UBERTINO, u''bar-ti'no, OF CASALE: Italian Franciscan; b. at Casale-Monferrato (32 m. w. of Turin) 1259; d. about 1350. He entered the Franciscan order in 1273, and taught at various places in Italy, later in Paris (1289-98). After 1298 he devoted himself chiefly to propagating the views of Pierre Olivi, whose pupil he had been in the house of Santa Croce. After the death of Olivi Ubertino was recognized as the leader of the "spirituals," the strict party among the Franciscans which insisted upon the rigid rule of poverty (see Olivi, Pierre). On Oct. 1, 1317, he received permission from John XXII. to enter the Benedictine monastery of Gembloux, though it is doubtful whether he availed himself of this permission, as he was certainly living at Avignon during 1320-25. In 1325 he fled from Avignon to escape arrest in connection with the condemnation of the works of Olivi, and later he is said to have joined the Carthusians. Besides some minor works (in ALKG, iii.) and a defense of Olivi (ALKG, ii. 377 sqq.) he wrote Arbor vitae crucifixae (Venice, 1485), a defense of Olivi's doctrine in the style of the mysticism of Bonaventura and the apocalyptics of Joachim of More. See Francis, Saint, of Assisi, III., §§ 4-5.
Bibliography: J. C. Huck, Ubertin von Casale und dessen Ideenkreis, Freiburg, 1903; J. J. I. von Döllinger, Sekten geschichte des Mittelalters, ii. 508-526, Munich, 1890; Ehrle, in ALKG, ii. 377-416, iii. 48 sqq.; KL, xii. 168-172; F. X. Kraus, Dante, pp. 479, 738 sqq., Berlin, 1897.
Ubiquity is the term applied to the non-spatial ("repletive") omnipresence of the body of Christ set forth by Luther in the eucharistic controversy. All statements of the Eastern Church which apparently involve the question of ubiquity from Origen to John of Damascus affirm, on the unity of the natures, the logical, not the real, transfer of the qualities of one nature to the other, thus teaching an "exchange," or "community," of names, not an exchange of attributes. Augustine, with his local concept of the "right hand of God" as contrasted with the non-local view of John of Damascus, gained favor in the Middle Ages, and later
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On this dialectic straining of the doctrine of the ubiquity of the body of Christ Luther based his doctrine. Luther's original eucharistic theory was based entirely on opposition to the Roman Catholic opus operatum. The essential part of the Eucharist was held to be the word, faith being the right disposition. Luther affirmed his belief in the real presence and transubstantiation in 1519, but within a year he had replaced the latter by the teaching of the consubstantiation (of Occam), postulating, without any attempt at explanation, the substantial coexistence of the bread and the body of Christ in the Eucharist. When, however, Johann Carlstadt and Zwingli denied the real presence, Luther proceeded further than Occam; and in Wider die himmlischen Propheten von den Bildern und Sakramenten, in reply to Carlstadt, he set forth the initial statement of the synecdochical theory of the real presence, and the first intimations of the doctrine of ubiquity. Luther maintained that the "this" of the words of institution implied the presence of the body already in the unbroken bread. When Christ says, "This is my body," he takes the "whole" (bread and body) "for the part" (body); this is the synecdoche of Luther, later modified by Melanchthon. Luther introduced his teaching on ubiquity in his Sermon vom Sakrament des Leibes (Wittenberg, 1526), and developed it in his polemics against Zwingli and Å’colampadius. Dass diese Worte (das ist mein Leib) noch fesfstehen (1527), and Bekenntnis vom Abendmahl (1528). Maintaining the real presence as an immutable article of faith established by the Scriptures, Luther sought with equal zeal to defend the doctrine of the true reality of the body as well as to dispel all gross notions. He teaches that the body of Christ is exceptional and supernatural, different from ordinary human flesh and blood; that his flesh is born of the spirit, of a spiritual nature, and fit for spiritual food; and that the attributes of magnitude and extension do not apply to his body. Two deductions were then drawn: all things being present and permeable to Christ, he can enter and pass through them, being as energy without matter (as proved by the sealed tomb and the closed door), and the entire body of Christ may be in the smallest atom, though not circumscribed by it. This mode of "definitive existence" explains, however, only how it is possible for a corporeal being to be present in material substances without changing itself or them. For an answer to the further problem, how the body of Christ can be present simultaneously in heaven and in the host in countless celebrations of the Lord's Supper, recourse becomes necessary to the omnipotence of God, and Luther returns to the doctrine of the presence in an indefinite number of localities according to his will (Arno) taught by scholasticism. He continually emphasizes the necessity
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Zwingli, on the grounds of humanistic and rationalistic
criticism, denied ubiquity and the real presence,
and opposed the communicatio idiomatum
with the disparity of the mode of existence
of the
two natures, maintaining the presence of Christ to
be circumscriptive and local in heaven.
Calvin advanced to the doctrine that
the predicates of redemptive activity
apply also really to the human nature
of Christ, but recoiled from the doctrine
of ubiquity. He held that the redemptive
powers of the passion and resurrection of Christ
are really imparted through the symbols of bread
and wine. The believer receives, not the substance,
but "the communion of the body of Christ"
(
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Martin Chemnitz sought vainly to mediate between the Swabian followers of Brenz and the Philippists of Wittenberg, who rejected ubiquity and the "scholastic disputations" over the real presence. His teachings, however, remained a mass of disparate elements of both factions (De duabus naturis in Christo, 1571). Like Melanchthon, following Aristotle's dictum, "properties do not pass out of their subjects," he held properties to be essential, not accidental; and locality was, therefore, an essential, not accidental, property of human nature. The genus majestaticum (see Christology, VIII., 1) thus negated was by degrees regained. Although conceding that human nature can appropriate divine properties only according to the finite human capacity, in the manner of a reenforeement, yet he argued that in Christ this capacity was so augmented by the "personal union" that the humanity possessed the divine attributes not in substance but efficient power. The humanity was the automatic organ dynamically of the Logos; the humanity is permeated with deity, after the analogy of heat in the iron, by a process which he termed Perichöresis. In the humiliation, the Logos, though never wholly quiescent, retreated to a "concealment of function," and even to its "kenosis." Thus, at the same time, a compensation was rendered for the doctrine of inherent ubiquity, which as an intrinsic possession of the humanity was positively declined, and then regained as a sort of potential ubiquitous presence. This was in conflict with his other assertion of the hypostatic union according to which the humanity embracing all creatures is ever present in the Logos. Chemnitz loses himself, therefore, in distraction between an a priori ubiquity and an a posteriori potential multipresence, and in conflict with his Aristotelian dictum as premise. The logical result of his theories was that the humanity of Jesus was at once essentially circumscribed and potentially omnipresent.
The Formula of Concord presented a loose and incongruous combination of the views of Luther and Brenz and those of Chemnitz. Directly, it may be said, the potential ubiquitous presence is taught by the admission of the views of Chemnitz just mentioned seriatim. While the full possession of the divine majesty is ascribed to the humanity, omnipresence is never mentioned as one of its attributes, being assumed as implied in omnipotence; and the "repletive existence" is never expressly asserted of the humanity. Indirectly is taught the essential ubiquity of the body of Christ, by the adoption of large citations from Luther's eucharistic writings, not excluding the statements on ubiquity and the "repletive existence," particularly by falling back on Luther's idea of the "right hand of God" for a figure of the divine majesty. Moreover, the realistic communicatio idiomatum, as the basis of all Christology, was so carried through with strong emphasis on the integrity of the natures and their properties, the non-receptivity of the divine nature for human properties, and the separation of the two states, that the moderated views of Brenz as promulgated by Andrea and the advanced Melanchthonism of Chemnitz could both accept it.
The inconclusiveness of the Formula proved itself in the reservation entered by Chemnitz with his signature, and the mutual efforts to advance the doctrine of ubiquity to the front on the part of the two Swabians, Leonhard Hutter, who essentially reproduced the views of Brenz; and Aegidius Hunnius, who, following Chemnitz (and perhaps even Luther), maintained an immanent universal presence of the humanity in the Logos, or a passive omnipresence. At the same time, he advanced be yond Chemnitz by raising the "internal presence," latent during Christ's humiliation, to an "external omnipresence" through his exaltation, alongside of which, however, was maintained the continuous spatial presence of the body of Christ in heaven, thus making permanent the dualism of the human existence of Christ which Luther and Brenz had restricted to his humiliation. Thus the doctrine of ubiquity had attained to recognition, and only its
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Bibliography: The subject is to be pursued in the histories of doctrine, such as Harnack, Dogma, vi. 239, vii. 243, 262 sqq.; F. A. Loots, Halle, 1908; and R. Seeberg, 2d ed., Leipsic, 1908; in the works on the history of Protestant theology, ouch as W. Gals, 4 vols., Berlin, 1854-1867; and G. W. Frank, 4 vols., Leipsic, 1882-1905; in the works on systematic theology, e.g., C. Hodge, ii. 408 sqq., iii. 670 sqq., 3 vols., New York, 1871-72; and W. G. T. Shedd, ii. 323-327, New York, 1889; and in those on Christology, e.g., I. A. Dorner, Person Christi, vol. ii., Berlin, 1854, Eng. transl., vol. iv., 5 vols., Edinburgh, 1861-63. Recourse should be had also to the articles mentioned in the text and the literature under them, such as Christology; Eucharist; Transubstantiation; and the like; under Lord's Supper to the works by J. H. A. Ebrard, Frankfort, 1845-46; K. F. A. Kahnis, Leipsic, 1851; A. W. Dieckhoff, Göttingen, 1854; and H. Schmid, Leipsic, 1888. Consult further: F. C. Baur, Die Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit and Menschwerdung Gottes, vol. iii., Tübingen, 1843; M. Schneckenburger, Zur kirchLichen. Christologie, Pforzheim, 1848; idem, Darstellung des Zutherischen and rejormirten Lehrbegriffs, Stuttgart, 1855; H. Heppe, Geschichte der deutschen Protestanten .
1666-81, 4 vols., Marburg, 1855-59; A. Schweizer, Die protestantischen Centraldogmen in ihrer EntwickeLung in der reformirten Kirche, 2 vols., Zurich, 1854-56; F. H. R. Frank, TheoLoyie der Concordienformel, 4 parts, Erlangen, 1858-64; G. Plitt, Einleitung in die Augustana, 2 parts, Erlangen, 1867-68; R. D. Hitchcock, in Journal of Christian Philosophy, ii (1883), 381 sqq.; K. G. Gotz, Die Abendmahlsfrage in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwickelung, Leipsic, 1904; J. Köstlin, Luthers Theologie, 2d ed., 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1902; T. M. Lindsay, Hist. of the Reformation, pp 4, 7, 57, 412-413, New York, 1907; Schaff, Christian Church, vi. 62526, 628.
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