JEREMIAH, jer"e-mai'a.

  1. The Prophet.

      Family and Social Connections (§ 1).
      His Life and Times (§ 2).
      Literature Ascribed to Jeremiah (§ 3).

  2. The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah.
    1. The Contents.

        Chapters i.-x. (§ 1).
        Chapters xi.-xvii. (§ 2).
        Chapters xviii.-xxix. (§ 3).
        Chapters xxx. lii. (§ 4).

    2. The Composition.

        The Groundwork and its Expansion (§ 1).
        The Greek and the Hebrew Text (§ 2).

    3. The Importance of the Book.
  3. The Lamentations of Jeremiah.
      Names Place in the Canon (§ 1).
      The Artistic Form (§ 2).
      Traditional View of Authorship (§ 3).
      Arguments Concerning Jeremianic Origin (§ 4).

I. The Prophet:
1. Family and Social Connections.

The name (Hebr. Yirmeyahu or Yirmeyah; Gk. Ieremias) is borne not only by the prophet, but also by the father-in-law of King Josiah (II Kings xxiii. 31), by a Rechabite (Jer. xxxv. 3), by a priest of the time of Nehemiah (Neh. x. 3) and by persons in the Chronicler's tables (I Chron. v. 24, xii. 4, 10, 13). In spite of his importance the prophet is seldom mentioned in the Old Testament outside of his book (II Chron. xxxv. 25, xxxvi. 12, 21, 22; Ezra i. 1; Dan, ix. 2), which remains the principal and quite full source for knowledge of his life. According to this source Jeremiah was of priestly lineage from the little city of Anathoth, 3 m. north of Jerusalem (i. 1), a son of Hilkiah (i. 1), and nephew of Shallum (xxxii, 7). A possible relationship to Abiathar is suggested by I Kings ii. 26, but the identity of his father with the Hilkiah of II Kings xxii, is improbable. His known history begins in the thirteenth year of Josiah (626 B.C.), when he was called to the prophetic office (i. 6). His Position regarding sacrifice (vii. 22) is against the supposition that he acted as a priest. Notwithstanding the hatred aroused among the people of Anathoth by his preaching, he exercised his rights there (xi. 21, xxxii. 8, xxxvii. 12), though his duties as prophet were performed at the capital. From xvi. 2 it seems probable that he was unmarried.

2. His Life and Times.

Jeremiah lived in criticaI times. Five years after his call the law book was found which caused the Josianic reformation, to which his words in chap. xi. apply. But little is known, however, of his work under Josiah, though of his activities under Jehoiakim (q.v.) more is told. *Text Missing* of a nature to respond to prophetic ideals, being a brutal despot wrapped up his building-projects ( xxii 13-19). The prophet denounced in his addresses the heathen and unethical influences protected by the princes, and at the time of the battle of Carchemish appeared with a prophetic program which aroused against him the bitterest hate. At the beginning of the king's reign an address in the court of the temple foretelling the fate of that structure incensed priests, prophets, and people (vii., xxvi.), and in 605 he gave definite form to this, pointing to the Chaldeans as the people into whose power Judah was to fall, and had Baruch commit it to writing. This was brought to the king, who tore it into pieces and threw it into the fire (xxxvi). The events of succeeding years proved the justification of Jeremiah, though they caused him, in his love for his people, the deepest suffering. Jehoiakim had become the vassal of the Chaldean king, but soon began to intrigue against him, relying on the power of Egypt, thus causing a Chaldean attack which was the beginning of the end, and his successor Jeconiah, with the best of the people, was carried away to Babylon (597 B.C.). The new king Zedekiah, was not so hostile to Jeremiah, and indeed twice saved his life in spite of the court party which wished to continue the policy of prophets, who predicted speedy restoration of power and reliance on Egypt was *Text Missing* After this, the final revolt *Text Missing* of Zedekiah *Text Missing* conditional


surrender, to the Chaldeans. Temporary retirement of the Chaldeans filled the people with joy, which Jeremiah foretold would be short-lived, as events proved (xxxiv.). Meanwhile, as Jeremiah was going out of the city to visit Anathoth, he was arrested and thrown into prison, but removed by the king to another place of detention and by him supported there (xxxvii.). His opponents, who rightly feared his influence, besought the king to have him put to death, and to that end had him thrown into a foul cistern to die, whence he was again rescued by the king's order and placed in detention near the king (xxxviii.). At the capture of the city Jeremiah was taken prisoner, but was released by a Babylonian commander and given his choice between going to Babylonia and remaining in Judea, accepting the latter alternative. He gave his support to Gedaliah, the governor appointed by the Chaldeans. Gedaliah was soon after murdered, and the leaders of the people, in fear of the consequences, and following the advice of a prophet who opposed Jeremiah, fled with a number of the population to Egypt, taking with them both Jeremiah and Baruch. There the hostile relations between prophet and people continued because of his denunciations of their heathen proclivities and his prediction that Egypt should fall into the power of Nebuchadrezzar (xxxix.-xliv.). This closes the authentic record of the prophet's life. The Old Testament does not tell of his death. Tradition has it that he was stoned to death in Egypt (Tertullian, Scorpiace, viii.; ANF, iii. 640; II Macc. ii. gives a report of his hiding certain sacred utensils in a cave, on which is founded the Paralipomena of Jeremiah and the apocryphal Baruch literature with its sequellæ (see APOCRYPHA, A, IV., 5; PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, OLD TESTAMENT, II., 10-11, 35; and cf. Schürer, Geschichte, iii. 223 sqq., 285-286, Eng. transl. II., iii. 83-93; II Macc. xv. 11 sqq.; Matt. xvi. 14).

3. Literature Ascribed to Jeremiah.

It is reported in II Chron. xxxv. 25 that Jeremiah wrote a dirge on the death of Josiah, called Lamentations; this is probably the first trace of the tradition which ascribes to him the book of that name, which is, however, opposed by the contents of the book. A manuscript of the Septuagint ascribes Ps. lxv. and cxxxvii. to him, and there is an apocryphal Epistle of Jeremiah (see APOCRYPHA, A., IV., 6). A passage in the Book of Jeremiah is luminous for the history of that production (xxxvi. 2 sqq.). According to this, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim Jeremiah dictated to Baruch the prophecies which he had uttered in the twenty-three years of his prophetic activity. This being burned by the king, he had Baruch rewrite it with many additions (xxxvi. 32). This new book is not identical with the present book, since the latter contains prophecies of a later time; but that it formed the basis of our book may be confidently assumed, and it may be reconstructed by putting together the pieces which are older than Jehoiakim's fifth year.

II. The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah.
--I. The Contents:
Chapters i.-x.

Chap. i states that the prophet is informed in the thirteenth year of Josiah before his birth that he had been called to predict the coming of powers from the north against his people, whose hate he was to incur. But the indication in the chapter itself of the lapse of twenty years proves that the narrative depends upon the memory of the prophet and is not exactly contemporary with the utterance itself. It is clear that Jeremiah narrates the story of his earlier experiences in the light his later life had given him, and sharp distinction between later and earlier utterances is not possible. In ii.-vi. the parts are closely related to each other and belong to the same conditions in the reign of Josiah. These chapters bewail the people's sins, their idolatry, their fondness for covenants with foreign powers, and foretell coming judgment. Yet in this section passages suggest the time of Jehoiakim (v. 1, ii. 18, 36). Who the northern foe in these chapters is raises a difficult question. They are an ancient people, whose speech is unknown to Israel, carrying bow and spear and possessing chariots. Some of these marks appear when the prophet's utterances concern the Chaldeans in the time of Jehoiakim. Some scholars refer them to the Scythians, in which case Jeremiah must later have modified them, since their present form hardly fits references to that people. It is questionable therefore whether Jeremiah's earlier prophecies were not general; when the Chaldeans appeared on the scene he may have identified them with the foe foretold. While v. 18 and the related v. 10 are not unJeremianic, they do not fit their present place; similarly iii. 6-iv. 2 is hardly intelligible unless iii. 14-18 is taken out. It is probable that these passages are genuine, but transferred hither by an editor. Chapters vii.-x. contain a discourse delivered in the court of the temple, upon which structure the people put their trust. If they continue in their sins, the temple will be no help, but will perish as did the sanctuary at Shiloh. Its sacrifices are worthless, the people who bring them are untrue and have filled it with heathen symbols which represent their own unethical nature. Chaps. ix. 22-x. give the impression of fragmentariness, and, as the Septuagint shows, have been expanded, and suggest a deutero-Jeremiah. The little pieces ix. 22-23 and 24-25 have no connection with the previous context, while x. 17 sqq. appear to be genuine and the original continuation of ix. 21. Genuineness is apparent in vii. 1-ix. 21, but, contrary to Hitzig, Hävernick, and others, the passage appears to belong rather with xxvi. and to connect not with the time of Josiah, but with the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim, especially in the matter of heathen practises.

2. Chapters xi.-xvii.

In xi. 1-17 Jeremiah warns the people to regard "the words of this covenant." In spite of the punishment of their fathers, the present generation continues its service of other gods and renders divine punishment imminent. That the "covenant" is the law book found under Josiah is generally recognized; the passage can not, however, in its present form have been uttered then, but in the time of Jehoiakim and so furnishes a good example of the way in which in the reduction of his words to writing Jeremiah mingled past and present. In xi.


18-xii. 6 the prophet deals with the hostility of his fellow villagers of Anathoth. Formally, by the "then" of xi. 18, it is connected with the preceding; but the exact relation expressed is not clear, and this suggests that the passage is not in its original context. Uncertain in date is xii. 7-17. It contains a lament for the desolation of the land and threats against the neighbors who have done the evil. It fits in well with the destruction suggested by II Kings xxiv. 2, but still better with conditions during the exile. Indeed, the lament seems to have been put together out of two diverse compositions of different age. The humiliation of Judah in Babylon is figuratively described in xiii., with a lament for the condition resulting. Most critics date the piece (by verses 18-19) in the time of Jeconiah (Jehoahaz), Graf in that of Jehoiakim, the latter regarding verses 18-19 as an addition out of Jeconiah's age. A terrible drought is the occasion of xiv.-xv., in which Jeremiah prays for his people--unavailingly, for even Moses and Samuel could not save them (xv. 1). At the close (xv. 10-21) Jeremiah bewails his personal sorrows caused by his foes. Whether this piece is in its original connection is uncertain, but it may be placid in the original book and dated at the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim. In xvi.-xvii, the prophet is forbidden to marry, or to participate in mourning or feasting; the destruction of the people is near, since its sins can not be forgotten and its punishment is certain. The connection of this with the preceding is quite certain, though probably xvii. 14-18 is inserted by a later hand from another place. The genuineness of xvii. 19-27 is, however, very doubtful.

3. Chapters xviii.-xxix.

In xviii. 1-10 the work of the potter pictures God's methods with man; judgment might be averted were it not for the people's wilful sin (11-17); the prophet bewails his people's hostility to him (18-23); as an earthen vessel is broken, so shall the people be (xix. 1-15); the prophet retorts upon Pashhur, who had put him in the stocks, with a prophecy of personal evil and general doom (xx. 1-6), and then bewails his own sad lot (7-18). The indications favor the time of Zedekiah, especially the mention of Pashhur and the imprisonment of Jeremiah in the stocks. Some have seen in chap. xvii. an earlier piece, and regard xix.-xx. as pieces edited by later hands and containing genuine experiences of the prophet. To the time of Zedekiah belongs xxi. 1-10, and to the time of the siege verses 4-5, but 11-14 has no connection with the preceding, and perhaps goes with xxii. The kings of Judah are dealt with in xxii. 1-xxiii. 8. A king, not identified, is warned to do justice in order to escape judgment (xxii. 1-5); in succeeding verses Shallum (i.e. Jehoahaz), Jehoiakim, and Jeconiah are dealt with; better shepherds are to be given (xxiii.l-4), and a new shoot is to spring from the Davidic stump (4-8). The principal part of this is of the time of Zedekiah, but xxii. 6-9, 20-23 are later insertions. The genuineness of xxiii. 1-4 has been questioned and is hard to prove, and the passage has been assigned to exilic times. A speech against false prophets is found in xxiii. 9-40. In xxiv. the exiles are compared with good figs, Zedekiah and the people remaining with bad ones. According to the superscription xxv. belongs to the fourth year of Jehoiakim, the year of the battle of Carchemish. In it Jeremiah foretells the desolation and captivity which are to come through Nebuchadrezzar, and then after seventy years God will again rule his people. The genuineness of this chapter has been sharply attacked (cf. verses 12-14), though Giesebrecht rightly sees a Jeremianic basis. The cipher in verse 26 (cf. R.V. margin) is not in Jeremiah's style. A report of the danger of death incurred by the prophet through the address in the temple court, given in chap. vii., is given in chap. xxvi. It does not belong to the groundwork or original basis of the book. According to xxvii.-xxix., ambassadors had come to Jerusalem from the neighboring states to urge common action against Babylon (xxvii.). A prophet Hananiah foretells the return of the exiles to Babylon within two years; Jeremiah retorts with a prediction of Hananiah's death within the year and a contradiction of his prophecy of a speedy return (xxviii.). A letter from Jeremiah to the exiles in Babylon is in xxix. These chapters appear to have existed at one time as a separate and independent section.

4. Chapters xxx.-xxxiii.

A series of prophecies of comfort are continued in xxx.-xxxiii., and xxxii. rests on a personal relation of Jeremiah regarding the purchase of a field, which is made the basis of a prediction of return from exile. The chapter bears the marks of an editor, however, and verses 17-23 have been especially suspected, while xxxiii. 14-15 recall xxiii. 5-6, the genuineness of which is under a cloud. Even if the earlier passage is genuine, it does not seem likely that Jeremiah would so modify the representation as the later passage does. Smend denies xxx.-xxxi. to Jeremiah, and is possibly right as to xxx., though xxxi. seems to contain more of Jeremiah's work; possibly those two chapters are exilic. Chapter xxxiv. belongs to the narrative part of the book and is placed in the time of the siege of the city. The Rechabites appear in xxxv. as an example of faithfulness and as a lesson to Judah. The time is that of the passing of a Chaldean army through the land in the time of Jehoiakim, but the occasion can not be decided; it belongs to the narrative portion of the book, and Jeremiah speaks in the first person. Chapter xxxvi. is also narrative, and tells of the committal to writing of the predictions of the prophet. Similar narrative portions are xxxvii.-xliv.; xxxix. is an insert and an expansion of part of Iii. Consolation is offered in xlv. A series of prophecies against foreign peoples is contained in xlvi.-Ii., the nations mentioned being Egypt, Philistia, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Arabia,, Elam, and Babylonia. Chapters l.-li., according to li. 59-64 imparted to Seraiah in the fourth year of Zedekiah, are by most modern critics regarded as un-Jeremianic. These chapters depend not only on secondary parts of Jeremiah, but on later parts of Isaiah. Some critics separate li. 59 sqq. from the rest as genuine; others regard the chapters as expanded statements of genuine oracles of Jeremiah. In general, the use of other predictions in these


chapters and the departure from the accustomed forms of Jeremiah's usage seem to warrant suspicion. On the other hand, in the undoubted portions of the book there are prophecies against foreign nations, and in this portion Nebuchadrezzar is represented as the medium of divine punishment, which is a Jeremianic conception; moreover, the time noted in xlix. 34 looks genuine. Chapter lii. is not by Jeremiah, but is chiefly an excerpt from II Kings xxiv. 18-xxv. 30.

2. The Composition:
1. The Ground work and its Expansion.

The foregoing review shows that to the groundwork written in the fourth year of Jehoiakim and rewritten the next year belong i. 2-6, xi. 1-17, vii. 1-9, 21, xi. 18-xii. 6, xiii. (except verses 18-19), xiv.-xv., xvi.-xvii. (except some interpolations), xxv. (so far as it is original), and xlvi. 1-xlix. 33 (so far as they are Jeremianic), referring to the times of Josiah and Johoiakim. To the time of Zedekiah belong xxiv., xxi., xxiii. 9-40, and xlix. 34 sqq. (if genuine). Of the rest which may be ascribed to this prophet the time of writing is less evident, though xxxi., iii. 14-16, and perhaps the genuine parts of xxiii. 1-8, seem to belong to the time of the capture of Jerusalem. Larger parts which can not be certainly ascribed as a whole to Jeremiah are x. 1-16, xvii. 19-27, l.-lii. The narrative portions present a difficult problem, and the boundaries between them and the oracle portions are not always easy to fix. Some of these are in the first person, and were doubtless dictated to Baruch. Such pieces are xviii. (probably from the beginning of Jehoiakim's reign), xxxii. (under Zedekiah), and xxxv. (under Jehoiakim). Other pieces speak in the third person of "Jeremiah" or " the prophet Jeremiah," and can be only secondarily Jeremianic; such are xix.-xx., xxvi., xxvii.-xxix., xxxiv., xxxvi., xxxvii.-xliv. These rest on Baruch's authority, as does xlv., an oracle of consolation imparted to him by the prophet. So that in the Book of Jeremiah there are earlier and later pieces passages in Jeremiah's words and those reported of him, and some not at all Jeremianic, bound up together in variegated fashion. Chronological order can not always be determined. The history of the book is not one that can at the present be made out. Certainly the composition of the fourth year of Jehoiakim lies at the basis, and this is expanded by later oracles and by narrative portions. The latter is in part no doubt from Baruch and contains reports of Jeremiah's discourses delivered to him by the prophet. The supposition that a life of the prophet has been interwoven into the book is improbable, since the earlier life of the prophet is not related. More likely is it that a literature of Jeremiah including his later speeches and narratives about him grew up, out of which our book is edited. Little dependence can be placed in i. 3, since that verse is probably only a secondary title.

2. The Greek and the Hebrew

To the foregoing considerations is to be added the fact that the Book of Jeremiah belongs to those Portions of the Old Testament in which the Septuagint diverges essentially from the Massoretic text, a divergence which is very variously explained. Some esteem the Septuagint so highly that they speak of two recensions, a Palestinian and an Egyptian; while others speak of arbitrary changes by the translator. Both of these hypotheses have been shown unfounded (Kuenen, Giesebrecht, and others). While evidences of misunderstanding by the Greek translator and indeed of wilful change exist, there are passages where the text at the base of the Septuagint points to a text more original than the Massoretic. One such passage is that relating to the foreign nations, in which in the Greek xlvi.-li. follow xxv. 13, and the order of arrangement is different. The original connection of these parts is evident, though the entire section should not stand before xxvi. 15, and the Alexandrine order is less natural than the Massoretic. The difference in the length of the two texts, altogether apart from proofs of arbitrariness on the part of the translator, show that at the time of the translation the book had not yet reached a fixed form, a conclusion which is strengthened by observation of the evidence of inclusion of glosses.

3. The Importance of the Book:

This can not be appreciated if only the contents of the predictions are kept in mind. In this particular Jeremiah is not specially original, and particularly so if the purely Messianic passages, such as xxiii. 5-6, xxxiii. 15-16, are the basis of estimate, since these are lusterless in comparison with such passages as Isa. ix. 5-6, xi. 1-2. One might say in general that Jeremiah took over the prophecies of Amos and Hosea, being in his earlier deliverances especially dependent upon Hosea. For twenty years the prophet preached the insecurity of the basis of the people's hopes and trust. Even by the captivity of 597 the people were not awakened, but supposed that the deportation of Jeconiah was the excision of a worthless limb. For Jeremiah it was the fulfilment of prophecy which demanded submission and humility instead of new pride and the waking of hopes to be unrealized. The complete destruction of Jerusalem awaited persistence in the people's wilful course. Yet the prophet was not without hope in its truest sense. A new generation was to arise which was to bear Yahweh's law on the inner tablets of the heart, not on tablets of atone. In all this there was little that was not already existent in prophecy. Jeremiah's originality stands out in the vivid impression of his work as that of a prophet who was accounted a traitor to his people and a godless despiser of the sanctuary while he was yet the mouthpiece for the utterance of divine truths. It was this which made of him the greatest martyr among the prophets, and the evidence of it exists in his prayers written in his book, which give the clearest insight into the motive of his his life. He bewails the hate with which the people pursued him who was that people's truest mediator with God, and reveals himself not merely as a prophet, but as a man living in the closest fellowship with God. In this respect he is creative and a pattern of religious sincerity, and thus be inspired the poets of the Psalm-book and the great poet of the Book of Job. The sense of the personal relation of the individual to God which appeared in later Judaism is a result of his work. In view of the importance of


this service, the question of external form becomes a minor one. The disturbed conditions of his times did not minister to esthetic expression. The beauty of the book lies not in its poetic form, but in its deep and noble expression of the life of tenderness which it portrays.

(F. BUHL.)

III. The Lamentations of Jeremiah:
1. Names, Place in the Canon.

This is the name given by tradition to five elegies bearing a close resemblance to one another and in bewailing the sad lot which befell Jerusalem and its inhabitants during and after the siege by the Chaldeans (587-586 B.C.). In Hebrew manuscripts and editions these elegies usually bear the title ekhah, "how," from the opening word of three of them; the Jews were, however, familiar with the designation kinoth, "lamentations" (Jerome, Preface to Lamentations, cf. Baba Bathra, 14b; LXX, Threnoi; Lat. Threni or Lamentationes). In the Greek version, which differs in character from that of the prophecies of Jeremiah, they are placed next to the prophecies (after Baruch), and are counted with the prophecies as one book. Only in this way could twenty-two canonical books be counted (Josephus, Apion, i. 8; Origen in Eusebius, Hist. eccl., vi. 25; Jerome in Prologus galeatus). Still the number twenty-four was common, in which computation Ruth and Lamentations were counted separately and placed among the Hagiographa. This arrangement differs from that followed by the Christians, which was the same as that of the Septuagint, but is in accord with that of the Talmud (Baba Bathra 14b), which places Lamentations among the Kethubim, where they probably stood from the time of the formation of the third division of the canon.

2. The Artistic Form.

In form the first four of these five elegies are characterized by an acrostic use of the alphabet. They are also composed in the rhythm which Budde has shown to be that of the lament or threnody. In chaps. i.-ii. a group of three lines in this meter (composed of a normal and a shortened member) is placed under each of the acrostic letters; the same is true in chap. iii., except that each of the three lines (in this case a verse) begins with the same letter, which, therefore, appears three times. In chap. iv., on the other hand, each acrostic letter includes two lines. No acrostic is found in chap. v., although the elegy consists of twenty-two verses presenting the usual parallelism, though the peculiar meter of the dirge is not very manifest. The five elegies refer to the same national misfortune and have many similarities in thought and form; yet each has its own peculiar quality. So chap. i. shows the sorrowing Zion, deserted and abandoned; chap. ii. describes the act of the angry God, the just enemy, who has destroyed the city; chap. iii. presents a more individual point of view; chap. iv. describes the sad fate of the populace of the city during and after the siege; chap. v. sketches briefly the resulting miserable state of the people. That the five songs were all produced under one inspiration is psychologically improbable; but in any event they did not arise without regard to one another. Style and language show many points of resemblance, and the historical situation is essentially the same in all. They can not have appeared during the siege itself; the misfortune is already complete, intense agony is already changing into a softer sadness, and feeling finds relief in seeking for a form of artistic expression.

3. Traditional View of Author

Ancient tradition unanimously names Jeremiah as the author. The Preface to the Septuagint declares that "after the captivity of Israel, and the desolation of Jerusalem, Jeremiah sat down weeping and sang this lamentation over Jerusalem and said." This same tradition appears in the Talmud and is accepted by the Church Fathers. Jerome is indeed mistaken when (on Zech. xii. 11) he refers to Lamentations the statement in II Chron. xw. 25, where mention is made of elegies composed by Jeremiah on the death of Josiah. Perhaps he was misled by Lam. iv. 20. Josephus had already fallen into the same error. The Chronicler's notice shows that the prophet was accustomed to compose such elegies, and was naturally qualified to compose a kina on a grand scale, treating of the fall of Jerusalem, just as Ezekiel composed a series of such " threnodies " over other cities and peoples. Many passages in the Lamentations are in agreement with the thought and diction of the prophet; indeed, a prophetic note runs through these poems. The older authorities, almost without exception, hold the traditional view; only in modern times has the Jeremianic authorship been contested, and on grounds of importance. Thenius attributed only chaps. ii. and iv. to Jeremiah, Meier chaps. i.-iii.; others, for instance, Ewald, Nöldeke, Schrader, Nägelsbach, Löhr, Budde, entirely abandon Jeremianic authorship.

4. Arguments Concerning Jeremianic Origin.

The arguments against Jeremiah's authorship are partly formal and founded on esthetic grounds and partly refer to the contents of the poems and their theological quality. Nägelsbach (Commentary, p. xi. sqq.) and Löhr (ZATW, 1894) have noted statistically the agreements and differences in the vocabulary of Lamentations and of the prophecies of Jeremiah, and the probability appears to favor difference of authorship or a reediting of Jeremianic elegies. This probability is strengthened by linguistic similarities with the writings of Ezekiel. It was believed that an important distinction had been discovered between the writings of the prophet and these songs, in that these lacked the strong emphasis upon the sins of the people which would be expected from the prophet. Thus v. 7 is cited, according to which the unhappy generation suffered not so much for its own sins as for those of its forefathers (contrast Jer. xxxi. 29). That, in addition to inherited suffering, the measure has been filled up by the people's own faults and that thus a judgment has been called down upon them is a thought which runs through Lamentations also and finds particular expression in v. 16, 21. Budde finds that the consciousness of the guilt of the people is little developed in chaps. iv. and ii. (but cf. iv. 6). If Jeremiah was the author he does not here appear


as God's advocate to bring an accusation against his people, but he gives free expression to natural sympathy, which he had suppressed until at last judgment was fully executed. Jeremiah loved his people and his rulers more than did the patriots, although a higher power had set him in opposition to them (Jer. i. 18). In this way iv. 20 must be explained, where the manner in which the king is spoken of might be thought strange as coming from Jeremiah, while iv. 17 offers no difficulties since he may well have voiced the timid hopes of the people in the last period of their trials, although these hopes were not shared by him. On the other hand, an unsolved difficulty for all who reject Jeremiah's authorship is offered by the unconditional condemnation of the prophets of Jerusalem (ii. 9, 14, iv. 13). Jeremiah might indeed have expressed himself in this way (cf. Jer. xiii. 13, xiv. 13 sqq., xxiii. 15); but if another had composed a lament over these events he could scarcely have forgotten the prophet who had won the highest reverence from the whole people through his sufferings. It was the general opinion that only Jeremiah's personal sufferings were described in chap. iii., and this seems most probable according to verse 8 (cf. Jer. vii. 16, xi. 14, xiv. 11). Verses 37-38 would then refer to those prophecies of misfortune with which he was reproached. Smend (ZATW, 1888, pp. 62-63) and many others suppose that in chap. iii. the poet speaks in the name of the community; in that case the very beginning, "I am the man," is exceedingly harsh and without analogy in this manner. The family of Shaphan (Gedaliah) has been especially considered in this connection (Löhr, ZATW, 1894, p. 55). As there is no mention of the rebuilding of Jerusalem and of the temple, and as dependence upon the second Isaiah can not be proved by a few lexical similarities, the exilic origin of Lamentations seems most reasonable. Whether these songs originated in Palestine, in Egypt, or in Babylonia is indeterminable, but it seems most probable that Jeremiah had a share in their production. This does not mean that they came from his hand in their present poetical form; the artificiality of form suggests the work of a school or of a group of disciples who, collecting and completing such threnodies, wove them together into the form in which they now appear.


BIBLIOGRAPHY: On the life and times of Jeremiah consult: T. K. Cheyne Jeremiah, His Life and Times, London, 1888; C. H. Cornill. Jeremia und seine Zeit, Heidelberg, 1880; K. Marti, Der Prophet Jeremia, Basel, 1889; M. Lazarus, Der Prophet Jeremia, Breslau, 1894; W. Erbt, Jeremia und seine Zeit, Göttingen, 1902; F. B. Meyer, Jeremiah, Priest and Prophet, London, 1902; J. R. Gillies, Jeremiah, the Man and his Message, ib. 1907; J. F. McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and the Monuments, vol. iii., New York, 1901.

Questions of criticism concerning the prophecies of Jeremiah are discussed in: G. C. Workman The Text of Jeremiah, or a Critical Examination of the Greek and the Hebrew with the Variations in the LXX, Edinburgh, 1889; E. Kühl, Das Verhältniss der Massora zur Septuagint im Jeremia, Halle, 1882; E. Bruston, De l'importance du livre de Jérémie dans la critique de l' A. T., Montauban, 1893; A. von Bulmerincq, Das Zukunftsbild des Propheten Jeremia, Riga, 1894; C. H. Cornill, in SBOT, 1895; idem, Die metrischen Stücke des Buches Jeremia, Leipsic, 1902; A. W. Streane, The Double Text of Jeremiah, London, 1896.

Commentaries which cover both the prophecies and Lamentations are by: B. Blayney, London, 1836; E. Henderson, Andover, 1868; H. Cowles, New York, 1869; C. W. E. Nägelsbach, in Lange's Commentary, New York, 1871; R. P. Smith, in Bible Commentary, London, 1875; A. W. Streane, in Cambridge Bible, Cambridge, 1881; T. K. Cheyne and others in the Pulpit Commentary, 2 vols., London, 1885-98.

Commentaries on the Prophecies are: S. R. Driver, London, 1896; W. Lowth, London, 1718; J. G. Dahler, 2 vols., Strasburg, 1825; W. Neumann, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1856-58; C. H. Graf, ib. 1862; F. Hitzig, ib. 1866; H. Ewald, Göttingen, 1868, Eng. transl., London, 1876; C. F. Keil, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1873-74; 3. Scholz, Würzburg, 1880; L. A. Schneedorfer, Prague. 1881; C. von Orelli, 2d ed., Munich, 1905, Eng, transl., Edinburgh, 1889; C. F. Ball, in Expositor's Bible, London, 1890; F. Giesebrecht, Göttingen, 1894; W. H. Bennett, London, 1895; B. Duhm, Tübingen, 1901; G. Douglas, London, 1903; A. Ramsay, ib. 1905; A. Maclaren, ib. 1906. Commentaries on Lamentations are: W. Engelhardt, Leipsic, 1867; E. Gerlach, Berlin, 1868; C. F. Keil, Leipsic, 1872; L. A. Schneedorfer, Prague, 1876; J. M Schonfelder, Munich, 1887; S. Oettli, Nördlingen, 1889; M. Löhr, Göttingen, 1891, 1907; P. Mayriel, Montauban, 1894; C. Budde, Freiburg, 1898; J. P. Wiles, Half-Hours with the Minor Prophets and Lamentations (London, 1909). Consult also: DB, ii. 569-578; EB, ii. 2366-95; JE, vii. 96-107; and the works on O.-T., Theology, on Introduction to the O. T., on Prophecy in general, and on Messianic Prophecy.


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