, that thou mayest be clothed, and
   that the shame of thy nakedness do not appear."--There is a certain
   irony, but the irony of divine love, in these words. He who might have
   commanded, prefers rather to counsel; He who might have spoken as from
   heaven, conforms Himself, so far as the outward form of his words
   reaches, to the language of earth. To the merchants and factors of this
   wealthy mercantile city He addresses Himself in their own dialect.
   Laodicea was a city of extensive money transactions; Cicero, journeying
   to or from his province, proposes to take up money there (Epp. ad. Div.
   ii. 17; iii. 5); Christ here invites to dealings with Him: I-Ie has
   gold so fine that none will reject it. The wools of Laodicea, of a
   raven blackness, were famous throughout the world; but He has raiment
   of dazzling white for them who will put it on. There were ointments for
   which certainly many of the Asiatic cities were famous; but He, as He
   will presently announce, has eyesalve more precious than them all.
   Would it not be wise to transact their chief business with Him? Thus
   Perkins (Exposition upon Rev. i. ii. iii., Works, vol. iii. p. 363):
   "Christ saith, I counsel thee to buy of Me; where He alludeth to the
   outward state of this city, for it was rich, and also given to much
   traffic, as histories record, and therefore He speaks to them in their
   own kind, as if He should say, Ye are a people exercised in much
   traffic, and delighted with nothing more than buying and selling. Well,
   I have wares that will serve your turn, as gold, garments, and oil;
   therefore come and buy of Me."

   But first on those words, "buy," and "of Me." We must not fail to put
   an emphasis on that "of Me." "In Me," Christ would say, "are hidden all
   the treasures of wisdom and knowledge." Christ's Apostle had once
   before to remind the Colossians, neighbours of the Laodiceans, that
   this was so; and that there was no growth for the Church, or for any
   member of the Church, except through holding the Head (Col. ii. 3, 19);
   that all self-chosen ways of will-worship might have a show of wisdom,
   but puffed up, and did not build up (ii. 10-15); and out of the deep
   anxiety which he evidently felt for both these sister Churches alike
   (ii. 1), he had desired that the Epistle to the Colossians should be
   read also in the Church of the Laodiceans (iv. 16). But they had not
   learned their lesson. St. Paul's "great conflict" for them had been
   well nigh in vain; and now the Lord, repeating his servant's lesson,
   gathers up into a single point, concentrates in that single phrase,
   "buy of Me," the whole lesson of the Epistle to the Colossians.

   The "buying" of Christ, who in so many more passages is described as
   making a free gift of all which He imparts to men, is drawn from Isai.
   lv. 1, with which we may compare Matt. xiii. 44, 46. The price which
   they should pay was this, the renunciation of all vain reliance on
   their own righteousness and wisdom; the price which in another Epistle
   St. Paul declared he had so gladly paid, that so he might himself win
   Christ (Phil. iii. 7, 8); the apotassesthai pasi, which the Lord long
   before had declared to be the necessary condition of his discipleship
   (Luke xiv. 33). This is the price, as it is contemplated rather in its
   negative aspect; in its positive it is the earnest striving after, and
   longing for, the gift, the reaching out after it, the opening of the
   mouth wide that He may fill it. Vitringa: "Quæ beneficia Dominus vult
   ut emant, h. e. secundum conditiones foederis gratiæ pro iis expendant
   pretium abnegationis sui ipsius et mundanarum cupiditatum; quod hic non
   habet rationem meriti, sed tamen pretii, quia in regeneratione homo
   allis quibusdam, rebus sibi hactenus caris renunciat, ut pretioso dono
   justitiæ Christi potiatur."

   And what does the Lord counsel him that he shall "buy;" which, when he
   has made them his own, he shall be no longer "poor and blind and
   naked"? Three things; and, first, as he is "poor"--"gold tried in the
   fire, that thou mayest be rich." A comparison with 1 Pet. i. 7 (cf.
   Zech. xiii. 9; Matt. iii. 3; Prov. xvii. 3; Jam. i. 3) teaches us that
   by this is intended faith; for faith being a gift of God, must
   therefore be bought of Christ (Luke xvii. 5; cf. Ps. lxxii. 15,
   according to the right translation); and such faith as would stand the
   test, would endure in the furnace of affliction, in the purosis (1 Pet.
   iv. 12); Vitringa: "Vera et solida fides, quæ sustinere possit
   afflictiones." Then shall he be rich indeed; this is the true
   ploutizein (1 Cor. i. 5), better than that spoken of in the book of Job
   (xxii. 23, 24); though that, as God's gift, might be good; then should
   he be indeed one eis Theon plouton (Luke xii. 21), rich toward God, not
   walking, as now, in a vain show of wealth which he had not. Pepuromenon
   ek puros = dokimazomenon dia puros, 1 Pet. i. 7; for, in the words of
   the Latin poet,

   "Omnia purgat ignis edax, vitiumque metalli
   Excoquit."

   But, secondly, as he is "naked," he shall "buy" of Christ "white
   raiment, that thou mayest be clothed, and that the shame of thy
   nakedness do not appear."--Instead of the aischune here, we have in the
   parallel passage, xvi. 15, aschemosunen, translated also "shame," but
   better, "unseemliness," or "uncomeliness;" cf. ta aschemona, 1 Cor.
   xii. 23. "Do not appear" is too weak a rendering of me phanerothe.
   Translate rather, "be not made manifest;" phanerousthai being
   constantly used for the manifestations or revelations which God makes
   of the hidden things of men (John iii. 21; 1 Cor. iv. 5; 2 Cor. v. 11;
   Eph. v. 13); either now, or at that last day when every guest that has
   not on a wedding garment is at the same instant discovered and cast out
   (Matt. xxii. 11-13; compare Isai. xlvii. 3: anakaluphthesetai he
   aischune sou). As stripping, and laying bare the nakedness, is a
   frequent method of putting to open shame (cf. 2 Sam. x. 4; Isai. xx. 4;
   xlvii. 2, 3; Ezek. xvi. 37; Hos. ii. 3, 9; iii. 5; Nah. iii. 5; Rev.
   xvi. 15), so the clothing with comely apparel those unclothed or
   ill-clothed before, of imparting honour; cf. Gen. xli. 42; Esth. vi.
   7-11; Luke xv. 22; Zech. iii. 3-5; and above all, Gen. iii. 7, 21,
   where it is shown that God, and not himself, is the true coverer of the
   nakedness of man; for while he can discover his own shame, it is God
   only who can cover, it. This, the shame of the nakedness of him who,
   professing Christ, has not put on Christ (Col. iii. 10-14), may be, and
   often is, revealed in the present time; it must be revealed in the last
   day (Matt. xxii. 11-13; Dan. xii. 2; 2 Cor. v. 10). Therefore is it
   that the Psalmist exclaims, "Blessed is the man whose sin is covered"
   (Ps. xxxii. 1); and those interpreters seem to me to give too narrow a
   range of meaning to this "white raiment," who limit it to the graces of
   the Christian life, and the putting on, in this sense, of the Lord
   Jesus Christ. We should understand by it not merely the righteousness
   of Christ imparted, but also that righteousness imputed; for both are
   needful, the one as needful as the other, if the shame of our nakedness
   is not to appear. So Vitringa: "Vestimenta alba, h. e. justitiam
   Christi, verâ fide acceptam, quæ nos obtegat quâ parte nudi, id est,
   expositi sumus ardenti iræ Dei; tum quoque habitus Christianarum
   virtutum, quæ faciunt ut quis cum fiduciâ absque pudore coram Deo et
   sanctis ausit comparere, inter quas eminent caritas, simplicitas,
   humilitas et zelus."

   "And anoint thine eyes with eyesalve, that thou mayest see."--The eye
   for which this salve is needed is, of course, the spiritual eye, the
   eye of the conscience, by which spiritual things are discerned and
   appreciated; which eye may be sound or simple (haplous, Matt. v. 29),
   or which may be evil (poneros, Matt. vi. 23; cf. 1 John ii. 11); and
   according as it is this or that, the man will see himself as he truly
   is, or see nothing as he ought to see it. The beginning of all true
   amendment is to see ourselves as indeed we are, in our misery, our
   guilt, our shame; and to enable us to do this is the first consequence
   of the anointing with that eyesalve which the Lord here invites this
   Angel to purchase of Him. The Spirit convinceth of sin, and by this
   "eyesalve" we must understand the illuminating grace of the Holy Ghost,
   which at once shows to us ourselves and God. And if it be true of the
   medicinal eyesalves of antiquity that they commonly caused the eye to
   smart on their first application (Tob. xi. 8, 12), "mordacia collyria,"
   "acre collyrium," as Augustine therefore calls them (In Joh. Tract.
   xviii. § 11; Conf. vii. 8), this may fitly set forth to us the
   wholesome pain and medicinal smart which belong to the spiritual
   eyesalve as well; making for us discoveries so painful as it does,
   causing us to see in ourselves a nakedness and poverty which had been
   wholly concealed from us before; while yet only through the seeing and
   through the confessing of this can that poverty be ever exchanged for
   riches, or that nakedness for "durable clothing."

   It has been already remarked (p. 211), and assuredly is very well
   worthy of notice, that the two Churches which are spiritually in the
   most sunken condition of all, that, namely, of Sardis and this of
   Laodicea, are also the two in which alone there is no mention made
   either of adversaries from without, or of hinderers to the truth from
   within. Of the absence of heathen adversaries there has been occasion
   to speak already; but more noticeable still is the fact that there
   neither appear here nor there Nicolaitans, or Balaamites, or
   Jezebelites, or those who say they are Jews and are not; seeking to
   seduce Christ's servants, and making it needful for them earnestly to
   contend for the truth, if they would not be robbed of it altogether. In
   the coldness andl deadness of these Churches, which had no truth to
   secure or defend from gainsayers, we may see a pregnant hint of all
   which the Church owes to the heresies and heretics that, one after
   another, have assailed her. Owing them no thanks for what she has
   gained by them, her gains themselves have been immense, and there are
   remarkable acknowledgments to this effect made by more than one of the
   early Fathers. Contending against these she has learned not merely to
   define more accurately, but to grasp more firmly, and to prize more
   dearly, that truth of which they would fain have deprived her. What
   would the Church of the second century have been, if it had never
   learned its strength, and the treasures of wisdom and knowledge which
   it had in Christ Jesus, in the course of that tremendous conflict with
   the Gnostics which it then sustained? Would the Church itself have ever
   been the true Gnostic, except for these false ones? Again, what an
   education for it were the fast-succeeding conflicts of the two next
   centuries; and not in intellectual education only, but "as iron
   sharpeneth iron," so the zeal of the adversaries of the truth served
   often to excite the zeal and love, which might else have abated, of its
   friends. Assuredly it was not good for the Sardian and Laodicean
   Churches to be without this necessity of earnestly contending for the
   truth. Perhaps they gloried in their. freedom from conflicts which were
   agitating and troubling the other Churches around them. But we may be
   bold to say that in a world of imperfections like ours, it argued no
   healthy spiritual life that there should have been none there to call
   the truth into question and debate. Misgrowths are at all events
   growths; and if there is a spiritual condition which is above errors,
   so also there is one which is beneath them, when there is not interest
   enough in theology, not care enough to know any thing certain about
   God, or about man's relation to God, even to generate a heresy. As we
   read the history of the Church, we may perhaps find some consolation in
   thoughts like these. Assuredly in reading many a page in that history,
   we need the strongest consolations which we can any where find. But to
   return from this digression.

   Ver. 19. "As many as I love I rebuke and chasten; be zealous therefore,
   and repent."--He, the great Master-builder, polishes with many strokes
   of the chisel and the hammer the stones which shall find a place at
   last in the walls of the heavenly Jerusalem (cf. Prov. iii. 12; Job v.
   17; Heb. xii. 6; 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11-13; Ps. xciv. 12). And this is a
   rule which endures no exception. In that "as many" (hosous) here lies
   the same emphasis as in the "every son" of Heb. xii. 6. All whom He
   loves are included in the same discipline of correction, are made
   sooner or later to be able to say, "Thy loving correction shall make me
   great" (Ps. xviii. 35). Of all it is true that, if not scourged, they
   are not sons (Heb. xii. 8); if not rebuked and chastened, they are not
   loved. Not a few, if their prosperity lasts a little longer than that
   of others, fancy that they are to be exceptions to this rule; but it is
   never so. They can only be excepted from the discipline through being
   excepted from the sonship; as Augustine excellently well (Serm. xlvi. §
   11): "Flagellat, inquit, omnem filium quem recipit. Et tu forte
   exceptus eris? Si exceptus a passione fiagellorum, exceptus a numero
   filiorum." Many other beautiful passages to the same effect may be
   found in his writings; thus Enarr. in Ps. xxxi. 11; in Ps. xciii. 14;
   in Ps. cxiv.

   and paideuein are often found together, as here; thus Ecclus. xviii.
   13; Ps. cxl. 5; so too paideia and elenchos, Prov. vi. 23, and compare
   Heb. xii. 5; but they are very capable of being distinguished.
   Elenchein is more thanepitiman, with which it is often joined; see my
   Synonyms of the New Testament, § 4. It is so to rebuke that the person
   rebuked is brought to the acknowledgment of his fault, is convinced, as
   David was when rebuked by Nathan (2 Sam. xii. 13); for, in the words of
   Aristotle (Rhet. ad Alex. 13), elenchos esti men ho me dunaton allos
   echein, all' houtos hos hemeis legomen; and this rebuking, or
   convincing of sin, is eminently the work and office of the Holy Ghost
   (John xvi. 8; cf. iii. 20; Ephes. v. 13). See upon this subject an
   admirable note by Archdeacon Hare in his Mission of the Comforter, vol.
   ii. p. 528. Paideuein, being in classical Greek to instruct, to
   educate, is in sacred Greek to instruct or educate by means of
   correction, through the severe discipline of love (paideuein and
   mastugoun are joined together, Heb. xii. 6), "per molestias erudire,"
   as Augustine (Enarr. in Ps. cxviii. 66), tracing the difference between
   its sacred and profane uses, explains it. As David had found his
   elenchos when he exclaimed, "I have sinned against the Lord" (2 Sam.
   xii. 13), so his paideia was announced to him in the words which
   followed: "The child also that is born unto thee shall surely die"
   (ver. 14)which passage is alone sufficient to refute those who affirm
   that we have in the elencho kai paideuo a husteron proteron. Not so. It
   will indeed continually happen that the same dealing of God with men is
   at once elenchos and paideia, but only paideia through having been
   first elenchos. This therefore, namely the elenchos, rightly precedes.
   Brightman: "Observandum est illum arguere et castigare; id est,
   convincere et plectere. Simul enim sunt hæc duo conjungenda. Inutilis
   est animadversio, ubi verba silent, verbera sæviunt. Unde recte vocatur
   castigatio, disciplina quâ delinquens una dolet et discit."--For
   zeloson of the received text, read rather zeleue, from theleuo, another
   form of z?loo. This word, through zelos connected with zeo and thus
   with zestos (ver. 15), is chosen as the word of exhortation, with
   special reference to the lukewarmness which the Lord so indignantly saw
   in the Laodicean Church. It was warmth, heat, fervency, which He
   required of it. St. Paul uses zeloun in a good sense, Gal. iv. 18, and
   also, which are the best parallels to its employment here, 1 Cor. xii.
   31; xiv. 1.

   Ver. 20. "Behold, I stand at the door and knock."--The Hellenistic
   krouo is here, as always in the New Testament, the word used to
   describe this knocking at the door (Luke xii. 36; xiii. 25; Acts xii.
   13, 16). The Greek purists preferred kopto; yet see Lobeck, Phrynichus,
   p. 177. We have in these gracious words the long-suffering of Christ as
   He waits for the conversion of sinners (1 Pet. iii. 20); and not alone
   the long-suffering which waits, but the love which seeks to bring that
   conversion about, which knocks. He at whose door we ought to stand, for
   He is the Door (John x. 7), who, as such, has bidden us to knock (Matt.
   vii. 7; Luke xi. 9), is content that the whole relation between Him and
   us should be reversed, and instead of our standing at his door,
   condescends Himself to stand at ours,--thuraulein, as the Greeks termed
   this waiting and watching at the door of the beloved. Very beautiful on
   the matter of this infinite condescension on his part are the words of
   Kicolaus Cabasilas, a Greek divine of the fourteenth century: ho peri
   tous anthropous eros ton Theon ekenosen. ou gar kata choran menon kalei
   pros heauton, hon ephilese doulon, all' autos zetei katelthon, kai pros
   ten katagogen aphikneitai tou penetos ho plouton, kai proselthon di'
   heautou menuei ton pothon, kai zetei to ison, kai apaxiountos ouk
   aphistatai, kai pros ten hubrin ou duscherainei, kai diokomenos
   prosedreuei tais thurais, kai hina ton eronta deixe, panta poiei, kai
   odunomenos pherei kai apothneskei.

   "If any man hear my voice, and open the door, I will come in to him,
   and will sup with him, and he with Me."--Christ does not knock only; He
   also speaks; makes his "voice" to be heard--a more precious benefit
   still! It is true indeed that we cannot in our interpretation draw any
   strict line of distinction between Christ's knocking and Christ's
   speaking. They both represent his dealings of infinite love with souls,
   for the winning them to receive Him; yet at the same time, considering
   that in this natural world a knock may be any one's and on any errand,
   while the voice accompanying it would at once designate who it was that
   was knocking, and with what intention (Acts xii. 13, 14), we have a
   right, so far as we may venture to distinguish between the two, to see
   in the voice the more inward appeal, the closer dealing of Christ with
   the soul, speaking directly by his Spirit to the spirit of the man; in
   the knocking those more outward gracious dealings, of sorrow and joy,
   of sickness and health, and the like, which He sends, and sending uses
   for the bringing of his elect, in one way or another, by smooth paths
   or by rough, to Himself. The "voice" very often will interpret and make
   intelligible the purpose of the "knock."

   But that "knock" and this "voice" may both remain unheard and unheeded.
   It is in the power of every man to close his ear to them; therefore the
   hypothetical form which this gracious promise takes: "if any man hear
   my voice, and open the door." There is no gratia irresistibilis here.
   It is the man himself who must open the door. Christ indeed knocks,
   claims admittance as to his own; so lifts up his voice that it may be
   heard, in one sense must be heard, by him; but He does not break open
   the door, or force an entrance by violence. There is a sense in which
   man is lord of the house of his own heart; it is for him to open, and
   unless he does so, Christ cannot enter. And, as a necessary complement
   of this power to open, there belongs also to man the mournful
   prerogative and privilege of refusing to open: he may keep the door
   shut, even to the end. he may thus continue to the last blindly at
   strife with his own blessedness; a miserable conqueror, who conquers to
   his own everlasting loss and defeat.

   At the same time these words of Christ, decisive testimony as they
   yield against that scheme of irresistible grace which would turn men
   into mere machines, and take away all moral value from the victories
   which Christ obtains over. the sullenness, the pride, the obstinacy,
   the rebellion of men, must not be pushed, as some have pushed them, in
   the other direction, into Pelagian error and excess; as though men
   could open the door of their heart when they would; as though
   repentance was not itself a gift of the exalted Saviour (Acts v. 31).
   They can only open when Christ knocks; and they would have no desire at
   all to open unless He knocked, and unless, together with the external
   knocking of the Word, or of sorrow, or of pain, or whatever other shape
   it might assume, there went also the inward voice of the Spirit. All
   which one would affirm is that this is a drawing, not a dragging--a
   knocking at the door, not a breaking open of the door. Hilary has here
   some words very much to the point (In Ps. cxviii. 89): "Vult ergo
   semper introire; sed a nobis ne introeat excluditur. Ipse quidem semper
   ut illuminet promptus est; sed lumen sibi domus ipsa obseratis aditibus
   excludit. Quæ si coe perit patere, illico introibit, modo solis, qui
   clausis fenestræ valvis introire, prohibetur, patentibus vero totus
   immittitur. Est enim Verbum Dei Sol justitiæ, adsistens unicuique ut
   introeat, nec moratur lucem suam repertis aditibus infundere."

   Some, wishing to decry the Song of Solomon, to take it from its place
   in the Canon, and to set it down as a mere human love-poem, an idyl of
   an earthly love, have affirmed that there is no single allusion to it
   in the New Testament. This statement is altogether without warrant. In
   the words we have been just considering there is an undoubted allusion
   to Cant. v. 2-6; where indeed the very language which Christ uses here,
   the krouei epi ten thuran, the summons anougein recurs. Nor is the
   relation between the one passage and the other merely superficial and
   verbal. On the contrary, it lies veiy deep. The spiritual condition of
   the Bride there is in fact precisely similar to that of the Laodicean
   Angel here. Between sleeping and waking she has been so slow to open
   the door, that when at length she does so, the Bridegroom has
   withdrawn, and she has need to seek for and to follow Him (ver. 5, 6).
   This exactly corresponds to the lukewarmness of the Angel here. See the
   two passages brought into closest connexion in this sense by Jerome,
   Ep. xviii. ad Eustochium. Another proof of the connexion between them
   is this,--that although there has been no mention of any thing but a
   knocking here, Christ goes on to say, "If any man hear my voice." What
   can this be but an allusion to the words in the Canticle which have
   just gone before, "It is the voice of my beloved that knocketh, saying,
   Open to me, my sister"? In the face of this, and much more of the same
   kind which might be adduced, Ewald asserts, "Cantico nunquam utuntur
   Scriptores Novi Testamenti;" and rather than look there for this "I
   stand at the door and knock," he prefers to find an allusion here to
   Peter's standing and knocking at the door of Mary's house after he was
   released from prison by the Angel (Acts xii. 13, 14)! We shall not go
   far before we find further evidence of the intimate relation between
   these words of Christ and those of the Bridegroom in that Book. We
   trace it in the words which immediately follow: "and will Sup with him,
   and he with Me." There may possibly be in these a more immediate
   reference to Luke xii. 36; but that to the Song of Solomon, because it
   lies deeper, must not therefore be overlooked. There too the mutual
   feasting of Christ with the soul which opens to Him, and of the soul
   with Him, is all set forth. There too the bride prepares a feast for
   her Beloved: "Let my Beloved come into his garden, and eat his pleasant
   fruits" (iv. 16); but He had first prepared one for her: "I sat down
   under his shadow with great delight, and his fruit was sweet to my
   taste" (ii. 3). Few, I suppose, would be disposed to deny a mystical
   significance to that meal after the Resurrection on the shores of the
   Sea of Tiberias, recorded with so much emphasis by the beloved disciple
   (John xxi. 9-13); which wonderfully fulfils the same conditions, being
   made up of what the disciples bring and what Christ brings. This mutual
   feasting of Christ with his people, and of his people with Him, finds
   in this present life its culminating fulfilment in the Holy Eucharist;
   which yet is but an initial fulfilment; it will only find its
   exhaustive accomplishment in the marriage supper of the Lamb (Rev. xix.
   7-9; Mark xiv. 25).

   Ver. 21. "To him that overcometh will I grant to sit with Me in my
   throne."--A magnificent variation of Christ's words spoken in the days
   of his flesh: "The glory which Thou gavest Me, I have given them. . . .
   Father, I will that they also whom Thou hast given Me, be with Me where
   I am" (John xvii. 22, 24); as also of the words of St. Paul, "If we
   suffer with Him, we shall also reign with Him" (2 Tim. ii. 12).
   Wonderful indeed is this promise, which, as the last and the crowning,
   is also the highest and most glorious of all. Step. by step they have
   advanced, till a height is reached than which no higher can be
   conceived. It seemed much to promise the Apostles themselves that they
   should sit on thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel (Matt. xix.
   28); but here is promised to every believer something more than was
   there promised to the elect Twelve. And more wonderful still, if we
   consider to whom this promise is here addressed. He whom Christ
   threatened just now to reject with loathing out of his mouth, is
   offered a place with Him on his throne. But indeed so it is; the
   highest place is within reach of the lowest; the faintest spark of
   grace may be fanned into the mightiest flame of divine love. It will be
   observed that the image here is not that of sitting upon seats on the
   right hand or on the left of Christ's throne (1 Kings ii. 19), but of
   sharing that throne itself. To understand this, we must keep in mind
   the fact, that the Eastern throne is much ampler and broader than ours;
   so that there would be room upon it for other persons, besides him who
   occupied as of right the central position there (Matt. xx. 21).

   "Even as 1 also overcame, and am set down with my Father in his
   throne."--The Son is sunthronos with the Father (Wisd. ix. 4), as the
   early Church writers loved to express it, with a word employed already
   in the heathen mythology, perhaps borrowed from it (see Suicer, s. v.);
   his faithful people shall be paredroi with Him. These words, "I
   overcame," remind us of other words spoken by the Lord while as yet He
   had not so visibly overcome as now: "Be of good cheer, I have overcome
   the world" (John xvi. 33); and the manner in which the overcoming the
   world and the sitting down with his Father in his throne are brought
   together here, puts this passage in closest connexion with Phil. ii. 9:
   "Wherefore God also hath highly exalted Him, and given Him a name which
   is above every name;" cf. Heb. i. 3.--On this "my throne," and "my
   Father's throne," Joseph Mede says well (Works, p. 905): "Here are two
   thrones mentioned. My throne, saith Christ; this is the condition of
   glorified saints who sit with Christ in his throne; but my Father's
   (i.e. God's) throne is the power of Divine majesty; herein none may sit
   but God, and the God-man Jesus Christ. To be installed in God's throne,
   to sit at God's right hand, is to have a godlike royalty, such as his
   Father hath, a royalty altogether incommunicable, whereof no creature
   is capable."

   Ver. 22. "He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto
   the Churches."--Compare ii. 7.

   A few words in conclusion upon the order in which the promises of the
   seven Epistles follow one another. It is impossible not to acknowledge
   such an order here,-an order parallel to that of the unfolding of the
   kingdom of God from its first beginnings on earth to its glorious
   consummation in heaven. Thus the promise of Christ to the faithful at
   Ephesus is, that He will give them to eat of the tree of life which is
   in the Paradise of God (ii. 7); thus taking us back to Genesis i. and
   ii. But sin presently entered into Paradise, and death, the seal and
   witness of sin (Gen. iii. 19); but for the faithful at Smyrna,--and the
   promise that is good for them is good for the faithful every
   where,--this curse of death is lightened. It shall be but the gate of
   immortality, for "he that overcometh shall not be hurt of the second
   death" (ii. 11). The next promise, that to the faithful at Pergamum,
   brings us to the Mosaic period, to the Church in the wilderness: "To
   him that overcometh will I give to eat of the hidden manna" (ii. 17);
   and if the interpretation of the "white stone" which has been ventured
   here is the right one, that promise will also fall in perfectly with
   the wilderness period and the institution of the high-priesthood, which
   at that period found place. In the fourth, that namely to Thyatira, we
   have reached the full and final consummation, in type and prophetic
   outline, of the kingdom, the period of David and Solomon,--the triumph
   over the nations, the Church sharing in the royalties of her king (ii.
   26, 27). Every reader will recognize this as a characteristic feature
   of those reigns (2 Sam. x. 19; xii. 29, 30; 1 Chron. xvii. 1-13).

   Here there is a pause; and with this consummation reached, than which
   in type and prophecy there can be nothing higher, a new series begins;
   the heptad falling, as is so constantly the case, into two groups;
   either of three and four, as in the Lord's Prayer, or of four and
   three, as here. And now the scenery, if I may use the word, changes; it
   is not any longer of earth, but of heaven. The kingdom, not of David,
   but of David's Son, has come; all his foes are under his feet; his
   Church is not any longer contemplated as militant, but triumphant; and
   in the succession of the three last promises we learn that even for the
   Church triumphant there are steps and advances from glory to glory.
   Thus, in the promise addressed to the Angel of Sardis, we have the
   blessings of the judgment-day, the name found written in the took of
   life, Christ's confession of his own before his Father, the vesture of
   light and immortality, in other words, the glorified body which it
   shall be then given to the saints to wear (iii. 5). This, however, is a
   personal, a solitary benefit, belonging to each of them alone; not so
   the next. In the promise made to the faithful at Philadelphia, it is
   declared that as many as overcome shall have right to enter by the
   gates into the heavenly City, where City and Temple are one, shall be
   themselves avouched members of that heavenly politeia, and shall have
   their place in it for evermore (iii. 12). And then, it having thus been
   declared what they have in themselves, namely, the glorified body, and
   what they have in and with the company of the redeemed, the citizenship
   of the heavenly Jerusalem, it is, last of all, in the concluding words
   to the Angel of Laodicea, declared what they possess with God and with
   Christ; that it shall be granted to them to sit down with Christ on his
   throne, as He has sat down with his Father in his Father's throne (iii.
   21). There can be nothing behind and beyond this; and with this
   therefore is the close. It is here, to compare divine things with
   human, as in the Paradiso of Dante. There, too, there are different
   circles of light around the throne, each, as it is nearer to the
   throne, of an intenser brightness than that beyond it and more remote,
   till at last, when all the others have been past, the throne itself is
   reached, and the very Presence of Him who sits upon the throne, and
   from whom ll this light and this glory flows.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [37] Compare, as an exact parallel, and, singularly enough, much knore
   than a mere verbal parallel, Isai. xlvii. 8 (LXX.): nun de akoue tauta,
   he truphera he kathemene, he pepoithuia, he legousa en kardia autes,
   Ego eimi; kai ouk estin hetera, k. t. l.
     __________________________________________________________________

EXCURSUS.

  ON THE HISTORICO-PROPHETICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE EPISTLES TO THE SEVEN
  CHURCHES OF ASIA.

   IT is, doubtless, familiar to as many as have at all gone into the
   history of the exposition of these seven Epistles, that a large body of
   interpreters, several of these distinguished for their piety and their
   learning, have not been content to take them merely for what they seem
   to announce themselves to be, seven Epistles of instruction, warning,
   consolation, addrest by the great Bishop of the Church to seven
   Churches of Asia; but have loudly proclaimed that they look much
   farther than this, that they contain far deeper mysteries than these.
   In the Scripture are such depths of meaning, so much remains to be
   discovered in them, in addition to all which has yet been discovered,
   that any one, whose incapacity is not patent, has a right to claim from
   us a patient and attentive ear, when he offers to lead us into these
   depths, to show us that, where we thought there were but golden
   harvests, the food of all waving upon the surface, there are also veins
   of richest metal below, the wealth of those who will be at the pains to
   dig for these hid treasures. And yet, at the same time, before we
   accept any such discoveries of treasures hid in the field of Scripture,
   it will be good always to remember, that there is a temptation to make
   Scripture mean more than in the intention of the Holy Ghost it does
   mean, as well as a temptation to make it mean less; and that we are
   bound by equally solemn obligations not to put upon it something of
   ours, as not to subtract from it any thing of its own (Rev. xxii. 18,
   19); the interpretation in excess proving often nearly, or quite, as
   mischievous as that in defect. One has well said, "Mali moris est
   sensum in S. Scripturam inferre, non efferre;" and yet it is a practice
   which is by no means unusual. To inquire into the motives which induce
   to it would lead mle too far from nmy immediate subject; and some of
   them will, I think, appear before this essay is concluded.

   But what, it may be asked, is this wider horizon, which, if we would
   meet the Divine intention, it is declared to us we should ascribe to
   these Epistles, and what the deeper mysteries which they contain?
   Before I attempt to answer this, let me first, by way of clearing the
   ground, set down what all are agreed on, matter on which there is no
   dispute; and then secondly, that which, if not all, yet tile greater
   number of competent persons would admit; that so, this done, and these
   points of universal or general. agreement separated off, we may better
   present to ourselves what are the precise points on which the
   controversy turns.

   All, then, are agreed, and would freely allow, that these seven
   Epistles, however primarily addrest to these seven Churches of Asia,
   were also written for the edification of the Universal Church; in the
   same way, that is, as St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, or to Timothy,
   or St. James' to the Dispersion, were written with this intention. The
   warnings, the incentives, the promises, the consolations, and,
   generally, the whole instruction in righteousness in these contained,
   are for every one in all times, so far as they may meet the several
   cases and conditions of men; what Christ says to those here addrest He
   says to all in similar conditions. So far there can be no question.
   "All Scripture," and therefore this Scripture, "was written for our
   learning."

   But further, it may not meet with such universal acceptance, yet will,
   I suppose, be admitted by many thoughtful students of God's Word,
   probably by most who have entered into the mystery of the heptad in
   Scripture, that these seven Churches of Asia are not an accidental
   aggregation, which might just as conveniently have been eight, or six,
   or any other number; that, on the contrary, there is a fitness in this
   number, and that these seven do in some sort represent the Universal
   Church; that we have a right to contemplate the seven as offering to us
   the great and leading aspects, moral and spiritual, which Churches
   gathered in the name of Christ out of the world will assume. No one, of
   course, affirming this, would mean that they could be contemplated as
   exhaustive of these aspects; for the infinite depth and richness of
   that new life which Christ brought into the world testifies itself in
   nothing more than in this, the rich variety of forms which this new
   life of his, embodying itself in the lives of men, will assume, the
   very malformations themselves witnessing in this way for the fulness of
   this life. But though not exhaustive (for what could be that?), they
   give us on a smaller scale, hos en tupo, the grander and more recurring
   features of that life; are not fragmentary, fortuitously strung
   together; but have a completeness, a many-sidedness, being probably
   selected for this very cause; here, perhaps, being the reason why
   Philadelphia is included and Miletus past by; Thyatira, outwardly so
   insignificant, chosen, when one might have expected Magnesia or
   Tralles. Then what notable contrasts have we here,--a Church face to
   face with danger and death (Smyrna), and a Church at ease, settling
   down upon its lees (Sardis); a Church with abundant means and loud
   profession, yet doing little or nothing for the furtherance of the
   truth (Laodicea), and a Church with little strength and little power,
   yet accomplishing a mighty work for Christ (Philadelphia); a Church
   intolerant of doctrinal error, yet too much lacking that love towards
   its Lord for which nothing else is a substitute (Ephesus), and over
   against this a Church not careful nor zealous, as it ought to be, for
   doctrinal purity, but diligent in the work and ministry of love
   (Thyatira); or, to review these same Churches from another point of
   view, a Church in conflict with heathen libertinism, the sinful freedom
   of the flesh (Ephesus), and a Church or Churches in conflict with
   Jewish superstition, the sinful bondage of the spirit (Pergamum,
   Philadelphia); or, for the indolence of man a more perilous case than
   either, Churches with no active forms of opposition to the truth in the
   midst of them, to brace their energies and to cause them, in the act of
   defending the imperilled truth, to know it better and to love it more
   (Sardis, Laodicea). That these Churches are more or less representative
   Churches, and were selected because they are so; that they form a
   complex within and among themselves, mutually fulfilling and completing
   one another; that the great Head of the Church contemplates them for
   the time being as symbolic of his Universal Church, implying as much in
   that mystic seven, and giving many other indications of the same,--this
   also will be accepted, if not by all, yet by many.

   But the Periodists, as they have been called, the upholders of what may
   be fitly termed the historico-prophetical scheme of interpretation, are
   by no means satisfied with these admissions. They demand that we should
   recognize in these Epistles very much more than this; they affirm that
   we have in them, besides counsels to the Churches named in each, a
   prophetic outline of seven successive periods of the Church's history;
   dividing, as they do, into these seven portions the whole time
   intervening between Christ's ascension and his return in glory. As in
   making a statement for others, especially for those from whom one is
   about to dissent, it is always fairest, or, at any rate, is most
   satisfactory, to cite their own words, I will here quote two passages,
   one from Joseph Mede, another from Vitringa, in which they severally
   set forth that historico-prophetical scheme; which they both favoured
   and upheld; and certainly the statement of the case could scarcely be
   in more prudent or in abler hands. The modesty with which the first
   propounds it, is in striking contrast with the arrogant confidence of
   some others, who were well nigh disposed to make here a new article of
   faith, and the acceptance or rejection of this interpretation a test of
   orthodoxy. These are his words; they occur in one of his sermons
   (Works, 1672, p. 296): "It belongs not much to our purpose to inquire
   whether those seven Epistles concern historically and literally only
   the Churches here named, or whether they were intended for types or
   ages of the Church afterwards to come. It shall be sufficient to say,
   that if we consider their number, being seven (which is a number of
   revolution of times, and therefore in this Book the seals, trumpets,
   and vials also are seven); or if we consider the choice of the Holy
   Ghost, in that he taketh neither all, no, nor the most famous Churches
   then in the world, as Antioch, Alexandria, Rome, and many other, and
   such, no doubt, as had need of instruction as well as those here named;
   if these things be well considered, it will seem that these seven
   Churches, besides their literal respect, were intended (and it may be
   chiefly) to be as patterns and types of the several ages of the
   Catholic Church from the beginning thereof unto the end of the world;
   that so these seven Churches should prophetically sample unto us a
   sevenfold temper and constitution of the whole Church according to the
   several ages thereof, answering the pattern of the Churches named
   here;" compare p. 905. Vitringa (Anacrisis Apocalypsios, p. 32):
   "Omnino igitur existimo Spiritum S. sub typo et emblemate septem
   Ecclesiarum Asiæ nobis mystice et prophetice voluisse depingere septema
   variantes status Ecclesiæ Christianæ, quibus successive conspiceretur
   usque ad adventum Domini et omnium rerum finem, phrasibus desumptis a
   nominibus, conditione et attributis ipsarum illarum Ecclesiarum Asiæ
   nobiliorum, quæ ad hunc usum et scopum sapienter adhibuit; sic tamen ut
   ipsæ illæ Ecclesiæ Asianæ simul in hoc speculo se ipsas videre, suasque
   tam virtutes quam vitia ex illis epistolis cognoscere, et quæ in iis
   sunt admonitiones et exhortationes ad se ipsas quoque referre et
   applicare possent; quippe quod summa suadet jubetque ratio. Quod enim
   alterius rei typum et figuram sustinebit symbolicam, ita affectum esse
   oportet ut attributa subjecti analogi in ipsâ illâ re figurante omnium
   primo demonstrari possint."

   I have cited these two writers of a later age; but the scheme itself,
   in one shape or another, may be traced to a much earlier date; though,
   indeed, it is very far from being as old as its favourers would have us
   to believe, claiming, as not seldom they do, several of the early
   Fathers, as early at least as Augustine and Chrysostom, for the first
   authors and upholders of it. They are, however, quite without warrant
   in this. No passage has been quoted, and I am convinced none could be
   quoted, bearing out their assertion here. In the eager debate carried
   on upon this subject for a considerable part of a century, the
   opponents of this interpretation repeatedly challenged the advocates to
   bring forward a single quotation from one Father, Greek or Latin, in
   its support; but none such was ever produced; so that Witsius has
   perfect right when he affirms, "Nullibi id dicunt [antiqui] quod viri
   isti eruditi volunt, quibuscum hæc nobis instituta disputatio est;
   nimirum proprie, literaliter atque ex intentione Spiritûs Sancti verbis
   harum Epistolarum delineari, non quod Johannis tempore in Asiæ
   Ecclesiis agebatur, sed quod in universali Ecclesiâ septem temporum
   periodis ordine succedentibus futurum erat. Id non liquet antiquorum
   ulli vel in mentem venisse." This quotation is from his essay, De
   Septen Eccles. Apocalyp. sensu historico an prophetico (Opp. t. i. pp.
   640-741), remarkable for the fairness and moderation with which all
   that can be said on one side and the other is considered. It is quite
   true that Augustine, with others before and after him, recognized that
   symbolic representative character of these Epistles, of which I just
   now spoke; saw a mystery in the seven; [38] but to recognize them as
   historico-prophetical is quite a different matter, and of any allowance
   of this there is no vestige among them; or that it had so much as come
   into their minds.

   The Spiritualists, or extreme Franciscans, are the first among whom
   this scheme of interpretation assumed any prominence. It is well known
   to those who are at all familiar with this wonderful body of men, what
   an important part the distribution of the Church's history into seven
   ages played in their theology, and what weapons they found in this
   armoury for the assault of the dominant Church and hierarchy of Rome.
   Looking every where in Scripture for traces of these seven periods, it
   is not strange that they should have found such in these seven
   Epistles. At their first rise, one but recently dead, high in
   reputation for sanctity throughout the Church, himself regarded as
   little short of an apocalyptic seer, I mean the Abbot Joachim of Floris
   (he died in 1202), had already shown the way in this interpretation;
   [39] and the Spiritualists did not fail to adjust the seven ages of the
   Church and the seven Epistles prophetic of them, so as these should
   prophesy all good of themselves, and all evil of Rome.

   It is evident that when the scheme was adopted two or three centuries
   later by theologians of the Reformed Church, it would require
   readjustment and redistribution throughout, at once chronological and
   dogmatic. This, however, was easily effected. The whole thing was a
   subjective fancy of men's minds, not an objective truth of God's Word,
   and would therefore oppose no serious resistance. It was easy to give
   it what new shape was required by the new conditions under which it
   should now appear. After the Reformation, the first in whom I meet this
   interpretation of the seven Churches, as predictive of the seven ages
   of the Church and foreshadowing their condition, is an English divine,
   Thomas Brightman (b. 1557, d. 1607). He belonged to the Puritan school
   of divines, as they existed within the bosom of the Anglican Church,
   and though in opposition to its spirit, not as yet separated from it;
   but his work, Apocalypsis Apocalypseos, 1612, avouches him a man of no
   ordinary gifts, and of warm and earnest piety; and Marckius has perfect
   right when he says of this work, "eruditionem et pietatem non vulgarem
   spirat." But although he, and Joseph Mede, as we have seen (he died in
   1638), and Henry More, [40] lent to this suggestion the authority of
   their names, it never seems to have struck any vigorous root in
   England, nor to have stirred up much controversy for or against it. It
   was in the Reformed Churches of Holland and Germany, but predominantly
   in the former, that this periodic interpretation first assumed any
   prominence or importance. There indeed, during the middle and latter
   part of the seventeenth century and beginning of the eighteenth, it was
   debated with animation, and often with something more than animation.
   The very able Præfatio de Septem N. T. Periodis, which Marckius has
   prefixed to his Commentary on the Apocalypse, 1699, shows how very
   angry the disputants could be on one side and the other.

   The theologian who by his adoption of the historico-prophetical
   interpretation gave an importance to it, and procured for it an
   acceptance, which in any other way it would scarcely have obtained, was
   Cocceius (1603-1669). It is indeed with him only the part of a larger
   whole--one among many testimonies for a divinely-intended division into
   seven periods of the whole history of the Church. This division found
   favour with many; but in no one does it recur with so great a
   frequency, exercise so powerful an influence on his interpretation of
   Scripture, constitute so vital a portion of his theology, as in him.
   The fame of Cocceius, if it ever reached England, has now quite passed
   away; but his influence for good oil the Protestant communities of
   Holland and also of Germany, as the promoter of a Biblical in place of
   a scholastical theology, leading as he did those Churches from the arid
   wastes of a new scholasticism to the living fountains of the Word of
   God, was immense, and survives to the present day. But this
   distribution into seven periods of the Church's history, seven before
   Christ's coming, and seven after, is a sort of "fixed idea" with him.
   It is indeed his desire to make Scripture the rule in every thing, and
   to find all that concerns the spiritual life and development of man
   cast in a scriptural framework, this desire in season and out of
   season, which has led him astray. And thus it is that he finds, or
   where he does not find he makes, a prophecy of these periods every
   where; in the seven days of creation, in the seven beatitudes, in the
   seven petitions of the Lord's Prayer, in the seven parables of Matthew
   xiii.; not seldom forcing into artificial arrangements by seven,
   Scriptures which yield themselves not naturally and of their own
   accord, but only under violent pressure and constraint, to any
   articulation of the kind, as Hannah's Prayer, the Song of Moses, of
   Deborah, the Song of Songs, not a few of the Psalms, and, I dare say,
   much else in Scripture besides. [41]

   With all his excesses, however, I do not think Cocceius ever refused to
   these Epistles a true historical foundation. The historico-prophetic
   meaning was no doubt far the most precious in his eyes; and it had good
   right to be, if only it had been designed by the Spirit; but he did not
   deny that there had been actual Churches at Ephesus, Smyrna, and the
   rest, which were primarily addrest, and to whose condition, at the time
   they were written, these Epistles fitted. Others, however, have
   proceeded to far greater lengths. They have refused to see' any
   reference whatever to Churches actually, at the time when this vision
   was seen, subsisting in these cities of Asia, and to their spiritual
   condition. These they regard merely as the machinery for the conveyance
   of the prophecy; the seven Epistles not in the least expressing,
   except, it might be, here and there by accidental and undesigned
   coincidence, the actual condition of these seven Churches. Despite of
   any thing which these Epistles seem to affirm to the contrary, the
   Church of Ephesus, according to their view, may at this time have been
   tolerant of false teachers, and Thyatira intolerant; Philadelphia may
   have been slack in deeds of faith and love, and Laodicea fervent in
   spirit, and Sardis with not a few only, but many names, that had not
   defiled their garments. No Antipas had actually resisted to blood at
   Pergamum; there was no tribulation of ten days imminent upon Smyrna.
   [42]

   This extravagance may be dismissed in a few words. Origen is justly
   condemned, that, advancing a step beyond other allegorists, who
   slighted the facts of the Old Testament history for the sake of
   mystical meanings which they believed to lie behind them, he denied,
   concerning many events recorded there as historical, that they actually
   happened at all; rearing the superstructure of his mystical meaning,
   not on the establishment of the literal sense, but on its ruins. Every
   reverent student of the Word of God must feel that so he often lets go
   a substance in snatching at a shadow, that shadow itself really eluding
   his grasp after all. He who in this sense assails the strong historic
   substructures of Scripture, may not know all which he is doing; but he
   is indeed doing his best to turn the glorious superstructure built on
   these, which, though resting on earth, pierces heaven, into a mere
   sky-pageant painted on the air, a cloud-palace waiting to be shifted
   and changed by every breath of the caprice of man, and at length fading
   and melting into the common air. It was not without reason that
   Augustine, himself not wholly to be acquitted of excesses in this
   direction, did yet urge so strongly the necessity of maintaining,
   before and above all, the historic letter of the Scripture, whatever
   else to this might be superadded (Serm. ii. 6): "Ante omnia, fratres,
   hoc in nomine Domini et admonemus quantum possumus et præcipimus, ut
   quando auditis exponi sacramentum Scripturæ narrantis quæ gesta sunt,
   prius illud quod lectum est credatur sic gestum quomodo lectum est, ne
   subtracto fundamento rei gestæ, quasi in aëre quæratis ædificare."
   Similar warnings in his writings continually recur. Who indeed could
   continue sure that any thing presented in Scripture as history, with
   all apparent marks of history about it, was yet history at all, and not
   something wholly different, parable, or allegory, or prophecy, if these
   Epistles, which St. John is bidden to send to the seven Churches of
   Asia, which profess to enter minutely into their spiritual condition,
   were yet never sent to them at all, had no relation whatever to them,
   more, that is, than to any other portion of the universal Church?

   But leaving these, and addressing ourselves only to the more moderate
   upholders of the periodic scheme of interpretation, to those, namely,
   who admit a literal sense, while they superinduce upon it a
   prophetical, we ask, what slightest hint or intimation does the Spirit
   of God give that we have here to do with the great successive acts and
   epochs of the kingdom of God in the course of its gradual evolution
   here upon. earth? Where are the fingerposts pointing this way? What is
   there, for instance, of chronological succession? Does not every thing,
   on the contrary, mark simultaneity, and not succession? The seven
   candlesticks are seen at the same instant; the seven Churches named in
   the same breath. How different is it where succession in time is
   intended; see, for instance, Dan. ii. 32, 33, 39, 40; vii. 6, 7, 9. On
   this matter Marckius says very well (Præf. § 52): "Attamen ut Ecclesias
   has agnoscamus pro typicis, sive significantibus ex Dei intentione
   alias Ecclesias aliorum locorum et temporum, oportet nos a Deo doceri.
   Typos enim, non magis quam allegorias, pro lubitu nostro in Scripturam
   inferre licet, cum non sit idias epiluseos, propriæ interpretationis, 2
   Pet. i. 20. Non sufficit ad typum constituendum nuda convenientia, quæ
   inter res, personas, et eventus plurimos a nobis observari potest, sed
   oportet nobis amplius constet de divino consilio quo rem similem
   servire voluerit alteri præsignificandæ, cogitationibusque nostris
   illuc ducendis."

   But all such objections, with all those others which it would only be
   too easy to make, might indeed be set aside or overborne, if any
   marvellous coincidence between these Epistles and the after-course of
   the Church's development could be made out; if history set its seal to
   these, and attested that they were prophecy indeed; for when a key fits
   perfectly well the wards of a very complicated lock, and opens it
   without an effort, it is difficult not to believe that they were made
   for one another. But there is nothing here of the kind. There is no
   agreement among themselves on the part of the interpreters of the
   historico-prophetical school. Each one has his own solution of the
   enigma, his own distribution of the several epochs; or, if this is too
   much to affirm, there is at any rate nothing approaching to a general
   consensus among them. Take, for instance, the distribution of Vitringa.
   For him Ephesus represents the condition of the Church from the day of
   Pentecost to the outbreak of the Decian persecution; Smyrna, from the
   Decian persecution to that of Diocletian, both inclusive; Pergamum,
   from the time of Constantine until the close of the seventh century;
   Thyatira, the Church in its mission to the nations during the first
   half of the middle ages; Sardis, from the close of the twelfth century
   to the Reformation; Philadelphia, the first century of the Reformation;
   Laodicea, the Reformed Church at the time when he was writing; compare
   Lange, Das Apostolische Zeitalter, vol. ii. p. 472, for a nearly
   similar distribution.

   There are two or three fortunate coincidences here between the assumed
   prophecy and the fact; without such indeed the whole notion must have
   been abandoned long ago as hopeless; such could scarcely have been
   avoided. Smyrna, for instance, represents excellently well the ecclesia
   pressa in its two last and most terrible struggles with heathen Rome;
   so too for such Protestant expositors as see the Papacy in the scarlet
   woman of Babylon, the Jezebel of Thyatira appears exactly at the right
   time, coincides with the Papacy at its height, yet at the same time
   with judgment at the door in the great revolt which was even then
   preparing. But I would ask any one fairly grounded in the subject
   whether there is any true articulation of Church history in the
   distribution above made? any general felicity of correspondence between
   what are averred to be the prophetic outlines with the historic
   realities adduced as fulfilling them? Take, for instance, Philadelphia,
   as representing the Reformation period. The praise bestowed on the
   Philadelphian Angel may be said to culminate in these words, "Behold, I
   have set before thee an open door, and no man can shut it" (iii. 8).
   Can any thing, on the contrary, be sadder than the way in which, when
   "an open door" was set before the Reformers, they suffered it to so
   great an extent to be closed on them again? There was a time, some five
   and twenty or thirty years after Luther had begun to preach, when
   Austria and Bavaria and Styria and Poland, and, in good part, France,
   had all been won for the Reformation. Thirty years more had not elapsed
   when they all were lost again; and it was confined within the far
   narrower limits which it occupies at the present day (see Ranke, ,
   History of the Popes in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries)--this
   door, once open, having been closed mainly through the guilt of those
   contests, any thing but Philadelphian (for the names too are pressed
   into service) among the Reformers themselves.

   Then, again, other interpreters, as I have already observed, distribute
   the epochs according to schemes altogether diverse from this. Thus it
   is far more common among the Protestant theologians of the seventeenth
   century to apportion, not five Churches, but only the first four, to
   the pre-Reformation period; to claim, as Brightman does, Philadelphia,
   with all its graces, for themselves, and, as must necessarily follow,
   to contemplate Sardis as representing the Church of the actual
   Reformation. Certainly the Reformation had blots and blemishes enough;
   but its faults were those of zeal and passion; had nothing in common
   with that hypocritical form of godliness, that death under shows of
   life, imputed to Sardis; and one might have expected that any dutiful
   child of the Reformation, who at all felt the immense debt of gratitude
   which he and the whole Church owed to it, notwithstanding all its
   shortcomings, would have hesitated long as to the accuracy of a scheme
   which should brand it with this dishonour. See on this, Marckius, Præf.
   § 55; and on the other hand as saying, and saying well, whatever there
   is to be said in support of the historico-prophetical school in this
   particular aspect, see Henry More, at pp. 756 sqq., in his treatise
   already referred to.

   Much more might be urged on the arbitrary artificial character of all
   the attempted adaptations of Church history to these Epistles; but this
   Essay has already run to a greater length than I intended; and indeed
   it is not needful to say more. Where there were no preestablished
   harmonies in the Divine intention between the one and the other, as I
   am persuaded here there were none, it could not have been otherwise.
   The multitude of dissertations, essays, books, which have been written,
   and still are being written, in support of this scheme of
   interpretation, must remain a singular monument of wasted ingenuity and
   misapplied toil; of the disappointment which must result from a futile
   looking into Scripture for that which is not to be found there,--from a
   resolution to draw out from it that which he who draws out must first
   himself have put in. Mien will never thus make Scripture richer. They
   will have made it much poorer for themselves, if they nourish
   themselves out of it with the fancies of men, in place of the truths of
   God.

  THE END.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [38] Andreas, the earliest commentator on the Apocalypse whose work has
   reached us, gives this as the reason why the Lord, through St. John,
   addressed Himself exactly to seven Churches; dia tou hebdomatikou
   arithmou to mustikon ton hapantache ekklesion semainon. Augustine (De
   Civ. Dei, xvii. 4), explaining the Canticle of Hannah, in which it is
   said, "The barren hath born seven" (1 Sam. ii. 5), goes on to say, "Hic
   totum quod prophetabatur eluxit agnoscentibus numerum septenarium quo
   est universa Ecclesiæ significata perfectio. Propter quod et Johannes
   Apostolus ad septem scribit Ecclesias, eo modo se ostendens ad unius
   plenitudinem scribere;" or, as the last clause of a similar statement
   reads elsewhere (Exp. in Gal. ii. 7): "quæ [Ecclesiæ] utique
   universalis Ecclesiæ personam gerunt;" cf. Ep. xlix. § 2. And Gregory
   the Great almost word for word (Moral. xvii. 27): "Unde et septem
   Ecclesiis scribit Johannes Apostolus, ut unam Catholicam, septiformis
   gratiæ plenam Spiritu designaret;" cf. Præf. c. 8.

   [39] For an account of Joachim of Floris' seven ages, see Hahn, Gesch.
   d. Ketzer im Mittelalter, vol. iii. p. 112; and Engelhardt, Kirch.
   Gesch. Abbandl. p. 107.

   [40] Prophetical Exposition of the Seven Epistles sent to the Seven
   Churches in Asia from Him that is, and was, and is to
   come,--Theological Works, London, 1708, pp. 719-764; first published in
   1669.

   [41] Let me rescue from vast unread folios of his, as not very alien to
   the matter we have in hand, one noble passage, and he abounds in such,
   on the analogy of faith, and the help which the different portions of
   Scripture mutually afford to the right understanding of one another. It
   is from the Præfatio ad Comm. in Proph. Min., Opp. tom. v., without
   pagination: "Habet enim divina institutio Scripturæ instar augusti
   palatii, in quo ordine consideant innumeri seniores, qui viritim
   admissum novum discipulum erudiant, a collegis suis dicta confirment,
   roborent, explicent, illustrent, nunc fusius dicta contrahant, nunc
   contractiora diffundant et diducant, generalius dicta distinguant,
   distincta generatim innuant, regulas exemplis fulciant, exempla in
   regulis judicent, ita ut omnium de eâdem re agentium dictorum is sensus
   accipi debeat, qui est ullius, et qui nulli refragetur, et plena
   institutio ea demum censeri quæ omnium virorum Dei sit vox, sumphonia
   et homonoia."

   [42] Floerke, in an able work on the Millennium, Lehre vom
   tausendjährigen Reiche, Marburg, 1859, is the latest denier in toto of
   an historical element in these Epistles; see p. 59 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

                                    Indexes
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References

   Genesis

   [1]1:1-2:25   [2]1:2   [3]2:3   [4]2:8   [5]2:9   [6]2:9   [7]2:17
   [8]3:1   [9]3:7   [10]3:8   [11]3:19   [12]3:21   [13]3:22   [14]4:15
   [15]4:24   [16]6:5   [17]8:21   [18]17:12   [19]18:25   [20]19:24
   [21]21:20   [22]22:1   [23]24:55   [24]25:34   [25]27:36   [26]31:35
   [27]31:41   [28]37:3   [29]38:31   [30]41:26-27   [31]41:42
   [32]49:3   [33]49:4   [34]49:8

   Exodus

   [35]3:5   [36]3:6   [37]7:25   [38]12:15-16   [39]14:31   [40]15:1
   [41]15:25   [42]16:20   [43]16:32-34   [44]16:33   [45]16:33
   [46]16:34   [47]19:6   [48]19:16   [49]19:19   [50]25:1-40
   [51]25:10-11   [52]25:17-18   [53]25:23   [54]25:24   [55]25:29
   [56]25:31   [57]25:31   [58]25:31   [59]25:38   [60]26:35   [61]28:8
   [62]28:15-30   [63]28:18   [64]28:31   [65]28:36-38   [66]30:23
   [67]32:32   [68]32:32   [69]33:18   [70]33:20   [71]39:5   [72]39:27
   [73]40:4

   Leviticus

   [74]4:6   [75]4:17   [76]8:8   [77]8:11   [78]8:33   [79]10:2
   [80]12:3   [81]14:9   [82]14:51   [83]15:1-23   [84]16:4   [85]16:12
   [86]16:14   [87]16:19   [88]18:28   [89]19:32   [90]20:10   [91]20:22
   [92]23:40   [93]25:2-3   [94]25:8   [95]26:21   [96]26:24   [97]26:28
   [98]29:14

   Numbers

   [99]6:24-26   [100]10:2   [101]11:1   [102]11:19   [103]14:22
   [104]16:29   [105]16:35   [106]19:12   [107]19:17-21   [108]19:19
   [109]22:31   [110]23:1   [111]23:14   [112]23:29   [113]24:7
   [114]24:17   [115]24:25   [116]25:1-9   [117]25:1-9   [118]25:1-18
   [119]25:2   [120]27:21   [121]31:8   [122]31:15-16   [123]31:16
   [124]31:16

   Deuteronomy

   [125]4:34   [126]7:19   [127]13:3   [128]15:1   [129]16:9
   [130]16:13   [131]16:15   [132]21:17   [133]28:7   [134]28:25
   [135]29:3   [136]29:4   [137]32:39   [138]33:25

   Joshua

   [139]5:15   [140]6:4   [141]6:15   [142]6:16   [143]13:22
   [144]23:13   [145]24:31

   Judges

   [146]3:16   [147]13:6   [148]13:6   [149]13:18   [150]13:20
   [151]13:22   [152]14:12   [153]16:3

   1 Samuel

   [154]2:5   [155]2:5   [156]2:6   [157]16:1   [158]16:13   [159]28:6

   2 Samuel

   [160]10:4   [161]10:4   [162]10:19   [163]12:8   [164]12:13
   [165]12:13   [166]12:14   [167]12:29-30   [168]18:8   [169]24:13
   [170]24:13   [171]24:15

   1 Kings

   [172]2:5   [173]2:19   [174]7:21   [175]14:13   [176]14:16
   [177]16:13   [178]16:31   [179]18:4   [180]18:13   [181]18:19
   [182]18:40   [183]18:46   [184]19:2   [185]20:6   [186]21:4
   [187]21:10   [188]21:19   [189]21:25-26   [190]21:29   [191]21:31
   [192]22:19   [193]22:21

   2 Kings

   [194]1:10   [195]1:12   [196]5:10   [197]9:22   [198]9:30   [199]10:25

   1 Chronicles

   [200]17:1-13   [201]21:20   [202]29:11   [203]29:17   [204]29:17

   2 Chronicles

   [205]3:15   [206]3:17   [207]29:21   [208]33:11-13

   Ezra

   [209]7:14

   Nehemiah

   [210]8:15

   Esther

   [211]1:14   [212]6:7-11

   Job

   [213]1:2   [214]4:18   [215]5:17   [216]12:18   [217]19:3
   [218]22:23-24   [219]34:11   [220]38:17   [221]40:19   [222]42:5-6
   [223]42:8

   Psalms

   [224]1   [225]1:4-8   [226]1:10   [227]2:2   [228]2:7   [229]2:7
   [230]2:8   [231]2:9   [232]2:9   [233]2:9   [234]2:10-12   [235]2:19
   [236]5:40   [237]6:28   [238]7:10   [239]9:21-22   [240]10:4
   [241]10:7   [242]11:4-5   [243]18:11   [244]18:35   [245]19:105
   [246]19:115   [247]26:11   [248]29:3-9   [249]30:5   [250]32:1
   [251]32:3   [252]36:10   [253]38:22   [254]39:21   [255]39:23-24
   [256]40:5   [257]40:9   [258]43:10   [259]44:8   [260]45:8
   [261]49:6   [262]49:6   [263]49:9   [264]50:3   [265]51:4
   [266]51:11   [267]51:13   [268]62:13   [269]68:33   [270]69:29
   [271]69:29   [272]72:15   [273]79:12   [274]80:8   [275]83:16
   [276]89:27   [277]89:27   [278]94:12   [279]97:1-12   [280]97:3
   [281]98:1-9   [282]110:5   [283]117:2   [284]135:1-21

   Proverbs

   [285]3:12   [286]3:18   [287]5:4   [288]6:23   [289]6:23   [290]6:31
   [291]7:5   [292]11:30   [293]13:12   [294]15:4   [295]17:3
   [296]20:27   [297]24:12

   Ecclesiastes

   [298]2:5   [299]5:5   [300]8:11

   Song of Solomon

   [301]2:3   [302]3:6   [303]4:16   [304]5:2-6   [305]5:3   [306]5:5-6
   [307]5:11   [308]8:6

   Isaiah

   [309]1:10   [310]1:16   [311]1:18   [312]1:18   [313]1:20   [314]1:30
   [315]4:3   [316]6:1   [317]6:3   [318]6:5   [319]6:7   [320]11:4
   [321]11:5   [322]14:12   [323]14:12   [324]17:12   [325]19:1
   [326]20:4   [327]22:1-25   [328]22:15-25   [329]22:21   [330]22:23
   [331]26:10   [332]26:20   [333]30:14   [334]38:10   [335]41:4
   [336]42:10   [337]43:2   [338]44:6   [339]44:6   [340]47:2-3
   [341]47:3   [342]47:8   [343]48:12   [344]49:2   [345]49:23
   [346]50:4-5   [347]51:12-13   [348]52:3   [349]52:15   [350]54:8
   [351]55:1   [352]57:3   [353]60:14   [354]62:2   [355]62:2
   [356]65:15   [357]65:17

   Jeremiah

   [358]1:9   [359]1:19   [360]1:42   [361]2:2   [362]2:30   [363]3:19
   [364]4:30   [365]6:10   [366]13:11   [367]15:10   [368]17:10
   [369]17:10   [370]19:11   [371]20:10   [372]20:12   [373]21:7
   [374]22:19   [375]22:24   [376]29:5   [377]31:31   [378]39:4
   [379]43:6

   Ezekiel

   [380]1:5-6   [381]1:7   [382]1:24   [383]1:27   [384]1:28   [385]1:28
   [386]2:1-2   [387]2:3-7   [388]3:23   [389]8:2   [390]9:2-3
   [391]11:19   [392]16:37   [393]20:12   [394]23:47   [395]28:13
   [396]34:1-10   [397]34:4   [398]34:23-24   [399]36:25   [400]36:26
   [401]37:3   [402]37:3   [403]37:9   [404]37:16   [405]38:22
   [406]39:1   [407]39:6   [408]40:2   [409]43:2   [410]43:3   [411]44:4
   [412]47:12   [413]48:35

   Daniel

   [414]1:8   [415]2:32-33   [416]2:32-33   [417]2:39   [418]2:40
   [419]4:16   [420]4:23   [421]4:25   [422]7:3   [423]7:6-7   [424]7:9
   [425]7:9   [426]7:9   [427]7:9   [428]7:9-10   [429]7:13   [430]7:18
   [431]7:22   [432]7:28   [433]8:17   [434]9:2   [435]10:2   [436]10:5
   [437]10:5   [438]10:6   [439]10:6   [440]10:6   [441]10:6
   [442]10:7-8   [443]10:12   [444]12:1   [445]12:1   [446]12:2
   [447]12:3

   Hosea

   [448]2:3   [449]2:9   [450]3:5   [451]6:5   [452]12:8

   Joel

   [453]2:1   [454]2:15

   Amos

   [455]3:13   [456]4:13

   Jonah

   [457]3:10

   Nahum

   [458]1:3   [459]3:5

   Habakkuk

   [460]2:13

   Zechariah

   [461]1:18   [462]2:4   [463]3:1-2   [464]3:3-5   [465]3:4   [466]3:7
   [467]3:9   [468]3:9   [469]4:2   [470]4:2   [471]4:2   [472]4:10
   [473]4:10   [474]4:10   [475]6:13   [476]11:9   [477]11:17
   [478]12:10   [479]13:9   [480]14:20-21

   Malachi

   [481]2:7   [482]3:1   [483]3:6

   Matthew

   [484]2:2   [485]2:2   [486]3:3   [487]3:5   [488]3:15   [489]3:16
   [490]4:1   [491]4:5   [492]4:6   [493]5:14-16   [494]5:23   [495]5:29
   [496]5:29   [497]6:20   [498]6:23   [499]7:7   [500]7:16   [501]8:22
   [502]10:10-11   [503]10:16-31   [504]10:22   [505]10:22   [506]10:30
   [507]10:32-33   [508]11:15   [509]11:15   [510]11:27   [511]11:28
   [512]11:30   [513]12:45   [514]13:1-58   [515]13:9   [516]13:9
   [517]13:11   [518]13:43   [519]13:43   [520]13:43   [521]13:44
   [522]13:45   [523]13:46   [524]16:18   [525]16:19   [526]16:27
   [527]17:2   [528]17:5   [529]17:6   [530]17:7   [531]18:7
   [532]18:10   [533]18:21-22   [534]19:12   [535]19:21   [536]19:28
   [537]19:28   [538]20:21   [539]20:22   [540]20:23   [541]20:28
   [542]22:8   [543]22:11-12   [544]22:11-13   [545]22:11-13
   [546]24:13   [547]24:13   [548]24:20-21   [549]24:22   [550]24:30
   [551]24:30   [552]24:31   [553]24:31   [554]24:31   [555]24:36-51
   [556]24:42   [557]24:42-43   [558]24:42-43   [559]24:43
   [560]24:48-51   [561]25:10   [562]25:13   [563]25:13   [564]25:13
   [565]26:41   [566]26:41   [567]26:64   [568]27:54   [569]28:3
   [570]28:3   [571]28:3   [572]28:4-5   [573]28:18

   Mark

   [574]1:5   [575]2:8   [576]4:9   [577]4:23   [578]7:16   [579]7:16
   [580]7:33   [581]9:3   [582]9:43-49   [583]11:25   [584]13:37
   [585]13:37   [586]13:38   [587]14:25   [588]14:62   [589]16:5
   [590]16:5   [591]16:5

   Luke

   [592]1:12   [593]1:19   [594]1:29   [595]1:35   [596]2:35
   [597]4:5-8   [598]5:8   [599]7:36-47   [600]7:47   [601]8:8
   [602]8:15   [603]9:23   [604]9:52   [605]9:54   [606]10:20
   [607]10:20   [608]11:9   [609]11:52   [610]12:5   [611]12:8-9
   [612]12:21   [613]12:21   [614]12:21   [615]12:35   [616]12:36
   [617]12:36   [618]12:39   [619]12:39-40   [620]13:25   [621]14:27
   [622]14:33   [623]14:35   [624]15:22   [625]15:22   [626]15:24
   [627]16:15   [628]17:4   [629]17:5   [630]18:11-12   [631]20:35
   [632]20:46   [633]21:36   [634]22:29   [635]22:32   [636]22:32
   [637]22:43   [638]23:2   [639]24:4   [640]24:5   [641]24:32

   John

   [642]1:1-3   [643]1:1-3   [644]1:4   [645]1:9   [646]1:51
   [647]2:24-25   [648]3:3   [649]3:5   [650]3:11   [651]3:11
   [652]3:20   [653]3:21   [654]3:32   [655]3:33   [656]3:34   [657]4:6
   [658]5:25   [659]5:26   [660]5:27   [661]5:35   [662]6:27   [663]6:27
   [664]6:31-33   [665]6:32   [666]6:48-51   [667]7:21   [668]8:5
   [669]8:35   [670]9:21   [671]10:7   [672]10:28   [673]12:13
   [674]14:6   [675]14:17   [676]15:1   [677]16:1   [678]16:8
   [679]16:23   [680]16:32   [681]16:33   [682]17:22   [683]17:24
   [684]17:24   [685]18:6   [686]19:12   [687]19:17   [688]19:37
   [689]19:39   [690]20:12   [691]20:12   [692]20:17   [693]20:22-23
   [694]20:24-29   [695]20:27   [696]21:9-13   [697]21:16   [698]21:17

   Acts

   [699]1:8   [700]1:10   [701]1:15   [702]1:21-22   [703]1:24
   [704]1:24   [705]1:25-26   [706]2:9   [707]2:24   [708]2:27
   [709]2:27   [710]2:31   [711]3:15   [712]3:21   [713]4:19   [714]4:26
   [715]5:29   [716]5:31   [717]6:3   [718]6:5   [719]6:9   [720]7:56
   [721]7:60   [722]9:4   [723]9:16   [724]10:4   [725]10:10
   [726]10:10   [727]10:11   [728]10:30   [729]11:5   [730]11:5
   [731]11:29   [732]12:2   [733]12:11   [734]12:13   [735]12:13-14
   [736]12:13-14   [737]12:15   [738]12:16   [739]13:4   [740]13:32
   [741]13:33   [742]13:35   [743]13:48   [744]13:50   [745]14:1
   [746]14:2   [747]14:5   [748]14:19   [749]14:22   [750]14:27
   [751]15:1   [752]15:1-31   [753]15:8   [754]15:8   [755]15:20
   [756]15:28   [757]15:28-29   [758]15:29   [759]15:29   [760]16:14
   [761]17:5   [762]17:5-8   [763]18:9-10   [764]18:19   [765]18:24
   [766]18:25   [767]18:26   [768]19   [769]19:9   [770]19:14
   [771]19:26   [772]20:6   [773]20:7   [774]20:13-14   [775]20:15
   [776]20:17   [777]20:17   [778]20:17-38   [779]20:23   [780]20:25
   [781]20:26   [782]20:28   [783]20:28   [784]20:29-30   [785]20:31
   [786]20:31   [787]21:15   [788]22:16   [789]22:17   [790]23:26
   [791]24:2   [792]24:2

   Romans

   [793]1:4   [794]1:7   [795]1:11   [796]2:4   [797]2:6   [798]2:28-29
   [799]5:12   [800]5:17   [801]6:9   [802]6:13   [803]6:22   [804]6:23
   [805]7:24   [806]8:14   [807]8:17   [808]8:17   [809]8:27   [810]8:32
   [811]9:6   [812]9:27   [813]9:32   [814]11:9   [815]11:11
   [816]11:25   [817]12:9   [818]12:11   [819]12:21   [820]13:8
   [821]14:13   [822]16:12   [823]16:25

   1 Corinthians

   [824]1:3   [825]1:5   [826]1:5   [827]1:8   [828]1:26   [829]1:26-28
   [830]2:9   [831]2:10   [832]2:10   [833]2:12   [834]3:1   [835]3:14
   [836]3:15   [837]3:15   [838]4:5   [839]4:8   [840]5:8   [841]5:11
   [842]6:2   [843]7:24-27   [844]8:4   [845]8:10   [846]8:10   [847]9:1
   [848]9:24-25   [849]10:13   [850]10:25   [851]10:27   [852]10:28
   [853]11:20   [854]12:4   [855]12:23   [856]12:31   [857]13:1
   [858]13:1-3   [859]13:2   [860]13:9   [861]13:12   [862]14:1
   [863]14:13   [864]14:14   [865]15:10   [866]15:19   [867]15:20
   [868]15:23   [869]16:2   [870]16:9   [871]16:9   [872]16:15

   2 Corinthians

   [873]1:21   [874]2:12   [875]4:17   [876]5:10   [877]5:11   [878]6:18
   [879]7:1   [880]7:1   [881]8:9   [882]8:9   [883]10:11   [884]11:1
   [885]11:27   [886]12:2   [887]12:2-4   [888]12:4   [889]12:9

   Galatians

   [890]2:9   [891]3:13   [892]4:5   [893]4:11   [894]4:13-15
   [895]4:18   [896]4:26   [897]5:16   [898]5:25   [899]6:1   [900]6:2

   Ephesians

   [901]1:15   [902]1:17   [903]2:1   [904]2:5   [905]2:10   [906]3:17
   [907]4:7-12   [908]5:8   [909]5:13   [910]5:13   [911]5:23-33
   [912]5:26   [913]5:27   [914]6:14   [915]6:14   [916]6:16   [917]6:17
   [918]6:19   [919]6:21

   Philippians

   [920]2:7-8   [921]2:9   [922]2:9   [923]2:15   [924]3:2   [925]3:2-3
   [926]3:7-8   [927]3:12   [928]3:20   [929]3:21   [930]4:3   [931]4:5

   Colossians

   [932]1:15   [933]1:15   [934]1:18   [935]1:18   [936]1:18   [937]1:23
   [938]2:1   [939]2:3   [940]2:3   [941]2:6   [942]2:7   [943]2:10-15
   [944]2:18   [945]2:19   [946]3:3   [947]3:10-14   [948]3:13
   [949]4:3   [950]4:13   [951]4:13   [952]4:15   [953]4:16   [954]4:16
   [955]4:17

   1 Thessalonians

   [956]1:5-10   [957]2:9   [958]2:14   [959]3:4   [960]3:5   [961]4:16
   [962]4:16   [963]5:2   [964]5:4   [965]5:6   [966]5:21   [967]5:27

   2 Thessalonians

   [968]1:5   [969]1:8   [970]1:11   [971]2:8   [972]3:3   [973]3:3
   [974]3:8

   1 Timothy

   [975]1:3   [976]2:6   [977]4:1   [978]5:6   [979]6:10   [980]6:12
   [981]6:16   [982]6:18

   2 Timothy

   [983]1:12   [984]1:14   [985]2:5   [986]2:5   [987]2:12   [988]2:12
   [989]2:12   [990]2:19   [991]2:22   [992]2:25-26   [993]3:5
   [994]4:8   [995]4:8   [996]4:8

   Titus

   [997]1:2   [998]1:8   [999]1:16   [1000]3:5

   Philemon

   [1001]1:2

   Hebrews

   [1002]1:3   [1003]1:3   [1004]1:5   [1005]1:8   [1006]1:9
   [1007]2:18   [1008]3:2   [1009]4:12   [1010]4:12   [1011]4:13
   [1012]6:1   [1013]6:4   [1014]6:10   [1015]7:26   [1016]8:2
   [1017]9:2   [1018]9:4   [1019]9:4   [1020]9:12   [1021]9:14
   [1022]10:27   [1023]10:34   [1024]11:6   [1025]11:10   [1026]11:17
   [1027]11:27   [1028]11:34   [1029]11:37   [1030]12:5   [1031]12:6
   [1032]12:6   [1033]12:6   [1034]12:8   [1035]12:22   [1036]12:23
   [1037]13:8   [1038]13:14

   James

   [1039]1:1   [1040]1:2-3   [1041]1:3   [1042]1:12   [1043]1:13
   [1044]1:17   [1045]1:27   [1046]2:2   [1047]2:5-7   [1048]3:2
   [1049]3:6   [1050]4:4   [1051]5:7   [1052]5:9   [1053]5:9

   1 Peter

   [1054]1:1   [1055]1:4   [1056]1:6   [1057]1:7   [1058]1:7   [1059]1:7
   [1060]1:11   [1061]1:13   [1062]1:18   [1063]2:7   [1064]2:9
   [1065]2:12   [1066]2:19   [1067]3:20   [1068]4:5   [1069]4:11
   [1070]4:12   [1071]4:13   [1072]5:1   [1073]5:4   [1074]5:9
   [1075]5:10   [1076]5:10   [1077]5:30

   2 Peter

   [1078]1:9   [1079]1:9   [1080]1:20   [1081]2:15   [1082]2:16
   [1083]2:19   [1084]2:20   [1085]2:20   [1086]3:9   [1087]3:10
   [1088]3:16

   1 John

   [1089]1:7   [1090]1:9   [1091]1:9   [1092]2:8   [1093]2:11
   [1094]2:13-14   [1095]3:2   [1096]3:2   [1097]4:1   [1098]4:2-3
   [1099]5:4-5

   2 John

   [1100]1:3

   Jude

   [1101]1:4   [1102]1:7   [1103]1:11   [1104]1:13   [1105]1:23
   [1106]1:25

   Revelation

   [1107]1:1   [1108]1:3   [1109]1:4   [1110]1:4   [1111]1:4   [1112]1:4
   [1113]1:4-20   [1114]1:4-20   [1115]1:4-20   [1116]1:5   [1117]1:6
   [1118]1:7   [1119]1:7   [1120]1:7   [1121]1:8   [1122]1:9   [1123]1:9
   [1124]1:10   [1125]1:11   [1126]1:12   [1127]1:12-16   [1128]1:13
   [1129]1:13   [1130]1:13   [1131]1:14   [1132]1:14   [1133]1:14-15
   [1134]1:15   [1135]1:15   [1136]1:16   [1137]1:16   [1138]1:16
   [1139]1:16   [1140]1:16   [1141]1:17   [1142]1:17   [1143]1:17-18
   [1144]1:18   [1145]1:19   [1146]1:19   [1147]1:19   [1148]1:20
   [1149]1:20   [1150]1:20   [1151]1:20   [1152]1:20   [1153]1:27
   [1154]2:1   [1155]2:1   [1156]2:1   [1157]2:1   [1158]2:1
   [1159]2:1-7   [1160]2:2   [1161]2:2   [1162]2:2   [1163]2:2
   [1164]2:3   [1165]2:4   [1166]2:4   [1167]2:4   [1168]2:4   [1169]2:5
   [1170]2:5   [1171]2:5   [1172]2:5   [1173]2:6   [1174]2:6   [1175]2:6
   [1176]2:6   [1177]2:6   [1178]2:6   [1179]2:6   [1180]2:7   [1181]2:7
   [1182]2:7   [1183]2:7   [1184]2:7   [1185]2:7   [1186]2:7   [1187]2:7
   [1188]2:8   [1189]2:8   [1190]2:8   [1191]2:8-11   [1192]2:9
   [1193]2:9   [1194]2:9-10   [1195]2:10   [1196]2:10   [1197]2:10
   [1198]2:10   [1199]2:11   [1200]2:11   [1201]2:11   [1202]2:11
   [1203]2:11   [1204]2:11   [1205]2:12   [1206]2:12   [1207]2:12-16
   [1208]2:12-17   [1209]2:13   [1210]2:13   [1211]2:13   [1212]2:14
   [1213]2:14   [1214]2:14   [1215]2:14   [1216]2:14   [1217]2:14
   [1218]2:14-15   [1219]2:14-16   [1220]2:15   [1221]2:15   [1222]2:15
   [1223]2:16   [1224]2:16   [1225]2:16   [1226]2:16   [1227]2:16
   [1228]2:17   [1229]2:17   [1230]2:17   [1231]2:17   [1232]2:17
   [1233]2:17   [1234]2:17   [1235]2:18   [1236]2:18   [1237]2:18
   [1238]2:18-29   [1239]2:20   [1240]2:20   [1241]2:20   [1242]2:21
   [1243]2:22   [1244]2:22   [1245]2:23   [1246]2:23   [1247]2:23
   [1248]2:24   [1249]2:24   [1250]2:25   [1251]2:25   [1252]2:26
   [1253]2:26   [1254]2:26   [1255]2:26   [1256]2:26   [1257]2:26-27
   [1258]2:26-27   [1259]2:26-28   [1260]2:27   [1261]2:27   [1262]2:28
   [1263]2:28   [1264]2:28   [1265]2:29   [1266]3:1   [1267]3:1
   [1268]3:1   [1269]3:1   [1270]3:1   [1271]3:1   [1272]3:1   [1273]3:1
   [1274]3:1-6   [1275]3:2   [1276]3:3   [1277]3:3   [1278]3:4
   [1279]3:4   [1280]3:4-5   [1281]3:5   [1282]3:5   [1283]3:5
   [1284]3:5   [1285]3:5   [1286]3:5   [1287]3:5   [1288]3:5   [1289]3:5
   [1290]3:6   [1291]3:7   [1292]3:7   [1293]3:7-13   [1294]3:8
   [1295]3:8   [1296]3:8   [1297]3:9   [1298]3:10   [1299]3:11
   [1300]3:11   [1301]3:11   [1302]3:11   [1303]3:12   [1304]3:12
   [1305]3:12   [1306]3:12   [1307]3:12   [1308]3:12   [1309]3:12
   [1310]3:12   [1311]3:12   [1312]3:12   [1313]3:13   [1314]3:14
   [1315]3:14   [1316]3:14-22   [1317]3:15   [1318]3:15   [1319]3:15
   [1320]3:15   [1321]3:16   [1322]3:16   [1323]3:17   [1324]3:17
   [1325]3:17   [1326]3:17   [1327]3:18   [1328]3:18   [1329]3:18
   [1330]3:19   [1331]3:20   [1332]3:21   [1333]3:21   [1334]3:21
   [1335]3:21   [1336]3:21   [1337]3:21   [1338]3:21   [1339]3:21
   [1340]3:22   [1341]3:116   [1342]4:2   [1343]4:4   [1344]4:4
   [1345]4:4   [1346]4:4   [1347]4:5   [1348]4:6   [1349]4:9
   [1350]4:11   [1351]5:1   [1352]5:6   [1353]5:6   [1354]5:6
   [1355]5:7-9   [1356]5:8   [1357]5:9   [1358]5:9   [1359]5:9
   [1360]5:10   [1361]5:12   [1362]5:13   [1363]5:13   [1364]6:8
   [1365]6:8   [1366]6:9   [1367]6:10   [1368]6:11   [1369]6:13
   [1370]6:15   [1371]6:17   [1372]7:1   [1373]7:1   [1374]7:3
   [1375]7:3   [1376]7:9   [1377]7:9   [1378]7:9   [1379]7:9   [1380]7:9
   [1381]7:12   [1382]7:12   [1383]7:13   [1384]7:13   [1385]7:14
   [1386]7:14   [1387]7:14   [1388]8:2   [1389]8:2   [1390]8:2
   [1391]8:3   [1392]8:3   [1393]8:10   [1394]9:4   [1395]9:11
   [1396]9:20-21   [1397]10:1   [1398]10:1   [1399]10:3   [1400]10:11
   [1401]11:2   [1402]11:7   [1403]11:9   [1404]11:10   [1405]11:10
   [1406]11:12   [1407]11:13   [1408]11:17   [1409]11:18   [1410]12:3
   [1411]12:4   [1412]12:5   [1413]12:5   [1414]12:9   [1415]12:10
   [1416]12:11   [1417]13:1   [1418]13:8   [1419]13:8   [1420]13:8
   [1421]13:9   [1422]13:14   [1423]13:14   [1424]13:16-17   [1425]14:1
   [1426]14:1   [1427]14:3-4   [1428]14:6   [1429]14:7   [1430]14:12
   [1431]14:14   [1432]14:14   [1433]15:1   [1434]15:4   [1435]15:6
   [1436]15:7   [1437]16:5   [1438]16:5   [1439]16:6   [1440]16:9
   [1441]16:11   [1442]16:15   [1443]16:15   [1444]16:15   [1445]16:15
   [1446]16:21   [1447]17:5   [1448]17:9   [1449]17:10   [1450]17:14
   [1451]17:15   [1452]18:20   [1453]19:6   [1454]19:7-9   [1455]19:8
   [1456]19:8   [1457]19:8   [1458]19:11   [1459]19:11-12   [1460]19:12
   [1461]19:13   [1462]19:13   [1463]19:14   [1464]19:14   [1465]19:14
   [1466]19:15   [1467]19:15   [1468]19:15   [1469]19:15   [1470]19:16
   [1471]19:16   [1472]19:20   [1473]19:21   [1474]20:2   [1475]20:2
   [1476]20:4   [1477]20:4   [1478]20:4   [1479]20:4   [1480]20:4
   [1481]20:6   [1482]20:6   [1483]20:8   [1484]20:9   [1485]20:10
   [1486]20:11   [1487]20:11   [1488]20:13-14   [1489]20:14
   [1490]20:14   [1491]20:15   [1492]20:15   [1493]21:1   [1494]21:5
   [1495]21:6   [1496]21:6   [1497]21:7   [1498]21:8   [1499]21:8
   [1500]21:10   [1501]21:10   [1502]21:10   [1503]21:10-22:5
   [1504]21:11   [1505]21:15   [1506]21:18   [1507]21:21   [1508]21:22
   [1509]21:23   [1510]21:24   [1511]21:27   [1512]21:27   [1513]22:1
   [1514]22:2   [1515]22:2   [1516]22:2   [1517]22:3   [1518]22:3
   [1519]22:4   [1520]22:5   [1521]22:5   [1522]22:7   [1523]22:7
   [1524]22:7   [1525]22:12   [1526]22:12   [1527]22:12   [1528]22:13
   [1529]22:14   [1530]22:14   [1531]22:14   [1532]22:14   [1533]22:14
   [1534]22:16   [1535]22:16   [1536]22:16   [1537]22:18-19
   [1538]22:18-19   [1539]22:19   [1540]22:19   [1541]22:20
   [1542]22:20   [1543]22:20   [1544]22:20

   Tobit

   [1545]1:10-11   [1546]11:8   [1547]11:12   [1548]12:15

   Judith

   [1549]5:1

   Wisdom of Solomon

   [1550]3:7   [1551]3:8   [1552]5:17   [1553]9:4   [1554]18:15-16
   [1555]18:24   [1556]18:24

   1 Maccabees

   [1557]10:89   [1558]11:58   [1559]14:44

   2 Maccabees

   [1560]10:7

   2 Esdras

   [1561]2:12   [1562]2:42-47   [1563]2:43   [1564]2:47   [1565]7:53

   Sirach

   [1566]1:6   [1567]4:28   [1568]18:13   [1569]19:19   [1570]21:4
   [1571]27:8   [1572]48:7
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture Commentary

   Revelation

   [1573]1   [1574]1:4-20   [1575]2   [1576]2:1-7   [1577]2:8-11
   [1578]2:12-17   [1579]2:18-29   [1580]3   [1581]3:1-6   [1582]3:7-13
   [1583]3:14-22
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

     * alethinos: [1584]1
     * amphekes: [1585]1
     * tiktein = gennan: [1586]1
     * terein apo: [1587]1
     * agapesanti: [1588]1
     * agaponti: [1589]1
     * agonothetes: [1590]1
     * athleseos: [1591]1
     * alethes: [1592]1 [1593]2 [1594]3
     * alethinos: [1595]1 [1596]2 [1597]3 [1598]4
     * alethinos, pros antidiastolen skias kai tupou kai eikonos: [1599]1
     * amen: [1600]1
     * amiantos: [1601]1
     * amphistomos: [1602]1
     * anakaluphthesetai he aischune sou: [1603]1
     * anastasiimos hemera: [1604]1
     * anthropopathos: [1605]1
     * anougein: [1606]1
     * anti: [1607]1 [1608]2
     * antikosmos: [1609]1
     * antilutron: [1610]1
     * apo ho on kai ho en kai ho erchomenos: [1611]1
     * apo ho on k. t. l.: [1612]1
     * aparaiteton: [1613]1
     * aparche: [1614]1
     * apokalupsis: [1615]1
     * apokalupsis musteriou: [1616]1
     * apotassesthai pasi: [1617]1
     * apokeitai moi ho tes dikaiosunes stephanos: [1618]1
     * arche: [1619]1
     * arche teknon mou: [1620]1
     * arche: [1621]1 [1622]2
     * aster eothinos: [1623]1
     * aschemosunen: [1624]1
     * aphtharsias: [1625]1
     * apseudes: [1626]1
     * haplous: [1627]1
     * agalma tes Asias: [1628]1
     * agomen ten hemeran ten ogdoen eis euphrosunen: [1629]1
     * ampelos alethine: [1630]1
     * anthropoi men gar peras timorion einai nomizousi thanaton; en de to
       theio dikasterio mogis estin houtos arche: [1631]1
     * artos alethinos: [1632]1
     * aspis poderes: [1633]1
     * hagios: [1634]1 [1635]2
     * Abaddon: [1636]1
     * Antipas: [1637]1 [1638]2 [1639]3
     * Antipatros: [1640]1
     * Antichristos: [1641]1
     * Apolluon: [1642]1
     * ebastasas: [1643]1
     * egenomen: [1644]1
     * eklampsousi: [1645]1
     * ekptoseos: [1646]1
     * elencho kai paideuo: [1647]1
     * eleous axios: [1648]1
     * empodismos: [1649]1
     * en Haidou: [1650]1
     * en leuke estheti peripatounta, phaidron, kotino te estemmenon:
       [1651]1
     * en to noi: [1652]1
     * enthousiasmos: [1653]1
     * exastrapton: [1654]1
     * exousias sumbolon: [1655]1
     * epizonnuntai kata stethos: [1656]1
     * epistates: [1657]1
     * epitiman: [1658]1
     * epiphanes polis: [1659]1
     * epoiesa moi kepous kai paradeisous: [1660]1
     * epoiesen hemas basileian: [1661]1
     * ereunon: [1662]1
     * eremolaos: [1663]1
     * estin: [1664]1
     * etazon: [1665]1
     * eteresas: [1666]1
     * eteresas, ouk herneso: [1667]1
     * egnon de parodeusantas tinas ekeithen, echontas kaken didachen;
       ohos ouk eiasate speirai eis humas, busantes ta ota, eis to me
       paradexasthai ta speiromena hup' auton: [1668]1
     * elenchos: [1669]1 [1670]2 [1671]3 [1672]4 [1673]5
     * elenchos esti men ho me dunaton allos echein, all' houtos hos
       hemeis legomen: [1674]1
     * epesa: [1675]1
     * hexete: [1676]1
     * hechete: [1677]1
     * Elenchein: [1678]1
     * Eleeinos: [1679]1
     * Epei toinun, hosper eiretai, pollakis he parrhesia to therapeuomeno
       lupera huparchei, dei mimeisthai tous iatrous. oute gar ekeinoi
       temnontes, en to ponein kai algein kataleipousi to peponthos, all'
       enebrexan prosenos kai kateonesan; oote hoi nouthetountes asteios,
       to pikron kai dektikon prosbalontes apotrechousin, all' homiliais
       heterais kai logois epieikesin ekpra?nousi kai diacheousin: [1680]1
     * Ereunan: [1681]1
     * Ezesen: [1682]1
     * Echo Laida, ouk echomai hup' autes: [1683]1
     * Echo kata sou: [1684]1
     * he Pergamos: [1685]1
     * he tou thanatou arche kai rhiza tes hamartias: [1686]1
     * hemera kuriake: [1687]1 [1688]2
     * hemera kur]ake: [1689]1
     * es: [1690]1
     * idias epiluseos: [1691]1
     * hierothuton: [1692]1
     * hiereis: [1693]1
     * hina: [1694]1
     * hina peirasthete: [1695]1
     * Iesou Christou: [1696]1
     * Hierosoluma: [1697]1 [1698]2 [1699]3
     * Hierousalem: [1700]1 [1701]2 [1702]3
     * oliga: [1703]1
     * olumpionikai, hieronikai: [1704]1
     * oreichalkos: [1705]1
     * ophthalmo d' ara o? puri lampeton: [1706]1
     * opsonia: [1707]1
     * ho adelphos humon: [1708]1
     * ho apolouon te kai apoluon ton kakon: [1709]1
     * ho aster ho lampros ho proinos: [1710]1
     * ho Hagios: [1711]1
     * ho erchomenos: [1712]1 [1713]2
     * ho esomenos: [1714]1
     * ho heosphoros ho proi anatellon: [1715]1
     * ho echon: [1716]1 [1717]2
     * ho ophis ho archaios: [1718]1
     * ho Theos estin panton aitia kai arche: [1719]1
     * ho Theos de anarchos, arche ton holon panteles: [1720]1
     * ho dunamenos chorein choreito: [1721]1
     * ho zon: [1722]1
     * ho kardiognostes Theos: [1723]1
     * ho kraton: [1724]1 [1725]2
     * ho martus ho pistos: [1726]1 [1727]2
     * ho peri tous anthropous eros ton Theon ekenosen. ou gar kata choran
       menon kalei pros heauton, hon ephilese doulon, all' autos zetei
       katelthon, kai pros ten katagogen aphikneitai tou penetos ho
       plouton, kai proselthon di' heautou menuei ton pothon, kai zetei to
       ison, kai apaxiountos ouk aphistatai, kai pros ten hubrin ou
       duscherainei, kai diokomenos prosedreuei tais thurais, kai hina ton
       eronta deixe, panta poiei, kai odunomenos pherei kai apothneskei:
       [1728]1
     * ho prototokos ton nekron: [1729]1
     * homonoia: [1730]1
     * hopheilo: [1731]1
     * hos edidasken to Balak: [1732]1
     * onoma: [1733]1
     * ontos einai: [1734]1
     * oros: [1735]1
     * ho zon: [1736]1
     * hosios: [1737]1 [1738]2
     * hosous: [1739]1
     * Ho diabolos: [1740]1
     * Ophelon: [1741]1
     * husteron proteron: [1742]1
     * Hupomone: [1743]1
     * hos en tupo: [1744]1
     * hos ethos autois: [1745]1
     * hos legousi: [1746]1
     * hades: [1747]1 [1748]2
     * rhabdos: [1749]1
     * rhombaia: [1750]1
     * rhombaia barusideros: [1751]1
     * Rhomphaia: [1752]1
     * Aides: [1753]1
     * Diabolos: [1754]1
     * Doulos: [1755]1
     * Eidolothuton: [1756]1
     * Eithobalos: [1757]1
     * Zosimos: [1758]1
     * Theos Soter: [1759]1
     * Kopos: [1760]1
     * Kallipolis, he ano Kallipolis: [1761]1
     * Libanos: [1762]1
     * Luchnia: [1763]1
     * Menodoros: [1764]1
     * Menas: [1765]1
     * Molunein: [1766]1
     * Neapolis: [1767]1
     * Nikolaos: [1768]1
     * Nikomas: [1769]1
     * Nikomedes: [1770]1
     * Hoi de Theon timontes alethinon aenaonte Zoen kleronomousi ton
       aionos ?ronon, autoi Oikountes Paradeisou homos erithelea kepon,
       Dainumenoi glukun arton ap' ouranou asteroentos: [1771]1
     * Ouranopolis: [1772]1
     * Paideuein: [1773]1
     * Pantokrator: [1774]1
     * Pepuromenon ek puros = dokimazomenon dia puros: [1775]1
     * Poderes: [1776]1
     * Satanas: [1777]1
     * Skandalon: [1778]1 [1779]2
     * Talaiporos: [1780]1
     * Philagathos: [1781]1
     * Christos: [1782]1
     * O: [1783]1
     * a: [1784]1 [1785]2 [1786]3
     * aischune: [1787]1
     * hai men ampeloi dodekaphoroi eisi, kai kata mena ekaston
       karpophorousi: [1788]1
     * autos men oun Onesimos huperepainei humon ten en Theo eutaxian,
       hoti en humin oudemia hairesis katoikei; all' oude akouete tinos
       pleon eper Iesou Christou lalountos en aletheia: [1789]1
     * autoptes: [1790]1
     * autozoe: [1791]1
     * b: [1792]1
     * baros: [1793]1 [1794]2
     * basilis ton areton: [1795]1
     * basileian: [1796]1
     * bastazein: [1797]1 [1798]2 [1799]3
     * bebaioun: [1800]1
     * brabeion: [1801]1
     * buthos: [1802]1
     * g: [1803]1
     * geenna: [1804]1 [1805]2 [1806]3
     * ginou gregoron: [1807]1
     * genomenos en heauto: [1808]1
     * gnosis: [1809]1
     * d: [1810]1 [1811]2
     * dendron: [1812]1
     * distoma phasgana: [1813]1
     * distomos: [1814]1
     * doso: [1815]1 [1816]2 [1817]3
     * doso auto ten kleida oikou Dauid epi to omo autou, kai anoixei kai
       ouk estai ho apokleion, kai kleisei kai ouk estai ho anoigon:
       [1818]1
     * deuteros thanatos: [1819]1
     * dia tou hebdomatikou arithmou to mustikon ton hapantache ekklesion
       semainon.: [1820]1
     * diaboloi: [1821]1
     * diadema: [1822]1
     * diadema tou kallous: [1823]1
     * diakonia: [1824]1
     * didaskein: [1825]1 [1826]2
     * dikaiosunes kai chrestotetos stephanos: [1827]1
     * douloi: [1828]1
     * dokeis ta theon su xuneta nikesai pote, kai ten diken pou makr'
       apokeisthai broton; he d' engus estin, ouch horomene d' hora, hon
       chre kolazein t', oiden; all' ouk oistha su, hopotan aphno molousa
       diolese kakous: [1829]1
     * dokimazein: [1830]1 [1831]2
     * dokimastes ton kardion: [1832]1
     * e: [1833]1 [1834]2
     * eidolothuta: [1835]1
     * eidolothuton: [1836]1
     * eiloumenon kai henoumenon; dia touto Alpha kai O earetai;: [1837]1
     * eis Theon plouton: [1838]1
     * eies: [1839]1
     * euangelion tetragonon: [1840]1
     * zeontes to pneumati: [1841]1
     * zeo: [1842]1 [1843]2
     * zelos: [1844]1
     * zen apothneskonta aei, kai tropon tina thanaton athanaton
       hupomenein kai ateleuteton: [1845]1
     * zosa tethneke: [1846]1
     * z?loo: [1847]1
     * zeloson: [1848]1
     * zestos: [1849]1
     * zestos: [1850]1
     * zeleue: [1851]1
     * zeloun: [1852]1
     * thanatos: [1853]1
     * thoein: [1854]1
     * theia exallage ton eiothoton nomimon: [1855]1
     * theodromoi: [1856]1
     * theothuton: [1857]1
     * themelioun: [1858]1
     * theleuo: [1859]1
     * thlibein: [1860]1
     * thlipsis: [1861]1 [1862]2
     * thronos: [1863]1
     * thronos autou phlox puros: [1864]1
     * thuraulein: [1865]1
     * thureos: [1866]1
     * kopos: [1867]1 [1868]2 [1869]3 [1870]4 [1871]5 [1872]6 [1873]7
     * kopto: [1874]1
     * kosmos: [1875]1
     * kuklos gar ho Huios pason ton dunameon eis hen : [1876]1
     * kurios dunameon: [1877]1
     * kurios pantokrator: [1878]1
     * kai: [1879]1 [1880]2 [1881]3 [1882]4
     * kai ho erchomenos: [1883]1
     * kai gar kath? Haiden duo tribous nomizomen, mian dikaion, kateran
       asebon hodon.: [1884]1
     * kai ou kekopiakes: [1885]1
     * katharizein: [1886]1
     * katharismos: [1887]1
     * kaine ktisis, kainos anthropos, kainon himation: [1888]1
     * kainos: [1889]1
     * kaka: [1890]1
     * kakoi ergatai: [1891]1
     * kakoi: [1892]1 [1893]2
     * kalamiskoi: [1894]1
     * kategor: [1895]1
     * katabrabeueto humas: [1896]1
     * kekopiakas kai ou kekmekas: [1897]1
     * kekrummenon: [1898]1
     * kladoi: [1899]1
     * kleptes: [1900]1
     * klibanos: [1901]1
     * kledouchos: [1902]1
     * kothornous: [1903]1
     * kopiao: [1904]1 [1905]2 [1906]3
     * kopian: [1907]1
     * kopiontes kai pephortismenoi: [1908]1
     * krouei epi ten thuran: [1909]1
     * krouo: [1910]1
     * krupton: [1911]1
     * kuriake: [1912]1
     * kuriakon deipnon: [1913]1
     * libanos: [1914]1
     * limne tou puros: [1915]1
     * luein: [1916]1
     * lutron: [1917]1 [1918]2
     * luchnion: [1919]1
     * luchnos: [1920]1
     * lestes: [1921]1
     * lampros: [1922]1 [1923]2
     * lampra: [1924]1
     * leuka himatia: [1925]1
     * leuke hemera: [1926]1
     * leukon himar: [1927]1
     * leukos thronos: [1928]1
     * leukos: [1929]1 [1930]2 [1931]3 [1932]4
     * leuke: [1933]1
     * libanochalkos: [1934]1
     * louein: [1935]1
     * louein en to haimati: [1936]1 [1937]2
     * loutron: [1938]1
     * lousanti: [1939]1 [1940]2 [1941]3 [1942]4
     * luchnia: [1943]1
     * lusanti: [1944]1 [1945]2 [1946]3 [1947]4
     * lusas tas odinas tou thanatou: [1948]1
     * martures: [1949]1
     * martus alethinos: [1950]1
     * machaira: [1951]1
     * machaira distomos: [1952]1
     * megas: [1953]1
     * megas tes aphtharsias stephanos: [1954]1
     * mello se emesai: [1955]1
     * me phanerothe: [1956]1
     * mogis: [1957]1
     * morphosis: [1958]1
     * mochthos: [1959]1
     * murrha: [1960]1
     * mastugoun: [1961]1
     * megalorrhemosunai: [1962]1
     * meta ton nephelon: [1963]1
     * miasmata: [1964]1
     * miainein: [1965]1
     * misthapodotes: [1966]1
     * misoponeros: [1967]1 [1968]2
     * misoponeria: [1969]1
     * molusmos: [1970]1
     * molusmoi: [1971]1
     * mou: [1972]1
     * musterion: [1973]1 [1974]2
     * muopazontes: [1975]1
     * muopazon: [1976]1
     * nea: [1977]1
     * nun de akoue tauta, he truphera he kathemene, he pepoithuia, he
       legousa en kardia autes, Ego eimi; kai ouk estin hetera, k. t. l:
       [1978]1
     * nai: [1979]1
     * neaniskos: [1980]1
     * nekros ei: [1981]1
     * nephele photeine: [1982]1
     * nikan: [1983]1 [1984]2
     * nikan ton kosmon, nikan ton poneron: [1985]1
     * nikan ton laon: [1986]1
     * xulon: [1987]1
     * xustarches: [1988]1
     * oikonomos: [1989]1
     * hoi phaskontes heautous Nikolao hepesthai: [1990]1
     * ou dune bastasai: [1991]1
     * ou me exaleipso: [1992]1
     * ousia athanatos, ou metousia: [1993]1
     * oun: [1994]1
     * paredroi: [1995]1
     * pelekus distomos: [1996]1
     * polis seismon pleres: [1997]1
     * pulai Haidou: [1998]1
     * purosis: [1999]1
     * pas: [2000]1
     * poros: [2001]1
     * pagis: [2002]1
     * paideia: [2003]1 [2004]2 [2005]3 [2006]4
     * paideuein: [2007]1 [2008]2
     * paideutike energeia: [2009]1
     * pantokrator: [2010]1 [2011]2
     * para Soi pege zoes: [2012]1
     * paradeisos: [2013]1 [2014]2
     * peira: [2015]1
     * peirazein: [2016]1 [2017]2 [2018]3
     * peirasthete: [2019]1
     * peirasmoi: [2020]1
     * pepleromena: [2021]1 [2022]2
     * pistos: [2023]1 [2024]2 [2025]3
     * pistoi: [2026]1
     * pleroun: [2027]1
     * plerousthai: [2028]1
     * plousios: [2029]1
     * ploutizein: [2030]1
     * pneuma Theou: [2031]1
     * poderes: [2032]1 [2033]2 [2034]3 [2035]4
     * poderes enduma: [2036]1
     * poimainein: [2037]1 [2038]2
     * poimaneis: [2039]1
     * poimaneis autous: [2040]1
     * politeuma en ouranois: [2041]1
     * politeia: [2042]1 [2043]2
     * poneros: [2044]1
     * pros to paron: [2045]1
     * prote tes Asias: [2046]1
     * proestotes: [2047]1 [2048]2
     * proestoti: [2049]1
     * propaideia: [2050]1
     * prot. ek t. nekron: [2051]1
     * ptuein, kataptuein: [2052]1
     * sunthronos: [2053]1
     * sabaoth: [2054]1
     * skandalon: [2055]1
     * skandalon = proskomma: [2056]1
     * skandalethron: [2057]1
     * skandalizein = proskoptein: [2058]1
     * skandalizo: [2059]1
     * skandalethrizo: [2060]1
     * skene alethine: [2061]1
     * smurna: [2062]1
     * sou: [2063]1 [2064]2
     * spiloi: [2065]1
     * stephanoi: [2066]1
     * stephanos: [2067]1 [2068]2
     * stephanos kallous: [2069]1
     * stilbon: [2070]1
     * stomata machairas: [2071]1
     * stelai: [2072]1
     * stuloi: [2073]1 [2074]2
     * sterizein: [2075]1
     * stolas leukas: [2076]1
     * stole doxes: [2077]1
     * stration: [2078]1
     * sumphonia : [2079]1
     * sunagoge: [2080]1
     * ta aschemona: [2081]1
     * ta eschata pleiona ton proton: [2082]1
     * ta eschata cheirona ton proton: [2083]1
     * ta loipa: [2084]1
     * teleia: [2085]1
     * to Pergamos: [2086]1
     * ton ophin ton archaion: [2087]1
     * ton drakonta: [2088]1
     * ten gunaika sou: [2089]1
     * to angelo: [2090]1
     * tais ennoiais embateuon: [2091]1
     * talapeirios: [2092]1
     * tetagmenoi eis zoen: [2093]1
     * tereso: [2094]1
     * terein ek: [2095]1
     * tlao: [2096]1
     * tous loipous: [2097]1
     * tou Theou mou: [2098]1
     * tuphlos: [2099]1
     * huios Theou: [2100]1
     * phos alethinon: [2101]1
     * phanerousthai: [2102]1
     * phortion: [2103]1
     * phosphoros: [2104]1
     * charisma: [2105]1
     * chiton: [2106]1
     * chairein: [2107]1
     * chalkos: [2108]1
     * chalkolibanon: [2109]1
     * chalkolibanos: [2110]1 [2111]2 [2112]3 [2113]4 [2114]5 [2115]6
       [2116]7
     * chruso bio chrusen koronen epitheinai: [2117]1
     * psephoi sozousai: [2118]1
     * psephos: [2119]1 [2120]2 [2121]3
     * psephos daktulike: [2122]1
     * psephos leuke: [2123]1
     * o: [2124]1 [2125]2
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Hebrew Words and Phrases

     * vl: [2126]1
     * lbn: [2127]1
     * m: [2128]1
     * svt: [2129]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Latin Words and Phrases

     * "Me receptet Sion illa,: [2130]1
     * Cujus muri lapis vivus, : [2131]1
     * æternitas a parte ante: [2132]1
     * æternitas a parte post: [2133]1
     * Ad innuendam clarius perpetuitatem actûs et curam Christi contra
       conatus oppositos Satanæ.: [2134]1
     * Agnes: [2135]1
     * Angelo Ecclesiæ Ephesi scribe; Quod si de Angelo superiorum coe
       lorum, et non de præpositis Ecclesiæ vellet intelligi, non
       consequenter diceret: Sed habeo adversum te, quod caritatem primam
       reliquisti. Hoc de superioribius Angelis dici non potest, qui
       perpetuam retinent caritatem, unde qui defecerunt et lapsi sunt,
       diabolus est et angeli ejus.: [2136]1
     * Ante omnia, fratres, hoc in nomine Domini et admonemus quantum
       possumus et præcipimus, ut quando auditis exponi sacramentum
       Scripturæ narrantis quæ gesta sunt, prius illud quod lectum est
       credatur sic gestum quomodo lectum est, ne subtracto fundamento rei
       gestæ, quasi in aëre quæratis ædificare.: [2137]1
     * Apte ergo illa satietas celestis gloriæ manna [absconditum?]
       vocatur, quia juxta Pauli vocem nec oculus vidit, nec in cor
       hominis ascendit, quæ præparavit Deus diligentibus se.: [2138]1
     * Asiæ lumen: [2139]1
     * Asia vestra: [2140]1
     * Attamen ut Ecclesias has agnoscamus pro typicis, sive
       significantibus ex Dei intentione alias Ecclesias aliorum locorum
       et temporum, oportet nos a Deo doceri. Typos enim, non magis quam
       allegorias, pro lubitu nostro in Scripturam inferre licet, cum non
       sit idias epiluseos: [2141]1
     * Aurum in figuris et symbolicis locutionibus significat id quod est
       omnium optimum, quod omnia perficit, et a nullo perficitur; sed in
       se est perfectissimum et purissimum, nullique mutationi obnoxium;
       quemadmodum aurum omnium metallorum perfectissimum est, et ab
       alliis non perficitur; sed quibus accedit ea perficit, et nec
       temporis, nec ignis, omnium destructoris violentiam injuriamque
       sentit.: [2142]1
     * Bis acutus duobus Testamentis, legis antiquæ, et legis novæ:
       [2143]1
     * Cantico nunquam utuntur Scriptores Novi Testamenti: [2144]1
     * Clavem Davidis vocat, quia ea regia clavis, et is tempore
       ministerii sui clausit et aperuit, typum Christi gerens: [2145]1
     * Deleantur de libro viventiumn, et cum justis non scribantur, non
       sic accipere debemus quod quemquam Deus scribat in libro vitæ;, et
       deleat illum; si homo dixit, Quod scripsi scripsi, Deus quemquam
       scribit et delet? . . Isti ergo quomodo inde delentur, ubi nunquam
       scripti sunt? Hoc dictum est secundum spem ipsorum, quia ibi se
       scriptos putabunt: [2146]1
     * Dicis quod sum dives et locupletatus, sive videlicet per scientiæ
       cognitionem, sive per Scripturæ prædicationem, sive per secularis
       eloquentiæ nitorem, sive per sacramentorum administrationem, sive
       per pontificialis apicis dignitatem, sive per vulgi laudem inanem.:
       [2147]1
     * Dies nobis Signandi melioribus lapillis: [2148]1
     * Dignitas hic notat proportionem, et congruentiam, quæ erat inter
       statum gratiæ quo fuerant in his terris, et gloriæ quam Dominus
       ipsis decreverat, æstimandam, ex ipsâ lege gratiæ.: [2149]1
     * Discus qui quatuor lineis continebatur orbis terrarum crat in
       quatuor partibus. Has quatuor partes sæpe Scriptura commemorat,
       orientem et occidentem, aquilonem et meridiem. Ideo quia totus
       orbis per Evangelium vocabatur, quatuor Evangelia conscripta sunt.:
       [2150]1
     * Dominica solemnia: [2151]1
     * Dominus non nisi ob antiquitatem veritatis in Apocalypsi albo
       capite apparuit: [2152]1
     * Ducit autem phrasis nos manifeste ad cogitandum de mannâ illo, quod
       ex jussu Dei in urnâ reponendum erat in sacratissimo Tabernaculi
       conclavi, per divinam providentiam ab omni corruptione
       præservandum; . . . . quod manna vere symbolum fuit Christi virtute
       obedientiæ suæ in coe lum translati, et ibi delitescentis, usque
       quo Ecclesia ipsius luctam suam in his terris absolverit.: [2153]1
     * Eas [profanas epulas] si quis generosâ fidei constantiâ, una cum
       omnibus blandientis seculi deliciis atque illiciis fortiter
       spreverit, sciat se satiatum iri suavissimis divinæ tam gratiæ quam
       gloriæ epulis, quorum suavitatem nemo rite æstimare novit, nisi qui
       gustavit. Propterea autem mannæ absconditæ: [2154]1
     * Ego sum primus et novissimus. Primus per creationem, novissimus per
       retributionem. Primus, quia ante me non est formatus Deus;
       novissimus, quia post me alius non erit. Primus, quia a me sunt
       omnia; novissimus, quia ad me sunt omnia; a me principio, ad me
       finem. Primus, quia Ego sum causa originis; novissimus, quia Ego
       judex et finis.: [2155]1
     * Eleganter opponuntur: ou dune bastasai: [2156]1
     * Erit perpetuus heres æternorumn bonorum, nec ullius ekptoseos:
       [2157]1
     * Et a septem Spiritibus, id est, a septiformi Spiritu, qui simplex
       quidem est per naturam, septiformis per gratiam: [2158]1
     * Et fecit nos regnum: [2159]1
     * Filius meus es Tu, Ego hodie genui Te; non ad Virginis partum,
       neque ad eam quæ ante tempora est generationem, sed ad primogenitum
       ex mortuis pertinere apostolica auctoritas est: [2160]1
     * Flagellat, inquit, omnem filium quem recipit. Et tu forte exceptus
       eris? Si exceptus a passione fiagellorum, exceptus a numero
       filiorum.: [2161]1
     * Forte utilius videatur obtineri animam a carne, quam residere in
       suis propriis voluntatibus. Namque quoniam nec calida dicitur esse,
       nec frigida, sed in medio quodam tepore perdurans, tardam et satis
       difficilem conversionem poterit invenire. Si vero carni adhæreat,
       ex his ipsis interdum malis quæ ex carnis vitiis patitur, satiata
       aliquando et repleta, velut gravissimis oneribus luxuriæ ac
       libidinis fatigata, facilius et velocius converti a materialibus
       sordibus ad coe lestium desiderium et spiritualem gratiam potest.:
       [2162]1
     * Habet enim divina institutio Scripturæ instar augusti palatii, in
       quo ordine consideant innumeri seniores, qui viritim admissum novum
       discipulum erudiant, a collegis suis dicta confirment, roborent,
       explicent, illustrent, nunc fusius dicta contrahant, nunc
       contractiora diffundant et diducant, generalius dicta distinguant,
       distincta generatim innuant, regulas exemplis fulciant, exempla in
       regulis judicent, ita ut omnium de eâdem re agentium dictorum is
       sensus accipi debeat, qui est ullius, et qui nulli refragetur, et
       plena institutio ea demum censeri quæ omnium virorum Dei sit vox,
       sumphonia : [2163]1
     * Hic totum quod prophetabatur eluxit agnoscentibus numerum
       septenarium quo est universa Ecclesiæ significata perfectio.
       Propter quod et Johannes Apostolus ad septem scribit Ecclesias, eo
       modo se ostendens ad unius plenitudinem scribere: [2164]1
     * Honestatis aut utilitatis causâ rerum arduarum ac difficilium
       voluntaria ac diuturna perpessio: [2165]1
     * Hujus spiritualis et occulti mannæ sapor latet in occulto, nisi
       gustando sentiatur.: [2166]1
     * II. Quia mundanorum hominum nemo dulcedinem hujus novit : [2167]1
     * III. Quia communio ista non in diem est, uti manna quotidiana, sed
       perpetua, uti illa quæ seposita coram Domino a putrefactione et
       vermibus immunis erat (Joh. vi. 27: [2168]1
     * Illo orante [Acts x. 10: [2169]1
     * Imago regis hostes suos facillimâ operâ conterentis et
       dispergentis.: [2170]1
     * In ratione bene consideratâ stabilis et perpetua mansio: [2171]1
     * In tribulatione fidelibus maxime hic liber sapit. Asiatica
       Ecclesia, præsertim a floridissimo Constantini tempore, minus magni
       æstimavit hunc librum. Africana Ecclesia, cruci magis obnoxia,
       semper hunc librum plurimi fecit.: [2172]1
     * Latet ultimus dies, ut observetur omnis dies.: [2173]1
     * Libanus pro monte quolibet, fortasse quod Libanus dederit ejusmodi
       genus metalli: [2174]1
     * Magna promissio, magnum donum: hoc promittit, hoc tribuit, quod
       Ipse accepit.: [2175]1
     * Mali moris est sensum in S. Scripturam inferre: [2176]1
     * Mentis alienatio a sensibus corporis, ut spiritus hominis divino
       Spiritu assumptus capiendis atque intuendis imaginibus vacet.:
       [2177]1
     * Mos erat antiquns, niveis atrisque lapillis, His damnare reos,
       illis absolvere culpæ.: [2178]1
     * Myrrha itaque nobis hic symbolice figurat graviores Ecclesiæ
       afflictiones, amaras: [2179]1
     * Non temere Johannes in Evangelio omnibus locis scribit Hierosoluma:
       [2180]1
     * Notat commodam Evangelii prædicandi occasionem.: [2181]1
     * Notatur vis verbi in conscientiam: [2182]1
     * Nullibi id dicunt [antiqui] quod viri isti eruditi volunt,
       quibuscum hæc nobis instituta disputatio est; nimirum proprie,
       literaliter atque ex intentione Spiritûs Sancti verbis harum
       Epistolarum delineari, non quod Johannis tempore in Asiæ Ecclesiis
       agebatur, sed quod in universali Ecclesiâ septem temporum periodis
       ordine succedentibus futurum erat. Id non liquet antiquorum ulli
       vel in mentem venisse.: [2183]1
     * Observandum est illum arguere: [2184]1
     * Omnia purgat ignis edax, vitiumque metalli Excoquit.: [2185]1
     * Omnino igitur existimo Spiritum S. sub typo et emblemate septem
       Ecclesiarum Asiæ nobis mystice et prophetice voluisse depingere
       septema variantes status Ecclesiæ Christianæ, quibus successive
       conspiceretur usque ad adventum Domini et omnium rerum finem,
       phrasibus desumptis a nominibus, conditione et attributis ipsarum
       illarum Ecclesiarum Asiæ nobiliorum, quæ ad hunc usum et scopum
       sapienter adhibuit; sic tamen ut ipsæ illæ Ecclesiæ Asianæ simul in
       hoc speculo se ipsas videre, suasque tam virtutes quam vitia ex
       illis epistolis cognoscere, et quæ in iis sunt admonitiones et
       exhortationes ad se ipsas quoque referre et applicare possent;
       quippe quod summa suadet jubetque ratio. Quod enim alterius rei
       typum et figuram sustinebit symbolicam, ita affectum esse oportet
       ut attributa subjecti analogi in ipsâ illâ re figurante omnium
       primo demonstrari possint.: [2186]1
     * Partes hujus libri passim inter se respiciunt. Omnino structura
       libri hujus prorsus artem divinam spirat; estque ejus quodam modo
       proprium, ut res futuras multas, et in multitudine varias,
       proximas, intermedias, remotissimas, maximas, minimas, terribiles,
       salutares, ex veteribus prophetis repetitas, novas, longas, breves,
       easque inter se contextas, oppositas, compositas, seque mutuo
       involventes et evolventes, ad se invicem ex intervallo parvo aut
       magno respicientes, adeoque interdum quasi disparentes, abruptas,
       suspensas, et postea de improviso opportunissime sub conspectum
       redeuntes, absoluto compendio complectatur; atque his rebus, quæ
       complectitur liber, structura libri exacte respondet. Itaque in
       omnibus suis partibus admirabilem habet varietatem, spirasque
       pulcerrimas, simulque summam harmoniam, per ipsas anomalias, quæ
       illam interpellare videntur, valde illustratam.: [2187]1
     * Phrasis nata haud dubie in scholâ sanctorum virorum qui fidem et
       spem Ecclesiæ post reditum ex exilio Babylonico explicarunt.:
       [2188]1
     * Primogenitus ideo dicitur quia nullus ante Ipsum non moriturus
       surrexit.: [2189]1
     * Quæ Eliakimo promittitur prærogativa dignitatis, fore ut claves
       gerens Domûs Davidis clauderet et aperiret solus, et omnis ab eo
       suspenderetur sarcina et decus Domûs Davidis (in quam hic cadit
       emphasis): tam magnifice et ample dictum est, ut plus dixisse
       videretur Propheta quam debebat, si id in aliquo subjecto
       nobiliore, cujus Eliakimus typum gerere poterat, olim illustrius
       non consequeretur exemplum. Certe sunt verbi prophetici recessus
       profundi.: [2190]1
     * Quæ beneficia Dominus vult ut emant, h. e. secundum conditiones
       foederis gratiæ pro iis expendant pretium abnegationis sui ipsius
       et mundanarum cupiditatum; quod hic non habet rationem meriti, sed
       tamen pretii, quia in regeneratione homo allis quibusdam, rebus
       sibi hactenus caris renunciat, ut pretioso dono justitiæ Christi
       potiatur.: [2191]1
     * Quam exigit [fidelitatem] usque ad mortem, non tam terminum
       temporis notans, quanquam et ad metæ nostræ finem sit
       perseverandum, quam quidem gradum mali, in quo fidelitas nostra
       demonstranda est, ut mortem ipsam in causâ fidei et pietatis subire
       non detractemus.: [2192]1
     * Qui enim adhuc in peccatis est, conversionis fiduciam non amittit.
       Qui vero post conversionem tepuit, et spem, quæ esse potuit de
       peccatore, subtraxit. Aut calidus ergo quisque esse, aut frigidus
       quæritur, ne tepidus evomatur, ut videlicet aut necdum conversus,
       adhuc de se spem conversionis præbeat, aut jam conversus in
       virtutibus inardescat.: [2193]1
     * Qui gladius utrâque parte dicitur acutus, quia in Veteri Testamento
       amputavit vitia carnalia, in Novo etiam spiritualia. Utrâque parte
       acutus est, quia qui foris in nobis amputat luxuriam carnis, intus
       resecat malitiam cordis. Utrâque parte acutus est, quia in his qui
       contemnunt que præcepit, corpus et animam punit. Utrâque parte
       acutus est, quia malos et a bonis discernit, et singulis quod
       merentur reddit.: [2194]1
     * Quomodo Deus non est, qui dat Spiritum Sanctum? Immo quantus Dens
       est, qui dat Deum?: [2195]1
     * Recte præmisit, in tribulatione: [2196]1
     * Reges eos in virgâ ferreâ; quanquam ipsum reges: [2197]1
     * Secundum ea quæ Johannes in Apocalypsi scribit, unicuique Ecclesiæ
       generaliter Angelus præest, qui vel collaudatur pro bene gestis
       populi, vel etiam pro delictis ejus culpatur. In quo etiam stupendi
       mysterii admiratione permoveor, quod intantum Deo cura de nobis
       est, ut etiam Angelos suos culpari pro nobis et confutari patiatur.
       Sic enim cum pædagogo traditur puer, si forte minus dignis, nec
       secundum paternam nobilitatem imbutus appareat disciplinis,
       continuo culpa ad pædagogum refertur, nec ita puer a patre ut
       pædagogus arguitur.: [2198]1
     * Si audacter expedit loqui Scripturarum sensum sequenti, per
       singulas Ecclesias bini sunt Episcopi, alius visibilis, alius
       invisibilis; ille visui carnis, hic sensui patens. Et quomodo homo,
       si commissam sibi dispensationem bene egerit, laudatur a Domino, si
       male culpæ et vitio subjacet, sic et Angelus.: [2199]1
     * Sic et duas Græciæ litteras summam et ultimam sibi induit Dominus,
       initii et finis concurrentium in se figuras; uti quemadmodum a:
       [2200]1
     * Significant perspicaciam divinæ et puræ mentis omnia arcana
       pervadentis: [2201]1
     * Significat hoc iram aparaiteton: [2202]1
     * Sub earum nomine tacite comprehendit et alias Ecclesias, quia earum
       status et qualitates ad septem quasi genera possunt revocari,
       quorum exemplum præbent illæ Asiatiæ.: [2203]1
     * Testis fidelis, quia de omnibus quæ per Eum testificanda erant in
       mundo testimonium fidele perhibuit. Testis fidelis, quia quæcunque
       audivit a Patre fideliter discipulis suis nota fecit. Testis
       fidelis, quia viam Dei in veritate docuit, nec Ei cura de aliquo
       fuit, nec personas hominum respexit. Testis fidelis, quia reprobis
       damnationem, et electis salvationem nunciavit. Testis fidelis, quia
       veritatem quam verbis docuit, miraculis confirmavit. Testis
       fidelis, quia testimonium Sibi a Patre nec in morte negavit. Testis
       fidelis, quia de operibus malorum et bonorum in die judicii
       testimonium verum dabit.: [2204]1
     * Titulos sibi sumit [Christus] qui præsenti rerum conditioni
       conveniunt. Unde varium suæ gloriæ radium in singulis Epistolis
       spargit, pro variâ fortunâ quâ sunt Ecclesiæ.: [2205]1
     * Tot tantæque sunt pastorum obligationes, ut qui vel tertiam earum
       partem reipsâ impleret, sanctus ab hominibus haberetur; cum tamen
       eo solo contentus, gehennam non esset evasurus: [2206]1
     * Unde et septem Ecclesiis scribit Johannes Apostolus, ut unam
       Catholicam, septiformis gratiæ plenam Spiritu designaret: [2207]1
     * Urna mannæ reposita, intellectus Verbi Dei subtilis et dulcis.:
       [2208]1
     * Ut autem unam et eandem omnipotentiam Patris ac Filii esse
       cognoscas, audi hoc modo Joannem in Apocalypsi dicentem, Haec dicit
       Dominus Deus, qui est, et qui erat, et qui venturus est,
       omnipotens. Qui enim venturus est, quis est alius nisi Christus?:
       [2209]1
     * Ut tamen verum fatear, probabile videri possit Dominum orationem
       suam hoc loco ita temperâsse, ut non ad simplicem aliquem ritum,
       apud Græcos receptum, hic loci alluserit, sed phrasin suam mutuatus
       sit a duobus illis ritibus supra commemoratis, inter se compositis,
       qui licet diversi fuerint generis, in tertio tamen, quod dicitur,
       inter se conveniebant.: [2210]1
     * Ut tentemini; non simplici probatione constantiæ, quo pacto Deus
       tentat suos, sed incitatione ad malum et infidelitatem, quo pacto
       Deus neminem tentat.: [2211]1
     * Vera et solida fides, quæ sustinere possit afflictiones.: [2212]1
     * Verba hæc manifeste respiciunt historiam Bileami: in quâ habemus,
       primo quidem, Angelum Domini stricto ense: [2213]1
     * Vestimenta alba, h. e. justitiam Christi, verâ fide acceptam, quæ
       nos obtegat quâ parte nudi, id est, expositi sumus ardenti iræ Dei;
       tum quoque habitus Christianarum virtutum, quæ faciunt ut quis cum
       fiduciâ absque pudore coram Deo et sanctis ausit comparere, inter
       quas eminent caritas, simplicitas, humilitas et zelus.: [2214]1
     * Vita damnatorum mors est: [2215]1
     * Vitalis: [2216]1
     * Vult ergo semper introire; sed a nobis ne introeat excluditur. Ipse
       quidem semper ut illuminet promptus est; sed lumen sibi domus ipsa
       obseratis aditibus excludit. Quæ si coe perit patere, illico
       introibit, modo solis, qui clausis fenestræ valvis introire,
       prohibetur, patentibus vero totus immittitur. Est enim Verbum Dei
       Sol justitiæ, adsistens unicuique ut introeat, nec moratur lucem
       suam repertis aditibus infundere.: [2217]1
     * abhorrere ab aliquâ re: [2218]1
     * absconditum: [2219]1
     * accipiat: [2220]1
     * acre: [2221]1
     * albare: [2222]1
     * albati et palmis victoriæ insignes: [2223]1
     * albus: [2224]1 [2225]2
     * apponere frigidam or calidam: [2226]1
     * auferat: [2227]1
     * aurea atque gemmata in terris Jerusalem: [2228]1
     * aurichalcum: [2229]1
     * aurum: [2230]1
     * beatæ vitæ; magna secreta: [2231]1
     * beata necessitas boni: [2232]1
     * benigna talio: [2233]1
     * coelo nitidissimus alto: [2234]1
     * candens: [2235]1
     * candeo: [2236]1
     * candidus: [2237]1 [2238]2
     * castus: [2239]1 [2240]2
     * causa regnandi: [2241]1
     * celeberrima urbs: [2242]1
     * cinctæque ad pectora: [2243]1
     * conditio sine quâ non: [2244]1
     * conspuere: [2245]1
     * contentiosa solemnia et superstitiosa certamina Græcarum et
       religionum et voluptatum: [2246]1
     * dativus commodi: [2247]1
     * docens omnes: [2248]1
     * ecclesia pressa: [2249]1
     * eruditionem et pietatem non vulgarem spirat: [2250]1
     * et lavit: [2251]1
     * et qui venturus est: [2252]1
     * et sic sume : [2253]1
     * falsarius: [2254]1
     * ferveo: [2255]1
     * gratia irresistibilis: [2256]1
     * gravis, ornata et locuples civitas: [2257]1
     * hoc loco et infra: [2258]1
     * immo ne ipsi fideles quidem antequam experiantur: [2259]1
     * in asperrimas insularum: [2260]1
     * in extremis: [2261]1
     * incipiam: [2262]1
     * initium: [2263]1
     * inquinare: [2264]1
     * jus et fas: [2265]1
     * latens manna: [2266]1
     * lectum: [2267]1
     * locus classicus: [2268]1
     * longe clarissimum Asiæ Pergamum: [2269]1
     * luctum: [2270]1
     * lusus: [2271]1
     * lux: [2272]1
     * maculare: [2273]1
     * mordacia: [2274]1
     * nequaquam: [2275]1
     * niteo: [2276]1
     * niviteo: [2277]1
     * nix: [2278]1
     * no nomen et omen: [2279]1
     * occultatum: [2280]1
     * occultum: [2281]1
     * ori: [2282]1
     * paradisus: [2283]1 [2284]2
     * parte ante: [2285]1
     * patientia: [2286]1
     * per molestias erudire: [2287]1
     * perseverentia: [2288]1
     * poderis: [2289]1
     * prædicatio Evangelii: [2290]1
     * primus inter pares: [2291]1
     * principium: [2292]1
     * principium principians: [2293]1
     * principium principiatum: [2294]1
     * quæ [Ecclesiæ] utique universalis Ecclesiæ personam gerunt: [2295]1
     * quæ huc usque tibi mansere virtutes: [2296]1
     * qui absorpsit populum: [2297]1
     * reconditum: [2298]1
     * reges: [2299]1
     * repudiare: [2300]1
     * respuere: [2301]1
     * revixit: [2302]1
     * rumpia: [2303]1
     * tertium comparationis: [2304]1 [2305]2
     * tessera: [2306]1 [2307]2
     * ut potentissimum in conculcandis hostibus: [2308]1
     * utinam: [2309]1
     * verax: [2310]1
     * vere cæcutientes, qui profunda Bythi adinvenisse se dicunt: [2311]1
     * verus: [2312]1
     * vestes vitæ;: [2313]1
     * vestis talaris: [2314]1
     * via regni: [2315]1
     * viridarium: [2316]1
     * vita non vitalis: [2317]1
     * vivarium: [2318]1
     * vixit: [2319]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of German Words and Phrases

     * Das Gewicht der Vorstellungen selbst durchbricht die Schranken der
       regelrechten Form; die abrupte Redeweise hebt die gewaltige
       Selbstindigkeit aller drei Prädicate.: [2320]1
     * Die alIgemeine Heiligkeit der Siebenzahl haben die Alten schon in
       allen Beziehungen bemerkt.: [2321]1
     * Jerusalem, du hochgebaute Stadt: [2322]1
     * Kranz: [2323]1
     * Krone: [2324]1
     * Sardes: [2325]1
     * Stadt Gottes, deren diamantnen Ring: [2326]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Pages of the Print Edition

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   [2558]232  [2559]233  [2560]234  [2561]235  [2562]236  [2563]237
   [2564]238  [2565]239  [2566]240  [2567]241  [2568]242  [2569]243
   [2570]244  [2571]245  [2572]246  [2573]247  [2574]248  [2575]249
   [2576]250  [2577]251  [2578]252  [2579]253  [2580]254  [2581]255
   [2582]256  [2583]257  [2584]258  [2585]259  [2586]260  [2587]261
   [2588]262  [2589]263  [2590]264  [2591]265  [2592]266  [2593]267
   [2594]268  [2595]269  [2596]270  [2597]271  [2598]272  [2599]273
   [2600]274  [2601]275  [2602]276  [2603]277  [2604]278  [2605]279
   [2606]280  [2607]281  [2608]282  [2609]283  [2610]284  [2611]285
   [2612]286  [2613]287  [2614]288  [2615]289  [2616]290  [2617]291
   [2618]292  [2619]293  [2620]294  [2621]295  [2622]296  [2623]297
   [2624]298  [2625]299  [2626]300  [2627]301  [2628]302  [2629]303
   [2630]304  [2631]305  [2632]306  [2633]307  [2634]308  [2635]309
   [2636]310  [2637]311  [2638]312
     __________________________________________________________________

            This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal
               Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org,
                   generated on demand from ThML source.

References

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   3. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=3#iii.i-p77.1
   4. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=8#iii.ii-p42.7
   5. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=9#iii.ii-p37.1
   6. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=9#iii.ii-p42.1
   7. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=17#iii.i-p57.3
   8. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=1#iii.ii-p42.7
   9. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=7#iii.viii-p21.25
  10. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=8#iii.i-p54.2
  11. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=19#iii.viii-p34.3
  12. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=21#iii.viii-p21.25
  13. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=22#iii.ii-p38.1
  14. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=4&scrV=15#iii.i-p78.19
  15. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=4&scrV=24#iii.i-p78.19
  16. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=6&scrV=5#iii.vii-p3.12
  17. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=8&scrV=21#iii.vii-p3.12
  18. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=17&scrV=12#iii.i-p78.1
  19. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=18&scrV=25#iii.vi-p12.8
  20. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=19&scrV=24#iii.i-p42.5
  21. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=21&scrV=20#iii.i-p78.3
  22. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=22&scrV=1#iii.iii-p13.10
  23. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=24&scrV=55#iii.iii-p15.8
  24. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=25&scrV=34#iii.vii-p13.1
  25. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=27&scrV=36#iii.vii-p13.1
  26. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=31&scrV=35#iii.v-p12.10
  27. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=31&scrV=41#iii.iii-p15.5
  28. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=37&scrV=3#iii.i-p39.10
  29. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=38&scrV=31#iii.vi-p13.9
  30. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=41&scrV=26#iii.i-p80.1
  31. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=41&scrV=42#iii.viii-p21.21
  32. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=49&scrV=3#iii.viii-p7.2
  33. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=49&scrV=4#iii.vii-p13.2
  34. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=49&scrV=8#iii.vii-p13.2
  35. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=3&scrV=5#iii.i-p43.3
  36. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=3&scrV=6#iii.i-p54.3
  37. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=7&scrV=25#iii.i-p78.21
  38. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=12&scrV=15#iii.i-p78.23
  39. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=14&scrV=31#iii.ii-p19.9
  40. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=15&scrV=1#iii.ii-p19.9
  41. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=15&scrV=25#iii.iii-p13.11
  42. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=16&scrV=20#iii.iv-p16.15
  43. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=16&scrV=32#iii.iv-p16.2
  44. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=16&scrV=33#iii.i-p35.12
  45. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=16&scrV=33#iii.iv-p16.15
  46. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=16&scrV=34#iii.iv-p16.15
  47. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=19&scrV=6#iii.i-p14.8
  48. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=19&scrV=16#iii.i-p27.6
  49. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=19&scrV=19#iii.i-p27.6
  50. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=1#iii.vii-p4.24
  51. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=10#iii.i-p36.2
  52. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=17#iii.i-p35.11
  53. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=23#iii.i-p36.2
  54. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=24#iii.i-p36.2
  55. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=29#iii.i-p35.11
  56. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=31#iii.i-p33.4
  57. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=31#iii.i-p33.7
  58. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=31#iii.i-p35.1
  59. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=25&scrV=38#iii.i-p35.11
  60. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=26&scrV=35#iii.i-p34.7
  61. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=28&scrV=8#iii.i-p40.15
  62. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=28&scrV=15#iii.iv-p30.9
  63. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=28&scrV=18#iii.iv-p30.11
  64. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=28&scrV=31#iii.i-p39.16
  65. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=28&scrV=36#iii.vii-p16.4
  66. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=30&scrV=23#iii.iii-p21.4
  67. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=32&scrV=32#iii.vi-p18.3
  68. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=32&scrV=32#iii.vi-p18.13
  69. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=33&scrV=18#iii.i-p54.15
  70. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=33&scrV=20#iii.i-p54.15
  71. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=39&scrV=5#iii.i-p40.15
  72. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=39&scrV=27#iii.i-p39.15
  73. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=40&scrV=4#iii.i-p34.7
  74. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=4&scrV=6#iii.i-p78.8
  75. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=4&scrV=17#iii.i-p78.8
  76. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=8&scrV=8#iii.iv-p30.10
  77. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=8&scrV=11#iii.i-p78.8
  78. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=8&scrV=33#iii.i-p78.8
  79. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=10&scrV=2#iii.i-p42.6
  80. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=12&scrV=3#iii.i-p78.2
  81. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=14&scrV=9#iii.i-p78.8
  82. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=14&scrV=51#iii.i-p78.8
  83. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=15&scrV=1#iii.vi-p13.13
  84. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=16&scrV=4#iii.i-p39.14
  85. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=16&scrV=12#iii.ii-p11.2
  86. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=16&scrV=14#iii.i-p78.8
  87. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=16&scrV=19#iii.i-p78.8
  88. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=18&scrV=28#iii.viii-p12.2
  89. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=19&scrV=32#iii.i-p41.5
  90. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=20&scrV=10#iii.v-p11.9
  91. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=20&scrV=22#iii.viii-p12.2
  92. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=23&scrV=40#iii.iii-p18.15
  93. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=25&scrV=2#iii.i-p78.26
  94. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=25&scrV=8#iii.i-p78.28
  95. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=26&scrV=21#iii.i-p78.16
  96. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=26&scrV=24#iii.i-p78.16
  97. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=26&scrV=28#iii.i-p78.16
  98. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=29&scrV=14#iii.iv-p8.8
  99. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=6&scrV=24#iii.i-p84.2
 100. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=10&scrV=2#iii.i-p27.5
 101. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=11&scrV=1#iii.i-p42.7
 102. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=11&scrV=19#iii.iii-p15.9
 103. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=14&scrV=22#iii.iii-p15.7
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 108. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=19&scrV=19#iii.i-p78.9
 109. file:///ccel/t/trench/7churches/cache/7churches.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=22&scrV=31#iii.iv-p14.5
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