1. Universality of Its Employment
The Orientals, from time
immemorial, had an extraordinary predilection for
fragrant spices, particularly for such
aromatics as exhale an agreeable odor
when consumed on coals. Not only in
connection with worship, but also in
private life, large outlay was bestowed
upon
perfumery and ins.
This is
especially true of the ancient Egyptians (d. Plutarch,
De
Iside, lass.-lxxxi.),
who could not conceive
even the subterranean world without such enjoyment. It was a mark of honor, among Oriental
nations, to sprinkle incense over persons or guests
of high estate-a. practise still current in contemporary Egypt. Censers were carried before those
commanders or princes whom they desired to honor,
or were set up in the streets through which they
passed (cf. Quintus Curtius Rufus,
De rebus
geatia
Alexandri, V., i.
20, VIII., ix. 23; Herodian,
Hsa
toria, IV., viii. 19,
and xi. 3). The ancient Israelites
appeared equally fond of sweet savors (Prow. aavii.
9).
Rooms, clothing, stuffs of all kinds, were garnished with spices and ins on occasions of
festivity (Pa. xiv. 8;
Cant. iii. 6;
Prov. vii. 17).
In the sphere of worship, as well, incense was from
early times a demonstration of honor in relation
to the deity, so employed in Western Asia among
the Babylonians, Syrians, Phenicians and
Canaanites. From Asia, in turn, the practise pawed over
to Greeks and Romans, sad was prominent in the
voluptuous rites in honor of goddesses. In the
Bible the use of incense in ceremonial is frequent.
Indeed the offering of sacrifice sometimes takes the
form of expression commonly used for incense, the
idea being that sacrifice is productive of sweet savor
before God. Just as in Israel it was prescribed,
with reference to many a sacrifice, to salt it with
incense, the same, beyond ell doubt, was also frequently the case with the heathen offerings, whereof
the Bible speaks (cf. the "strange incense," Ex.
axc. 9, in contrast with Israel's worship). The
modern theory that the offering of incense came
into the Israelite worship from abroad only shortly
before Jeremiah's day is neither demonstrable nor
inherently probable. From the very fact that in
Israel's pristine antiquity, no less than in Babylonia
and Egypt, there prevailed the intention of produring, along with the sacrifice, a " sweet-smelling
savor" for the deity
(Gen. viii. 21;
cf.
Deut.
xxxiii. 10),
it becomes a matter of course that fragrant woods and aromatics were employed. Indeed
by the very burning of the first-fruits snit of other
vegetable
substances, dire for sweet savor was
implied. If it is therefore probable from the outset that the Hebrews contemplated the burning
of fragrant substances in the sanctuary, the silence of the Prophets (but cf. Esek. asiii. 41)
does not invalidate the Pentateachal evidences of
the offering of incense from the time of Moses
(Lev. a. 1 sqq., avi. 13; Num. zvi.). On the other
hand, it is easily conceivable that the material for
incense could.be, and was, refined in the course of
time by employing exotic spite
(Jer. vi. 211;
Isa.
lx. 6).
The offering of incense had a symbolic
significance. Usually a symbol of prayer is discerned therein, and not unreasonably (Ps. rail. 2).
The ascending cloud of
incense was a symbol of the
prayer with which the congregation accompanied
the rite
(Luke i. 8-10).
A further symbolism involved is the transfer to the deity of the noblest
sad best the earth has to give. According to Lev.
avi. 13, there is an expiatory signification attached
to the oblation of
incense. What is for sinful man
the deadly majesty of God becomes veiled over by
this manner of offering.
The altar of incense, described as furniture of the
tabernacle (Ea, ass. i-10, awii. 25), was a cubit
is length and a cubit
in breadth, two
2. The cubits in height, of acacia wood over
Hebrew laid with gold, whence it is called the
Altar of golden altar (Ex. axaia. 38). Like the
Incense. altar for burnt sacrifice, it was pro
vided with horns, projecting from the
four corners.
Huff-way
between top cad base it
was decorated with a "crown round about," the
Mme as in terse of the ark and ahowbread table.
Handles, or "staves," likewise of acacia, wood and
overlaid with gold, were inserted through golden
rings, two on each side, below the "crown." Above
the altar, a "roof" was adjusted; that is, a flat
surface in the style of oriental roofs: This altar
stood in the middle of
-the sanctuary, and, further
more, immediately before the curtain of the Holy
of Holies. Burnt offerings, meal offerings, and drink
offerings were to stay far from it; only incense was
to burn
thereon; save that by way of expiation the
horns were to be stained by the high priest with
blood on the day of atonement, and on other ooca
sions the blood of
sin
offerings was thus applied
(
Lev. iv. 7).
A matter that strikes attention is
the late context of the passage
Ex. xxx. 1
sqq.,
while the appointment of the altar of incense was
to be expected in the earlier context of chapter xxvi.,
where the Samaritan copy inserts it (xxvi. 34).
Wellhausen, followed by most of the
moderns,
arms that the era of 'the priest code was not
acquainted with an altar of incense; the passage in
question being of later origin than the remainder
of the description of the tabernacle. The explanartion
for this context of the altar of incense in Ex.
xxx. (again in xxxvii.) is not to be given conclusively.
It is not impossible that in the early age they per
formed the incensing merely with incense pans or
censers, and that only in the course of time was
there an altar set up for that purpose expressly.
But the erection of an incense altar in Solomon's
temple ought not to be doubted, since frequent
mention occurs (e.g.,
I Kings vi. 22, vii. 48, ix. 25).
The dimensions are not reported, although by analogy
they were possibly greater than in the taber
nacle. In like manner, this adjunct, being an
in
alienable factor in the worship of Yahweh as
regulated by Moses, could not have been wanting
in the temples of Zerubbabel and Herod. According
to the testimony of I Maoc. i. 21, iv. 49, this golden
altar was carried off by Antiochus Epiphanes, along
with the other utensils of the sanctuary, though
reconstructed anew by Judas Maccabeus, on the
occasion of rededicating the Temple. Josephus,
again, was acquainted with this jewel of the sano
tuary (War, V., v. 5). Similar evidence is gained
from
Heb. ix. 4,
which attests the actual presence
of this altar in the last age of. the temple. In the
face of such weighty evidence, it is of little signif
icance that Josephus, who
knew that altar so well,
does not expressly mention the altar of incense in
connection with Pompey's visit to the temple
(Ant.
XIV., iv. 4; War, I., vii. 6), but dwells on
the golden censers and the great quantity of incense.
The absence of any picture of the altar
on the Arch
of Titus and in the description by Josephus (War,
VII., v. 5) is probably to be explained by the
supposition that it had perished in the conflagration.
