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         Title: History of the Christian Church, Volume V: The Middle Ages. A.D.
                1049-1294
    Creator(s): Schaff, Philip (1819-1893)
 CCEL Subjects: All; History; Proofed;
    LC Call no: BR145.S3
   LC Subjects:

                Christianity

                History
     __________________________________________________________________

   HISTORY

   of the

   CHRISTIAN CHURCH [1]

   by

   PHILIP SCHAFF

   Christianus sum. Christiani nihil a me alienum puto

   VOLUME V.

   THE MIDDLE AGES

   From Gregory VII., 1049, to BONIFACE VIII., 1294

   by

   DAVID S. SCHAFF, D.D.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1] Schaff, Philip, History of the Christian Church, (Oak Harbor, WA:
   Logos Research Systems, Inc.) 1997. The material has been carefully
   compared and corrected according to the Eerdmans reproduction of the
   1907 edition by Charles Scribner's sons, with emendations by The
   Electronic Bible Society, Dallas, TX, 1998.
     __________________________________________________________________

   preface.

   It was the constant hope of Dr. Philip Schaff, the author of the
   History of the Christian Church, that he might live to finish the
   treatment of the Middle Ages, to which he had devoted one volume,
   covering the years 600-1050. He frequently said, during the last years
   of his life, "If I am able to accomplish this, my History of the
   Christian Church will be measurably complete and I will be satisfied
   then to stop." He entered upon the task and had completed his studies
   on the pontificates of Gregory VII. and Alexander III., when his pen
   was laid aside and death overtook him, Oct. 20, 1893. The two volumes
   found lying open on his study table, as he had left them the day
   before, Jeremy Taylor's Holy Living and Holy Dying and a volume of
   Hurter's Life of Innocent III., showed the nature of his thoughts in
   his last hours.

   Dr. Schaff's distinction as a writer on Church History dated from the
   year 1851 when his History of the Apostolic Church appeared, first in
   its original German form, Mercersburg, Pa., pp. xvi, 576, and Leipzig,
   1853, and then in English translation, New York and Edinburgh, 1853,
   1854. Before that time, he had shown his taste for historical studies
   in his tract on What is Church History? translated by Dr. John W.
   Nevin, Phila., 1846, pp. 128, and the address on the Principle of
   Protestantism, which he delivered at his inauguration as professor in
   the theological seminary at Mercersburg, 1844. This address was
   published in its German form and in an English translation by Dr.
   Nevin, Chambersburg, 1845.

   Dr. Schaff continued his publications in this department with the issue
   of his History of the Christian Church 1-600, in 2 volumes, N. Y.,
   1858-1867. In the meantime, his attention had been called to the
   subjects of biblical literature and exegesis, and his labors resulted
   in the publication of the American edition of Lange's Commentary in 25
   volumes and other works. In 1887 he issued his Creeds of Christendom in
   3 volumes. Left free to devote himself to the continuation of his
   History, which he was inclined to regard as his chief literary work, he
   found it necessary, in order to keep abreast of the times and to
   present a fresh treatment, to begin his studies again at the very
   beginning and consequently the series, to which this volume belongs, is
   an independent work written afresh and differing in marked features
   from its predecessors. For example, the first volume, on the Apostolic
   age, devotes an extensive treatment to the authorship and dates of the
   Apostolic writings to which scarcely any space was given in the History
   of the Apostolic Church of 1851 and the History of the Apostolic Church
   of 1858-1867. The treatment was demanded by the new attitude of
   scholarship to the questions presented by the Apostolic age.

   Dr. Schaff lived to prepare six volumes of this new work, three on
   early Christianity, one on mediaeval Christianity, and two on the
   Protestant Reformation. It is of some interest that Dr. Schaff's last
   writing was a pamphlet on the Reunion of Christendom, pp. 71, a subject
   which he treated with warm practical sympathy and with materials
   furnished by the studies of the historian. The substance of the
   pamphlet had been used as a paper read before the Parliament of
   Religions at the Columbian Exposition, Chicago. It was a great
   satisfaction to him to have the Faculty of the Berlin
   University,--where he had spent part of his student life, 1840-1841,
   and which had conferred on him the doctorate of divinity in 1854,--bear
   testimony in their congratulatory letter on the semicentennial of his
   professorial career that his "History of the Christian Church is the
   most notable monument of universal historical learning produced by the
   school of Neander" (Life Of Philip Schaff, p. 467).

   The further treatment of the Middle Ages, Dr. Schaff left to his son,
   the author of this volume. It was deemed by him best to begin the work
   anew, using the materials Dr. Schaff had left as the basis of the first
   four chapters.

   The delay in the issue of the present volume is due chiefly to the
   requirements of study and in part to the difficulty in getting all the
   necessary literature. The author has felt unwilling to issue the volume
   without giving to it as thorough study as it was possible for him to
   give. This meant that he should familiarize himself not only with the
   mediaeval writings themselves but with the vast amount of research
   which has been devoted to the Middle Ages during the last quarter of a
   century and more. As for the literature, not a little of it has been,
   until recently, inaccessible to the student in this country. At Lane
   seminary, where the author was a professor, he found in the library an
   unusually well selected collection of works on the mediaeval period
   made fifty years ago by the wise judgment of two of its professors,
   Calvin E. Stowe and the late George E. Day, who made tours in Europe
   for the purpose of making purchases for its shelves. He also owes a
   debt to the Rev. Dr. Henry Goodwin Smith, for some time professor in
   the seminary and its librarian, for his liberal use of the library
   funds in supplementing the works in the mediaeval department. In
   passing, it may be also said that the Cincinnati Public Library, by
   reason of a large permanent fund given more than a half century ago for
   the purchase of theological works and by the wise selection of such men
   as Professor George E. Day, is unusually rich in works for the
   historical student, some of which may perhaps not be duplicated in this
   country.

   On removing to the Western Theological seminary, the author found its
   librarian, Professor James A. Kelso, most ready to fill up the shelves
   of the mediaeval department so that it now possesses all the more
   important works both original and secondary. To the librarians of the
   two Roman Catholic libraries of Cincinnati and to other librarians the
   author is indebted for the courtesy of the free use of their
   collections.

   An explanation is due for devoting an entire volume to the middle
   period of the Middle Ages, 1050-1294, when it was the intention of Dr.
   Philip Schaff to embrace it and the third period of the Middle Ages,
   1294-1517, in a single volume. It is doubtful whether Dr. Schaff, after
   proceeding with his studies, would have thought it wise to attempt to
   execute his original purpose. However this might have been, to have
   confined the treatment of 500 years to the limits of a single volume
   would have meant to do a relative injustice and, in the light of recent
   study, to have missed a proper proportion. To the first 600 years,
   1-590, the History devotes three volumes. Dr. Schaff intended to devote
   three volumes to the Protestant Reformation, two of which he lived to
   prepare. The intervening 900 years deserve an equal amount of space.
   The period covered by this volume is of great importance. Here belong
   the Crusades, the rejuvenation of monasticism by the mendicant orders,
   the development of the canon law, the rise of the universities, the
   determined struggles of the papacy with the empire, the development of
   the Inquisition, the settlement of the sacramental system, and some of
   the most notable characters the Christian Church has produced. No one
   can fully understand the spirit and doctrinal system of the Roman
   communion without knowing this period. Nor can any one, without such
   knowledge, fully understand the meaning of the Protestant Reformation,
   for the Reformation was a protest against the mediaeval theology and
   mediaeval practices. The best evidence for the truth of the latter
   statement is found in the work of the learned Dominican Denifle,
   entitled Luther und Lutherthum, and the Protestant rejoinders to its
   assaults.

   A partial list of the more modern works show the amount of study that
   has recently been spent upon this period. Among the great collections
   of mediaeval documents, besides the older ones by Mabillon, Muratori,
   and Migne, are the Monumenta Germaniae, intended to give an exhaustive
   collection of mediaeval German writers, the series of collections of
   the papal documents called the Regesta, edited by Jaffé, Potthast,
   Auvray, Berger, and others, the Chartularium universitatis Parisiensis,
   a collection of documents edited by Denifle and Chatelain of the
   highest importance for the study of the university system, the Recueil
   des Historiens des Croisades, the remarkable collection of mediaeval
   sacred poetry edited by Dreves and Blume filling about 15 volumes, the
   Boehmer-Friedberg edition of the Canon Law, and the Rolls Series,
   containing the writers of mediaeval England. To such works must be
   added the new editions of Schoolmen, Albertus Magnus by Borgnet,
   Bonaventura by Peltier, Duns Scotus and Thomas Aquinas, and the
   editions of such writers as Caesar of Heisterbach, De Voragine,
   Salimbene, and Etienne de Bourbon. Among the recent students who have
   made a specialty of this period are Giesebrecht, Gregorovius,
   Scheffer-Boichorst, Karl Mueller, Hauck, Deutsch, Lempp, and other
   Protestants of Germany, and among German Catholic scholars Doellinger,
   Father Denifle, Ehrle, Knoepfler, Schwane, Schulte, Funk, and Felder.
   In France we have Rémusat, Hauréau, Chevalier, Vacandard, Sabatier,
   Alphandéry. In England and America, we have Dr. Henry Charles Lea, who
   deserves to be mentioned first, the late Bp. Stubbs, R. L. Poole,
   Rashdall, Bridges, the editors of the Rolls Series, such as Brewer and
   Luard, and Prof. D. C. Munro, O. T. Thatcher, and Shailer Mathews.

   Except in rare cases, the quotations are taken from the original works,
   whether they were written in the Middle Ages or are modern discussions.
   An exception is the History of the City of Rome by Gregorovius. It has
   required severe discipline to check the inclination to extend the notes
   to a far greater length than they have been carried, especially in such
   chapters as those on the sacramental system and the Schoolmen. In the
   tables of literature, the more important modern works have at times
   been indicated by a star, *.

   In the preparation of the volume for the press, efficient aid has been
   rendered by the Rev. David E. Culley, fellow and tutor in the Western
   Theological seminary, whose literary and historical tastes and sober
   judgment have been confirmed by studies abroad.

   The second part of this volume, carrying the history from Boniface
   VIII. to the Reformation, is in an advanced stage of preparation.

   In closing, the author indulges the hope that Dr. Philip Schaff's
   spirit of toleration may be found permeating this volume, and its
   general historic judgments to be such as Dr. Schaff himself would have
   expressed.

   DAVID S. SCHAFF.

   The Western Theological Seminary,

   Allegheny, Pa

   THE MIDDLE AGES.

   THE PAPAL THEOCRACY IN CONFLICT WITH

   THE SECULAR POWER.

   FROM GREGORY VII. TO BONIFACE VIII.

   A. D. 1049-1294.

   THE FIFTH PERIOD OF CHURCH HISTORY.
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   § 1. General Literature.

   Sources: J. P. Migne: Patrologiae cursus completus, etc. The Latin
   series containing the writings of the "Fathers, Doctors, and Writers of
   the Latin Church from Tertullian to Innocent III.," 221 vols. Paris,
   1844-1864. Indispensable. The writers of the 11th century begin with
   vol. 139.--Philip Labbaeus, S. J., d. 1667: Sacrosancta concilia ad
   regiam editionem exacta, 18 vols. Paris, 1662 sqq. Labbaeus lived to
   see vol. IX. in print. Completed by Gabriel Cossart. This collection
   has been used in places in this volume. --John D. Mansi, abp. of Lucca,
   d. 1769: Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 31 vols.,
   Florence and Venice, 1759-1798. Extends to the Council of Florence,
   1439. New facsimile ed. with continuation. Paris, 1901 sqq. Thus far 38
   vols., 0-37, reaching to 1735.--L. A. Muratori, d. 1750: Rerum
   Italicarum scriptores, 500-1600, 25 vols. Milan, 1723-1761, with
   supplemental vols., Florence, 1748, 1770, Venice, 1771, in all 31
   parts. Repub. and ed. by G. Carducci et V. Fiorini, Citta di Castello
   1902 sqq.--Monumenta Germaniae historica, ed. by G. H. Pertz, d. 1870,
   and his coeditors and successors, Wattenbach, Böhmer, etc. More than 50
   vols. Han., 1826 sqq. They cover the whole history of the empire and
   papacy.--Scriptores rerum Germanicarum for use in schools and drawn
   from the preceding, ed. by Pertz, 42 vols. Han., 1840-1894.--Die
   Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit, ed. by Pertz, etc., in German
   trans, 92 vols. Berlin and Leipzig, 1849-1892.--The Rolls Series, Rerum
   Britannicarum medii aevi scriptores, 97 vols., London, 1858-1891,
   contains splendid edd. of William of Malmesbury, Roger of Wendover,
   Ralph of Coggeshall, Richard of Hoveden, Matthew Paris (7 vols.),
   Grosseteste, and other English mediaeval writers.--Bohn's Antiq.
   Library, 41 vols. London, 1848-1864 sqq., gives translations of M.
   Paris, Richard of Hoveden, etc.--J. F. Böhmer: Regesta imperii,
   1198-1254. New ed. by J. Ficker and Winkelmann, Innsbruck, 1881-1894.
   Regesta pontificum romanorum from St. Peter to Innocent III., ed. by
   Jaffé, d. 1878, Berlin, 1851, pp. 951; 2d ed. by Wattenbach, Löwenthal,
   Kaltenbrunner, and Ewald, vol. I. Lips., 1885, from Peter to Innocent
   II., 64-1143; vol. II. Lips., 1888 from Coelestin II. to Innocent III.,
   1143-1198. --Continuation by Aug. Potthast, from Innocent III., to
   Benedict XI., 1198-1304, 2 vols. pp. 2157, Berlin, 1873, 1875.--J. Von
   Pflugk Harttung: Acta pontificum rom. inedita, 3 vols. Tübing.
   1881-1888. Carl Mirbt: Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums und des
   röm. Katholizismus, 2d ed. Tübing. 1901, pp. 482. Very convenient and
   valuable, giving the original Latin documents.--Shailer Mathews: Select
   Mediaeval Docts. etc., illustr. the Hist. Of the Church and Empire,
   754-1254, N. Y. 1892.--Heinrich Denifle, O. P., archivarius of the
   Vatican Library, d. 1905, and Franz Ehrle, S. J.: Archiv für
   Literaturund Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, Freib. im Br. 1885
   sqq. Many important documents were published here for the first
   time.--Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und
   Bibliotheken herausgegeben vom Koenigl-Preussichen Historischen
   Institut in Rom., thus far 8 vols. 1897-1905.

   Secondary Works: Histoire Littéraire de la France, 1733 sqq. Dicty. of
   Natl. Biogr., ed. by Leslie Stephen, 63 vols. with Supplem., London,
   1885-1903,--Wetzer-Welte: Kirchen Lexikon, 2d ed. 12 vols. Freib. im
   Br. 1882-1901.--Herzog: Realencyklopaedia für protestantische Theologie
   und Kirche, ed. by A. Hauck, 3d ed. 1896 sqq. Thus far 18 vols.--W.
   Giesebrecht: Gesch. der deutschen Kaiserzeit, 3 vols. 5th ed. Leipzig,
   1890.--Döllinger-Friedrich: Das Papstthum, Munich, 1892. A revision of
   Döllinger's The Pope and the Council, which appeared in 1869 under the
   pseudonym Janus, as a protest against the doctrine of Papal
   Infallibility about to be taken up at the Vatican Council.--Ferdinand
   Gregorovius: Geschichte der Stadt Rom. im Mittelalter, Engl. trans.
   from the 4th German, ed. 1886-1893, Stuttg., by Annie Hamilton, 8 vols.
   (13 parts), London, 1894-1902. The most valuable general work of the
   Middle Ages.--James Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, new ed. London, 1904,
   pp. 575. Thorough and lucid.--Carl J. von Hefele, Bishop of Rottenburg,
   d. 1893: Conciliengeschichte to 1536, 2d ed. 9 vols. Freib. im Br.
   1873-1890. Vols. V.-VII. in 2d ed. by A. Knöpfler. Vols. VIII. IX. were
   prepared by Cardinal Hergenröther.--A. Hauck: Kirchengeschichte
   Deutschlands, 4 vols. Leipzig, 1887-1903; vols. I. II 4th ed.
   1904.--Gibbon: Decline and Fall of Rome, ed. by J. B. Bury, 7 vols.
   London, 1897-1900.--Leopold Von Ranke: Weltgeschichte to 1453, 9 vols.
   Leipzig, 1883-1888.--The Church Histories of Neander, Gieseler, Baur,
   Die christl. Kirche des Mittelalters, 1861, Milman, Hagenbach, K. Hase,
   Rich. C. Trench: Med. Ch. History, 1877. The Manuals of Church History
   of Hefele-Knöpfler, 3d ed. 1902, F. X. Funk, 4th ed. 1902, W. Möller
   Engl. trans. 3 vols. 1898-1900, Karl Muller, 2 vols. 1892-1902,
   Hergenröther, rev. by J. P. Kirsch, 4th ed. 1902 sqq. Loofs, 1901, Hans
   Von Schubert, 1904, Geo. P. Fisher, 1887, H. C. Sheldon, 5 vols. N. Y.
   1890, A. C. Zenos, Phil. 1899, A. H. Newman, 2 vols. 1900 sqq. The
   Histories of Christian Doctrine, of Harnack Engl. trans. from 3d Ger.
   ed. 7 vols. Boston, 1897-1900. Loofs, 3d ed. 1893, Geo. P. Fisher,
   1896, Seeberg, 2 vols. 1895, H. C. Sheldon, 2 vols. 4th ed.
   1905.--Hallam: Hist. of the Middle Ages.--Guizot: Hist. of Civilization
   from the Fall of the Rom. Emp. to the French Revolution.--Lecky: Hist.
   of Rationalism in Europe and European Morals.--H. Weingarten:
   Zeittafeln und Ueberblicke zur Kirchengeschichte, 6th ed. by Arnold,
   Leipzig, 1905.

   For Literature: A. Potthast: Bibliotheca Historica medii aevi,
   Wegweiser durch die Geschichtswerke des europäischen Mittelalters bis
   1500, 2 vols. Berlin, 1864-1868, 2d ed. Berlin, 1896. A work of great
   industry and value.--U. Chevalier: Répertoire des sources historiques
   du moyen âge, Paris, 1877-1886, Supplem. 1888.--W. Wattenbach: Deutsche
   Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter, to 1250, 2 vols. Berlin, 1858, 6th
   ed. 1893 sq.

   For other works relating to the whole period of the Middle Ages, see
   vol. IV. 1-4.
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   § 2. Introductory Survey.

   The fifth period of general Church history, or the second period of
   mediaeval Church history, begins with the rise of Hildebrand, 1049, and
   ends with the elevation of Boniface VIII. to the papal dignity, 1294.

   In this period the Church and the papacy ascend from the lowest state
   of weakness and corruption to the highest power and influence over the
   nations of Europe. It is the classical age of Latin Christianity: the
   age of the papal theocracy, aiming to control the German Empire and the
   kingdoms of France, Spain, and England. It witnessed the rise of the
   great Mendicant orders and the religious revival which followed. It
   beheld the full flower of chivalry and the progress of the crusades,
   with the heroic conquest and loss of the Holy Land. It saw the
   foundations laid of the great universities of Bologna, Paris, Oxford.
   It was the age of scholastic philosophy and theology, and their
   gigantic efforts to solve all conceivable problems and by dialectical
   skill to prove every article of faith. During its progress Norman and
   Gothic architecture began to rear the cathedrals. All the arts were
   made the handmaids of religion; and legendary poetry and romance
   flourished. Then the Inquisition was established, involving the theory
   of the persecution of Jews and heretics as a divine right, and carrying
   it into execution in awful scenes of torture and blood. It was an age
   of bright light and deep shadows, of strong faith and stronger
   superstition, of sublime heroism and wild passions, of ascetic
   self-denial and sensual indulgence, of Christian devotion and barbarous
   cruelty. [2] hristianity and civilization in the thirteenth and the
   opening years of the fourteenth century, when the Roman Church was at
   the summit of its power, and yet, by the abuse--of that power and its
   worldliness, was calling forth loud protests, and demands for a
   thorough reformation from all parts of Western Christendom.

   A striking feature of the Middle Ages is the contrast and co-operation
   of the forces of extreme self-abnegation as represented in monasticism
   and extreme ambition for worldly dominion as represented in the papacy.
   [3]

   The papal theocracy in conflict with the secular powers and at the
   height of its power is the leading topic. The weak and degenerate popes
   who ruled from 900-1046 are now succeeded by a line of vigorous minds,
   men of moral as well as intellectual strength. The world has had few
   rulers equal to Gregory VII. 1073-1085, Alexander III. 1159-1181, and
   Innocent III. 1198-1216, not to speak of other pontiffs scarcely second
   to these masters in the art of government and aspiring aims. The papacy
   was a necessity and a blessing in a barbarous age, as a check upon
   brute force, and as a school of moral discipline. The popes stood on a
   much higher plane than the princes of their time. The spirit has a
   right to rule over the body; the intellectual and moral interests are
   superior to the material and political. But the papal theocracy carried
   in it the temptation to secularization. By the abuse of opportunity it
   became a hindrance to pure religion and morals. Christ gave to Peter
   the keys of the kingdom of heaven, but he also said, "My kingdom is not
   of this world." The pope coveted both kingdoms, and he got what he
   coveted. But he was not able to hold the power he claimed over the
   State, and aspiring after temporal authority lost spiritual power.
   Boniface VIII. marks the beginning of the decline and fall of the papal
   rule; and the seeds of this decline and fall were sown in the period
   when the hierarchy was in the pride of its worldly might and glory.

   In this period also, and chiefly as the result of the crusades, the
   schism between the churches of the East and the West was completed. All
   attempts made at reconciliation by pope and council only ended in wider
   alienation.

   The ruling nations during the Middle Ages were the Latin, who descended
   from the old Roman stock, but showed the mixture of barbaric blood and
   vigor, and the Teutonic. The Italians and French had the most learning
   and culture. Politically, the German nation, owing to its possession of
   the imperial crown and its connection with the papacy, was the most
   powerful, especially under the Hohenstaufen dynasty. England, favored
   by her insular isolation, developed the power of self-government and
   independent nationality, and begins to come into prominence in the
   papal administration. Western Europe is the scene of intellectual,
   ecclesiastical, and political activities of vast import, but its arms
   and devotion find their most conspicuous arena in Palestine and the
   East.

   Finally this period of two centuries and a half is a period of imposing
   personalities. The names of the greatest of the popes have been
   mentioned, Gregory VII., Alexander III., and Innocent III. Its more
   notable sovereigns were William the Conqueror, Frederick Barbarossa,
   Frederick II., and St. Louis of France. Dante the poet illumines its
   last years. St. Bernard, Francis d'Assisi, and Dominic, the Spaniard,
   rise above a long array of famous monks. In the front rank of its
   Schoolmen were Anselm, Abelard, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas,
   Bonaventura, and Duns Scotus. Thomas à Becket and Grosseteste are
   prominent representatives of the body of episcopal statesmen. This
   combination of great figures and of great movements gives to this
   period a variety of interest such as belongs to few periods of Church
   history or the history of mankind.
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   [2] Dean Stanley, Sermons and Addresses in America, p. 220, speaks of
   the "grace of the Middle Ages and their hideous atrocities."

   [3] The ideas are expressed by the German words Weltentsagung and
   Weltbeherrschung
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER I.

   THE HILDEBRANDIAN POPES. A.D. 1049-1073.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 3. Sources and Literature on Chapters I. and II.

   See the general literature on the papacy in vol. IV. 202 sqq.; and the
   list of mediaeval popes, 205 sqq.

   I. Sources For The Whole Period from 1049 to 1085:--

   Migne: Patrol. Lat., vols. 140-148.--Damiani Epistolae, in Migne, vol.
   144.--Bonizo or Bonitho (Bishop of Sutri, 1091; prisoner of Henry IV.,
   1082; a great admirer of Gregory VII.): Liber ad amicum, sive de
   persecutione ecclesiae (in Jaffé's Monum. Gregor., p. 628 sqq., where
   he is charged with falsehood; but see Giesebrecht and Hefele, IV. 707).
   Phil. Jaffé (d. 1870): Regesta Pontif. Rom., pp. 366-443, 2d ed. I.
   629-649.--Jaffé: Monumenta Gregoriana (see below).--K. Francke: Libelli
   de lite imperatorum et Pontificum Saeculi XI. et XII. conscripti, 3
   vols. Hannov. 1891-1897, contains the tractarian lit. of the
   Hildebrandian age. On other sources, see Wattenbach: Deutschlands
   Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter, II. 220 sqq. and Mirbt: Publizistik,
   6-95.

   II. Works on the Whole Period from 1049 to 1085: --

   Höfler: Deutsche Päpste, Regensb., 1839 sqq., 3 vols.--C. Will: Anfänge
   der Restauration der Kirche im 11ten, Jahrh., Marburg, 1859-1862, 2
   parts.--Ths. Greenwood: Cathedra Petri, books X. and XI. London,
   1861.--Giesebrecht: Gesch. der deutschen Kaizerzeit, vols. II. and III.
   (Braunschweig, 5th ed. 1881).--Rud. Baxmann: Die Politik der Päpste von
   Gregor I. bis auf Gregor VII., Elberfeld, 1868, 1869. 2 vols. vol. II.
   186-434.--Wattenbach: Geschichte des röm. Papstthums, Berlin, 1876 (pp.
   97-136).--Gregorovius: Hist. of the City Of Rome.--Hefele:
   Conciliengeschichte, IV. 716-900, and V. 1-185.--L. v. Ranke:
   Weltgeschichte, vol. VII.--Bryce: Holy Roman Empire.--Freeman: Hist. of
   Norman Conq. of England, vol. IV. Oxford, 1871, and Hist. of
   Sicily.--F. Neukirch: Das Leben des Petrus Damiani bis 1059, Gött.,
   1875.--J. Langen: Geschichte der röm. Kirche von Gregor VII. bis
   Innocent III., Bonn, 1893.--Hauck: Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands,
   vols. III. IV.--W. F. Barry: The Papal Monarchy from 590-1303, N. Y.
   1902.

   III. Special Sources and Works on Hildebrand:--

   His letters (359), the so-called Registrum, in Migne, vol. 148, Mansi,
   XX. 60-391, and best in Jaffé, Monumenta Gregoriana, Berol., 1865, 712
   pp. (in "Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum," vol. II.). The first critical
   edition. Jaffé gives the Registrum in eight books, with fifty-one
   additional letters collected from MSS., and Bonithonis episcopi Sutrini
   ad amicum. Gregory's biographies by Cardinal Petrus of Pisa, Bernried,
   Amalric, Lambert, etc., in Muratori: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol.
   III.; and Watterich: Pontif. Boni. Vitae, Lips., 1862, I. 293 sqq.;
   Acta Sanct. Maii, die 25, VI. 102-159.

   Modern works: Joh. Voigt (Prof. of Hist. in Königsberg, d. 1863):
   Hildebrand als Papst Gregorius VII. und sein Zeitalter, 1815, 2d ed.
   Weimar, 1846, pp. 625. The first attempt at an impartial estimate of
   Gregory from the Protestant historical standpoint. The first edition
   was translated into French and Italian, and gave rise to a remarkable
   Latin correspondence with Clemens Villecourt, bishop of La Rochelle,
   which is printed in the preface to the second edition. The bishop tried
   to convert Voigt to the Catholic Church, but in vain.--Sir Roger
   Greisly: The Life and Pontificate of Gregory VII., London, 1832, pp.
   372. Impartial, but unimportant.--J. W. Bowden: The Life and
   Pontificate of Gregory VII. London, 1840, 2 Vols. pp. 374 and 411. ---
   Ard. Newman: Hist. Essays, II. 249-336.--Sir James Stephen: Hildebrand,
   in "Essays on Ecclesiastical Biography," 1849, 4th ed. London, 1860,
   pp. 1-58. He calls "Hildebrand the very impersonation of papal
   arrogance and of spiritual despotism."--Söltl: Gregor VII., Leipzig,
   1847.--Floto: Kaiser Heinrich IV. und sein Zeitalter. Stuttg., 1865,
   1856, 2 vols. Sides with Henry IV.--Helfenstein: Gregor VII.
   Bestrebungen nach den Streitschriften seiner Zeit., Frankfurt,
   1856.--A. F. Gfrörer (first a rationalist, then a convert to 'Rome,
   1853; d. 1861): Papst Greg. VII. und sein Zeitalter. 7 vols.
   Schaffhausen, 1859-1861.--Giesebrecht: l.c., vol. III.--A. F.
   Villemain: Hist. de Grégoire VII. 2 vols. Paris, 1873. Engl. trans. by
   J. B. Brockley, 2 vols. London, 1874.--S. Baring-Gould, in "The Lives
   of the Saints" for May 25, London, 1873.--W. Martens: Die Besetzung des
   päpstlichen Stuhls unter den Kaisern Heinrich III und Heinrich IV.
   1887; *Gregor VII., sein Leben und Wirken, 2 vols. Leipzig, 1894.--W.
   R. W. Stephens: Hildebrand and his Times, London, 1888.--O. Delarc: S.
   Gregoire VII. et la réforme de l'église au XI. siècle, 3 vols. Paris,
   1889.--C. Mirbt (Prof. in Marburg): Die Stellung Augustins in der
   Publizistik des Gregorianischen Kirchenstreits, Leipzig, 1888. Shows
   the influence of St. Augustine on both parties in the Gregorian
   controversy over the relation of Church and State; Die Wahl Gregors
   VII., Marburg, 1892; *Die Publizistik im Zeitalter Gregors VII.,
   Leipzig, 1894, pp. 629. An exhaustive treatment of the copious
   tractarian Lit. of the Hildebrandian age and its attitude on the
   various objects of Gregory's policy; art. Gregor VII., in Herzog, VII.
   96-113.--Marvin R. Vincent: The Age of Hildebrand, N. Y. 1896.--Also J.
   Greving: Paul von Bernried's Vita Gregorii VII., Berlin, 1893, pp. 172.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 4. Hildebrand and his Training.

   The history of the period begins with a survey of the papacy as the
   controlling power of Western Christendom. It embraces six stages: 1.
   The Hildebrandian popes, 1049-1073. 2. Gregory VII., 1073-1085, or the
   assertion of the supreme authority of the papacy in human affairs. 3.
   From Gregory's death to the Concordat of Worms, 1122, or the settlement
   of the controversy over investiture. 4. From the Concordat of Worms to
   Innocent III., 1198. 5. The Pontificate of Innocent III., 1198-1216, or
   the papacy at its height. 6. From Innocent III. to Boniface VIII.,
   1216-1294, or the struggle of the papacy with Frederick II. and the
   restoration of peace between the papacy and the empire.

   The papacy had reached its lowest stage of weakness and degeneracy when
   at Sutri in 1046, under the influence of Henry III., two popes were
   deposed and a third was forced to abdicate. [4] ld overthrow the Jewish
   monarchy, or wicked emperors the Roman Empire. In the public opinion of
   Europe, the papacy was still a necessary institution established by
   Christ in the primacy of Peter for the government and administration of
   the church. There was nothing to take its place. It needed only a
   radical reformation in its head, which would be followed by a
   reformation of the members. Good men all over Europe anxiously desired
   and hoped that Providence would intervene and rescue the chair of Peter
   from the hands of thieves and robbers, and turn it once more into a
   blessing. The idea of abolishing the papacy did not occur to the mind
   of the Christians of that age as possible or desirable.

   At last the providential man for effecting this necessary reformation
   appeared in the person of Hildebrand, who controlled five successive
   papal administrations for twenty-four years, 1049-1073, then occupied
   the papal chair himself for twelve years, 1073-1085, and was followed
   by like-minded successors. He is one of the greatest, if not the
   greatest, of popes, and one of the most remarkable men in history. He
   excited in his age the highest admiration and the bitterest hatred.
   Opinions about his principles and policy are still divided; but it is
   impossible to deny his ability, energy, earnestness, and achievements.

   Hildebrand was of humble and obscure origin, but foreordained to be a
   prince of the Church. He was of small stature, and hence called
   "Hildebrandellus" by his enemies, but a giant in intellect and
   character. His figure was ungainly and his voice feeble; but his eyes
   were bright and piercing, bespeaking penetration, a fiery spirit, and
   restless activity. His early life is involved in obscurity. He only
   incidentally alludes to it in his later Epistles, and loved to connect
   it with the supernatural protection of St. Peter and the Holy Virgin.
   With a monkish disregard of earthly relations, he never mentions his
   family. The year of his birth is unknown. The veneration of friends and
   the malice of enemies surrounded his youth with legends and lies. He
   was the son of a peasant or goatherd, Bonizo, living near Soana, a
   village in the marshes of Tuscany, a few miles from Orbitello. The
   oft-repeated tradition that he was the son of a carpenter seems to have
   originated in the desire to draw a parallel between him and Jesus of
   Nazareth. Of his mother we know nothing. His name points to Lombard or
   German origin, and was explained by his contemporaries as hell-brand or
   fire-brand. [5] uing from his raiment, and predicted that, like John
   the Baptist, he would be "great in the sight of the Lord."

   He entered the Benedictine order in the convent of St. Mary on the
   Aventine at Rome, of which his maternal uncle was abbot. Here he had a
   magnificent view of the eternal city. [6] [7] discipline, and in
   austerity and rigor he remained a monk all his life. He cherished an
   enthusiastic veneration for the Virgin Mary. The personal contemplation
   of the scandalous contentions of the three rival popes and the fearful
   immorality in the capital of Christendom must have raised in his
   earnest soul a deep disgust. He associated himself with the party which
   prepared for a reformation of the hierarchy.

   His sympathies were with his teacher and friend, Gregory VI. This pope
   had himself bought the papal dignity from, the wretched Benedict IX.,
   but he did it for the benefit of the Church, and voluntarily abdicated
   on the arrival of Henry III. at the Synod of Sutri, 1046. It is strange
   that Hildebrand, who abhorred simony, should begin his public career in
   the service of a simonist; but he regarded Gregory as the only
   legitimate pope among the three rivals, and followed him, as his
   chaplain, to Germany into exile.


   "Victrix causa Deis placuit, sed victa Catoni." [8]

   He visited Worms, Spires, Cologne, Aix-la-Chapelle, the old seats of
   the empire, and spent much time at the court of Henry III., where he
   was very kindly treated. After the death of Gregory at Cologne, 1048,
   Hildebrand went to Cluny, the nursery of a moral reformation of
   monasticism. According to some reports, he had been there before. He
   zealously gave himself to ascetic exercises and ecclesiastical studies
   under the excellent abbot Hugo, and became prior of the convent. He
   often said afterwards that he wished to spend his life in prayer and
   contemplation within the walls of this sacred retreat.

   But the election of Bishop Bruno of Toul, the cousin of Emperor Henry
   III., to the papal chair, at the Diet of Worms, brought him on the
   stage of public action. "Reluctantly," he said, "I crossed the Alps;
   more reluctantly I returned to Rome." He advised Bruno (either at Cluny
   or at Besancon) not to accept the triple crown from the hands of the
   emperor, but to await canonical election by the clergy and people of
   Rome. He thus clearly asserted, for the first time, his principle of
   the supremacy of the Church over the State.

   Bruno, accompanied by Hildebrand, travelled to Rome as a pilgrim,
   entered the city barefoot, was received with acclamations, canonically
   elected, and ascended the papal chair on Feb. 12, 1049, as Leo IX.

   From this time on, Hildebrand was the reigning spirit of the papacy. He
   understood the art of ruling through others, and making them feel that
   they ruled themselves. He used as his aide-de-camp Peter Damiani, the
   severe monk and fearless censor of the immoralities of the age, who had
   conquered the world within and helped him to conquer it without, in the
   crusade against simony and concubinage, but died, 1072, a year before
   Hildebrand became pope. [9]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [4] Vol. IV. § 66, pp. 299 sqq.

   [5] The contemporary spellings are: Yldibrandus, Heldebrandus,
   Ildebrandus, Oldeprandus. William of Malmesbury calls him homuncio
   exilis staturae.

   [6] Giesebrecht (III. 12 sq.): "Das Marienkloster auf dem Aventin,
   jetzt unter dem Namen des Priorats von Malta bekannt, bietet eine
   entzückende Aussicht ... ein hochbegabter Knabe, der hier erwuchs,
   musste die verschiedensten und mächtigsten Eindrücke erhalten, die sich
   kaum in einem anderen Gedanken zusammenschliessen konnten, als in dem
   der unvergleichlichen Hoheit des ewigen Roms."

   [7] So Martens, etc. Gregory speaks of having been brought up from
   childhood a pueritia by the prince of the apostles and "in the Roman
   palace."

   [8] The German historian, Otto von Freisingen, aptly applies this verse
   of Luican to the relation of the two popes, thus comparing Hildebrand
   to Cato.-

   [9] See vol. IV. 787 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 5. Hildebrand and Leo IX. 1049-1054.

   The moral reformation of the papacy began with Hildebrand as leader.
   [10] he interest of the hierarchy. He was appointed cardinal-subdeacon,
   treasurer of the Roman Church, and abbot of St. Paul's. He was
   repeatedly sent as delegate to foreign countries, where he acquired an
   extensive knowledge of affairs. He replenished the empty treasury and
   became wealthy himself through the help of a baptized Jew, Benedictus
   Christianus, and his son Leo, who did a prosperous banking business.
   But money was to him only a means for exalting the Church. His great
   object was to reform the clergy by the destruction of two well-nigh
   universal evils: simony (Acts 8:18), that is. the traffic in
   ecclesiastical dignities, and Nicolaitism (Rev. 2:6, 15), or the
   concubinage of the priests. In both respects he had the full sympathy
   of the new pope, and was backed by the laws of the Church. The
   reformation was to be effected in the regular way of synodical
   legislation under the personal direction of the pope.

   Leo, accompanied by Hildebrand, held several synods in Italy, France,
   and Germany. He was almost omnipresent in the Church, and knew how to
   combine monastic simplicity with papal dignity and splendor. He was
   believed to work miracles wherever he went, and to possess magic powers
   over birds and beasts.

   In his first synod, held in Rome at Easter, 1049, simony was prohibited
   on pain of excommunication, including the guilty bishops and the
   priests ordained by them. But it was found that a strict prosecution
   would well-nigh deprive the churches, especially those of Rome, of
   their shepherds. A penance of forty days was, therefore, substituted
   for the deposition of priests. The same synod renewed the old
   prohibitions of sexual intercourse of the clergy, and made the
   concubines of the Roman priests servants of the Lateran palace. The
   almost forgotten duty of the tithe was enjoined upon all Christians.

   The reformatory synods of Pavia, Rheims, and Mainz, held in the same
   year, legislated against the same vices, as also against usury,
   marriage in forbidden degrees, the bearing of arms by the clergy. They
   likewise revealed a frightful amount of simony and clerical immorality.
   Several bishops were deposed. [11] y. On his return, Leo held synods in
   lower Italy and in Rome. He made a second tour across the Alps in 1052,
   visiting Burgundy, Lorraine, and Germany, and his friend the emperor.
   We find him at Regensburg, Bamberg, Mainz, and Worms. Returning to
   Rome, he held in April, 1053, his fourth Easter Synod. Besides the
   reform of the Church, the case of Berengar and the relation to the
   Greek Church were topics of discussion in several of these synods.
   Berengar was condemned, 1050, for denying the doctrine of
   transubstantiation. It is remarkable with what leniency Hildebrand
   treated Berengar and his eucharistic doctrine, in spite of the papal
   condemnation; but he was not a learned theologian. The negotiation with
   the Greek Church only ended in greater separation. [12]

   Leo surrounded himself with a council of cardinals who supported him in
   his reform. Towards the close of his pontificate, he acted
   inconsistently by taking up arms against the Normans in defense of
   Church property. He was defeated and taken prisoner at Benevento, but
   released again by granting them in the name of St. Peter their
   conquests in Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. The Normans kissed his toe,
   and asked his absolution and blessing. He incurred the censure of the
   strict reform party. Damiani maintained that a clergyman dare not bear
   arms even in defense of the property of the Church, but must oppose
   invincible patience to the fury of the world, according to the example
   of Christ.

   Leo spent his remaining days in grief over his defeat. He died at Rome,
   April 19, 1054, in his fifty-third year, after commending his soul to
   God in a German prayer of humble resignation, and was buried near the
   tomb of Gregory I. As he had begun the reformation of the Church, and
   miracles were reported, he was enrolled in the Calendar of Saints.
   Desiderius, afterwards Victor III., wrote, "All ecclesiastical
   interests were reformed by Leo and in him a new light arose in the
   world."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [10] See E. Martin, St. Leon IX., Paris, 1904, pp. 216; Mirbt art. in
   Herzog, XI. 379-386.

   [11] In deposing at the Synod of Rheims the abp. of St. Iago, who had
   assumed the title apostolicus, Leo asserted in the strongest terms the
   primacy of the Roman see, quod solus Romanae sedis pontifex
   universalis, ecclesiae primas esset et apostolicus, Mansi, XIX. 738.

   [12] The controversy of Berengar is treated in vol. IV. 554 sqq.; the
   Greek controversy, ibid. p. 318 sqq. On the synods during the
   pontificate of Leo IX., see Jaffé, Reg., 529-549, Hefele, IV. 716-777,
   and Mirbt, Quellen, 95 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 6. Victor II. and Stephen IX. (X.). 1055-1058.

   Hildebrand was absent in France when Leo died, and hurried to Rome. He
   could find no worthy successor in Italy, and was unwilling to assume
   the burden of the papacy himself. He cast his eye upon Gebhard, bishop
   of Eichstädt, the ablest, richest, and most influential prelate of
   Germany, who was warmly devoted to the emperor. He proceeded at the
   head of a deputation, appointed by the clergy and people, to the German
   court, and begged the emperor to raise Gebhard to the papal chair.
   After long delay, Gebhard was elected at a council in Regensburg,
   March, 1055, and consecrated in St. Peter's at Rome, April 13, as
   Victor II. He continued the synodical war against simony, but died as
   early as July 28, 1057, at Arezzo, of a fever. He was the last of the
   German popes.

   The cardinal-abbot of Monte Cassino was elected and consecrated as
   Stephen IX. (X.), Aug. 3, 1057, by the clergy and people of Rome,
   without their consulting the German court; but he died in the following
   year, March 29, 1058.

   In the meantime a great change had taken place in Germany. Henry III.
   died in the prime of manhood, Oct. 5, 1056, and left a widow as regent
   and a son of six years, the ill-fated Henry IV. The long minority reign
   afforded a favorable opportunity for the reform party to make the
   papacy independent of the imperial power, which Henry III. had wisely
   exerted for the benefit of the Church, yet at the expense of her
   freedom.

   The Roman nobility, under the lead of the counts of Tusculum, took
   advantage of Hildebrand's absence in Germany to reassert its former
   control of the papacy by electing Benedict X. (1058-1060). But this was
   a brief intermezzo. On his return, Hildebrand, with the help of Duke
   Godfrey, expelled the usurping pope, and secured, with the consent of
   the empress, the election of Gerhard, bishop of Florence, a strong
   reformer, of ample learning and irreproachable character, who assumed
   the name of Nicolas II. at his consecration, Jan. 25, 1059. Benedict
   was deposed, submitted, and obtained absolution. He was assigned a
   lodging in the church of St. Agnes, where he lived for about twenty
   years.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 7. Nicolas II. and the Cardinals. 1059-1061.

   The pontificate of Nicolas II. was thoroughly under the control of
   Hildebrand, who became archdeacon and chancellor of the Roman Church in
   August or September, 1059. His enemies said that he kept Nicolas like
   an ass in the stable, feeding him to do his work. Peter Damiani calls
   him the lord of the pope, and said that he would rather obey the lord
   of the pope than the lord-pope himself. [13] [14] down his bishopric at
   Ostia and retire to a convent, but was not permitted to do so. He
   disliked the worldly splendor which Hildebrand began to assume in dress
   and mode of living, contrary to his own ascetic principles.

   Two important steps were made in the progress of the hierarchy,--a
   change in the election of the pope, and an alliance with the Normans
   for the temporal protection of the pope.

   Nicolas convened a Lateran Council in April, 1059, the largest held in
   Rome down to that time. It consisted of a hundred and thirteen bishops
   and a multitude of clergymen; but more than two-thirds of the prelates
   were Italians, the rest Burgundians and Frenchmen. Germany was not
   represented at all. Berengar was forced at this synod to submit to a
   formula of recantation (which he revoked on his return to France). He
   calls the bishops "wild beasts," who would not listen to his idea of a
   spiritual communion, and insisted on a Capernaitic manducation of the
   body of Christ. [15]

   A far-reaching act of this council was the transfer of the election of
   a pope to the "cardinal-bishops" and "cardinal-clergy." [16] e classes
   of functionaries they were to present the candidate to the Roman clergy
   and people for ratification. The stress thus laid upon the
   cardinal-bishops is a new thing, and it is evident that the body of
   cardinals was accorded a place of importance and authority such as it
   had not enjoyed before. Its corporate history may be said to begin with
   these canons. The election of the pope was made its prerogative. The
   synod further prescribed that the pope should be chosen from the body
   of Roman clergy, provided a suitable candidate could be found among
   their number. In usual cases, Rome was designated as the place of
   holding the election. The cardinals, however, were granted liberty to
   hold it otherwheres. As for the emperor, the language of the canons
   leaves it uncertain whether any part was accorded to him in the
   ratification of the elected pope. His name is mentioned with respect,
   but it would seem that all that was intended was that he should receive
   due notification of the election of the new pontiff. The matter was,
   therefore, taken entirely out of the emperor's hands and lodged in the
   college of cardinals. [17] control of the papal office for the Romans
   and the Roman clergy. With rare exceptions, as in the case of the
   period of the Avignon exile, the election of the pope has remained in
   the hands of the Romans ever since.

   The alliance which Nicolas entered into, 1059, with the Normans of
   Southern Italy, was the second act in the long and notable part which
   they played in the history of the papacy. Early in the eleventh century
   four brothers of the house of Hauteville, starting from Normandy, began
   their adventurous career in Italy and Sicily. They were welcomed as
   crusaders liberating the Christian population from the rule of the
   Saracens and its threatened extension. The kingdom their arms
   established was confirmed by the apostolic see, and under the original
   dynasty, and later under the house of Anjou, had a larger influence on
   the destinies of the papacy for three centuries than did Norman England
   and the successors of William the Conqueror. Robert Guiscard, who had
   defeated the army of Leo IX., and held him a prisoner for nine months,
   was confirmed by Nicolas as duke of Apulia and Calabria. The duchy
   became a fief of Rome by an obligation to pay yearly twelve dinars for
   every yoke of oxen and to defend the Holy See against attacks upon its
   authority. Robert's brother, Roger, d. 1101, began the conquest of
   Sicily in earnest in 1060 by the seizure of Messina, and followed it up
   by the capture of Palermo, 1071, and Syracuse, 1085. He was called
   Prince of Sicily and perpetual legate of the Holy See. One of his
   successors, Roger II., 1105-1154, was crowned king of Sicily at Palermo
   by the authority of the anti-pope Anacletus II. A half century later
   the blood of this house became mingled with the blood of the house of
   Hohenstaufen in the person of the great Frederick II. In the prominent
   part they took we shall find these Norman princes now supporting the
   plans of the papacy, now resisting them.

   About the same time the Hautevilles and other freebooting Normans were
   getting a foothold in Southern Italy, the Normans under William the
   Conqueror, in 1066, were conquering England. To them England owes her
   introduction into the family of European nations, and her national
   isolation ceases. [18]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [13] His epigrams on Hildebrand (Opera, II. 961, 967):-- "Vivere vis
   Romae, clara depromito voce: Plus domino Papae, quam domino parea
   Papae"
   "Papam rite colo, sed te prostratus adoro: Tu facis hunc Dominum; te
   facit iste Deum."

   [14] Ep. 1:16.

   [15] See vol. IV. 557 sq.

   [16] The canons are given in Mirbt, Quellen, 97 sqq. The two classes of
   cardinals are called cardinales episcopi and cardinales clerici. Langen
   makes the attempt to identify the latter with "the clergy of Rome," but
   without sufficient reason. The clergy, clerus, as a special body, are
   distinctly mentioned in the canons.

   [17] The canons have come down to us in two forms. The second form,
   falsified in the interest of the emperors, was current at least thirty
   years after Nicolas's death. The fourth canon bearing on the emperor
   ran in its original form thus: salvo debito honore et reverentia
   dilecti filii nostri Henrici, qui inpresentiarum rex habetur et futurus
   imperator deo concedente speratur, sicut jam sibi concessimus et
   successoribus illius qui ab hac apostolica sede personaliter hoc jus
   impetraverint. See Scheffer-Boichorst, Die Neuordnung der Papstwahl
   durch Nikolas II., Strass., 1879, who made a thorough investigation of
   the subject, Hefele, IV. 800 sqq.; Hergenröther-Kirsch, Kirchengesch.,
   II. 342 sqq.; Mirbt, Nikolas II., in Herzog, XIV. 73 sq.; Hauck,
   Kirchengesch. III. 683 sqq. Hergenröther, p. 344 note, interprets the
   canon as conceding notification and nothing more, in the light of the
   words of the contemporary Anselm of Lucca (Alexander II.): ut obeunte
   Apost. pontifice successor eligeretur et electio ejus regi
   notificaretur, facta vero electione, etc., regi notificata, ita demum
   pontifex consecraretur. The imperial bishops of Germany fought against
   the limitation of the election to clerical circles in Rome. Under Henry
   III. and IV. the view prevailed among them that no one could be a
   legitimate pope without the consent of the emperor. See
   Scheffer-Boichorst, Zu den Anfängen des Kirchenstreites unter Heinrich
   IV., Innsbruck, 1892, p. 122 sq.

   [18] Stubbs, ed. of Rich. de Hoveden, II. pp. lxxiii. sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 8. The War against Clerical Marriage.

   The same Lateran Council of 1059 passed severe laws against the two
   heresies of simony and Nicolaitism. It threatened all priests who were
   unwilling to give up their wives or concubines with the loss of their
   benefices and the right of reading mass, and warned the laity against
   attending their services. "No one," says the third of the thirteen
   canons, "shall hear mass from a priest who to his certain knowledge
   keeps a concubine or a subintroducta mulier."

   These severe measures led to serious disturbances in Northern Italy,
   especially in the diocese of Milan, where every ecclesiastical office
   from the lowest to the highest was for sale, and where marriage or
   concubinage was common among priests of all grades, not excluding the
   archbishop. [19] d by a fictitious decision of Ambrose, who, on the
   contrary, was an enthusiast for celibacy. Candidates for holy orders,
   if unmarried, were asked if they had strength to remain so; if not,
   they could be legally married; but second marriages were forbidden, and
   the Levitical law as to the virginity of the bride was observed. Those
   who remained single were objects of suspicion, while those who brought
   up their families in the fear of God were respected and eligible to the
   episcopate. Concubinage was regarded as a heinous offense and a bar to
   promotion. [20]

   But the Roman Church and the Hildebrandian party reversed the case, and
   denounced sacerdotal marriage as unlawful concubinage. The leader of
   this party in Lombardy was Anselm of Baggio (west of Milan), a zealous
   and eloquent young priest, who afterwards became bishop of Lucca and
   then pope (as Alexander II.). He attacked the immorality of the clergy,
   and was supported by the lowest populace, contemptuously called
   "Pataria" or "Patarines," i.e. "Ragbags." [21] ent and sanguinary
   tumults took place in the churches and streets. Peter Damiani, a
   sincere enthusiast for ascestic holiness, was sent as papal legate to
   Milan. He defended the Pataria at the risk of his life, proclaimed the
   supremacy of the Roman see, and exacted a repudiation of all heretical
   customs.

   This victory had great influence throughout Lombardy. But the strife
   was renewed under the following pope and under Gregory VII., and it was
   not till 1093 that Urban II. achieved a permanent triumph over
   Nicolaitism at a great council at Piacenza.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [19] Bonizo, a friend of Hildebrand, calls Wido, who was elected bishop
   of Milan in 1045, a "vir illiteratus et concubinarius et absque ulla
   verecundia Simoniacus." Migne, Tom. CL. 825; Jaffé, Mon. Greg., 639.
   But Hefele, IV. 793, doubts the charge of concubinage, and also Mirbt,
   Publizistik, 249.

   [20] Lea, l.c., p. 210.

   [21] Muratori and Du Cange (sub Pataria and Paterinus) derive pataria
   from pate, which in the Milanese dialect means a huckster or pedler. So
   also Hefele, IV. 796. Giesebrecht(III. 31) renders
   PatarinaLumpengesindel. The contemporary, Bonizo, interprets the term
   to mean "ragged,"patarinos id est pannosos vocabant. See Mirbt, art.
   Patara, in Herzog, XIV. 761 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 9. Alexander II. and the Schism of Cadalus. 1061-1073.

   Pope Nicolas II. died July 27, 1061. The cardinals elected, in some
   unknown place outside of Rome, Anselm, bishop of Lucca, Sept. 30, 1061.
   He was conducted to Rome in the following night by Norman soldiers, and
   consecrated, Oct. 1, as Alexander II. His first act was to administer
   the oath of fealty to Richard, the Norman leader.

   The anti-Hildebrandian party of the Roman nobles, headed by Count
   Girard of Galeria (an excommunicated robber), with the aid of the
   disaffected Lombard clergy, and the young emperor Henry IV., elected
   Cadalus (or Cadalous), bishop of Parma, anti-pope. He was consecrated
   Oct. 28, 1061, as Honorius II., and maintained a schism of ten years.
   He had been repeatedly charged with simony, and had the sympathy and
   support of the married or concubinary clergy and the simoniacal laity,
   who hoped that his success would lead to a modification of discipline
   and legalization of clerical marriage. The opposition thus became an
   organized party, and liable to the charge of heresy, which was
   considered worse than carnal sin. Damiani and Humbert defended the
   principle that a priest who is guilty of simony or concubinage, and
   believes himself innocent, is more criminal than he who knows himself
   to be guilty. Damiani hurled the fiercest denunciation of a Hebrew
   prophet against the anti-pope. Cadalus entered Rome with an armed
   force, and maintained himself in the castle of St. Angelo for two
   years; but at length he sought safety in flight without a single
   follower, and moved to Parma. He died in 1072. His party was broken up.

   Alexander held a council at Mantua, May 31, 1064, and was universally
   recognized as the legitimate pope; while Cadalus was anathematized and
   disappeared from history.

   During the pontificate of Alexander, the war against simony and
   Nicolaitism went on under the lead of Hildebrand and Damiani with
   varying success. The troubles in Lombardy were renewed. Archbishop Wido
   of Milan sided with Cadalus and was excommunicated; he apologized, did
   penance, and resumed office. After his death in 1071 the strife broke
   out again with disgraceful scenes of violence. The Patarine party,
   supported with gold by the pope, gained the ascendancy after the death
   of Cadalus. The Normans repelled the Mohammedan aggression and won
   Southern Italy and Sicily for the Church of Rome.

   This good service had some weight on the determination of Hildebrand to
   support the claim of William of Normandy to the crown of England, which
   was a master-stroke of his policy; for it brought that island into
   closer contact with Rome, and strengthened the papal pretension to
   dispose of temporal thrones. William fought under a banner blessed by
   the pope, and founded the Norman dynasty in England, 1066. The conquest
   was concluded at Winchester by a solemn coronation through three papal
   delegates, Easter, 1070.

   But in Germany there arose a powerful opposition, not indeed to the
   papacy, which was the common ground of all parties, but to the
   Hildebrandian policy. This led to the conflict between Gregory VII. and
   Henry IV. Alexander threatened Henry with excommunication in case he
   persisted in his purpose to divorce his queen Bertha.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER II.

   GREGORY VII, 1073-1085.

   See literature in § 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 10. Hildebrand elected Pope. His Views on the Situation.

   Alexander II. died April 21, 1073, and was buried in the basilica of
   St. John in Lateran on the following day. The city, usually so
   turbulent after the death of a pope, was tranquil. Hildebrand ordered a
   three days' fast with litanies and prayers for the dead, after which
   the cardinals were to proceed to an election. Before the funeral
   service was closed, the people shouted, "Hildebrand shall be pope!" He
   attempted to ascend the pulpit and to quiet the crowd, but Cardinal
   Hugo Candidus anticipated him, and declared:, "Men and brethren, ye
   know how since the days of Leo IX. Hildebrand has exalted the holy
   Roman Church, and defended the freedom of our city. And as we cannot
   find for the papacy a better man, or even one that is his equal, let us
   elect him, a clergyman of our Church, well known and thoroughly
   approved amongst us." The cardinals and clergy exclaimed in the usual
   formula, "St. Peter elects Gregory (Hildebrand) pope." [22]

   This tumultuary election was at once legalized by the cardinals. He was
   carried by the people as in triumph to the church of S. Petrus ad
   Vincula, clothed with the purple robe and tiara, and declared elected,
   as "a man eminent in piety and learning, a lover of equity and justice,
   firm in adversity, temperate in prosperity, according to the apostolic
   precept (1 Tim. 3:2), 'without reproach ... temperate, soberminded,
   chaste, given to hospitality, ruling his house well' ... already well
   brought up and educated in the bosom of this mother Church, for his
   merits advanced to the office of archdeacon, whom now and henceforth we
   will to be called Gregory, Pope, and Apostolic Primate." [23]

   It was eminently proper that the man who for nearly a quarter of a
   century had been the power behind the throne, should at last be pope in
   name as well as in fact. He might have attained the dignity long
   before, if he had desired it. He was then about sixty years old, when
   busy men begin to long for rest. He chose the name Gregory in memory of
   his departed friend whom he had accompanied as chaplain into exile, and
   as a protest against the interference of the empire in the affairs of
   the Church. [24] s election, and delayed his consecration long enough
   to receive the consent of Henry IV., who in the meantime had become
   emperor. This was the last case of an imperial confirmation of a papal
   election. [25]

   Hildebrand was ordained priest, May 22, and consecrated pope, June 29,
   without any opposition. Bishop Gregory of Vercelli, the German
   chancellor of Italy, attended the consecration. The pope informed his
   friends, distinguished abbots, bishops, and princes of his election;
   gave expression to his feelings and views on his responsible position,
   and begged for their sympathy and prayers. [26]

   He was overwhelmed, as he wrote to Duke Godfrey of Lorraine (May 6,
   1073), by the prospect of the task before him; he would rather have
   died than live in the midst of such perils; nothing but trust in God
   and the prayers of good men could save him from despair; for the whole
   world was lying in wickedness; even the high officers of the Church, in
   their thirst for gain and glory, were the enemies rather than the
   friends of religion and justice. In the second year of his pontificate,
   he assured his friend Hugo of Cluny (Jan. 22, 1075) that he often
   prayed God either to release him from the present life, or to use him
   for the good of mother Church, and thus describes the lamentable
   condition of the times: --

   "The Eastern Church fallen from the faith, and attacked by the infidels
   from without. In the West, South, or North, scarcely any bishops who
   have obtained their office regularly, or whose life and conduct
   correspond to their calling, and who are actuated by the love of Christ
   instead of worldly ambition. Nowhere princes who prefer God's honor to
   their own, and justice to gain. The Romans, Longobards, and Normans
   among whom I live, as I often told them, are worse than Jews and
   heathens. And when I look to myself, I feel oppressed by such a burden
   of sin that no other hope of salvation is left me but in the mercy of
   Christ alone." [27]

   This picture is true, and we need not wonder that he often longed to
   retire to the quiet retreat of a convent. He adds in the same letter
   that, if it were not for his desire to serve the holy Church, he would
   not remain in Rome, where he had spent twenty years against his wish.
   He was thus suspended between sorrow and hope, seized by a thousand
   storms, living as a dying man. He compared himself to a sailor on the
   high seas surrounded by darkness. And he wrote to William the
   Conqueror, that unwillingly he had ascended into the ship which was
   tossed on a billowy sea, with the violence of the winds and the fury of
   storms with hidden rocks beneath and other dangers rising high in air
   in the distance. [28]

   The two features which distinguished Gregory's administration were the
   advocacy of papal absolutism and the promotion of moral reforms. In
   both these respects Gregory left an abiding impression upon the thought
   and practice of Latin Christendom. Even where we do not share his views
   we cannot help but admire his moral force and invincible courage.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [22] The earliest account is given by Gregory himself in two letters
   written April 24, 1073, and a third written April 26 to Wibert of
   Ravenna (Reg., I. 1-3). It is confirmed by Bonizo. Gregory frequently
   referred to his election as having been against his will. (See Mirbt,
   Wahl, etc., pp. 2, 42.) The anti-Gregorian party made the slanderous
   accusation that he secured his office by force and bribery, but not
   till the struggle between him and Henry IV. had begun. The subject is
   thoroughly discussed by Mirbt in his Wahl Gregors VII. p. 56. In his
   later work, Die Publizistik, p. 582, he again pronounces Gregory's own
   account as "the most credible."

   [23] The clauses, "the husband of one wife," as well as "having his
   children in subjection," are omitted in the quotation from Paul's
   letter to Timothy. They would be fatal to the papal theory of clerical
   celibacy. See the Latin text in the Acta Sanctorum for May 25, Tom. VI.
   117, from the "Acta Romae 10 Kalend. Maji." The cardinals concluded the
   declaration with the questions: "Placet vobis? Placet. Vultis eum?
   Volumus. Laudatis eum? Laudamus."

   [24] From Bonizo's account it would seem that the cardinals gave him
   that name; but they probably ascertained his wishes beforehand, or
   anticipated them. Wattenbach (p. 130) regards the assumption of the
   name Gregory as an open insult to the empire and the Synod of Sutri,
   where Henry III. had deposed three popes, including Gregory VI.

   [25] This is Mirbt's view. The anti-Gregorian writers, reflecting the
   policy of Henry IV., insisted that Gregory had not received the royal
   assent. The imperial theory was laid down at Brixen, 1080, that any one
   assuming to be pope without such assent, was an apostate, si quis sine
   assensu romani principis papari praesumeret, non papa sed apostata ab
   omnibus haberetur. See Mirbt, Die Wahl, etc., pp. 29-38.

   [26] Jaffé, Mon. Greg. (1885), pp. 9 sqq.

   [27] Abridged from Ep., II. 49; Jaffé, p. 163; Migne, 148, 400

   [28] Reg., I. 70.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 11. The Gregorian Theocracy.

   The Hildebrandian or Gregorian Church ideal is a theocracy based upon
   the Mosaic model and the canon law. It is the absolute sovereignty of
   the Church in this world, commanding respect and obedience by her moral
   purity and ascetic piety. By the Church is meant the Roman Catholic
   organization headed by the pope as the vicar of Christ; and this
   hierarchical organization is identified with the Kingdom of God, in
   which men are saved from sin and death, and outside of which there is
   no ordinary salvation. No distinction is made between the Church and
   the Kingdom, nor between the visible and invisible Church. The Holy,
   Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Church has been to popes as visible and
   tangible as the German Empire, or the Kingdom of France, or the
   Republic of Venice. Besides this Church no other is recognized, not
   even the Greek, except as a schismatic branch of the Roman.

   This ideal is the growth of ages. It was prepared for by pseudo-Isidor
   in the ninth, and by St. Augustine in the fifth century.

   St. Augustine, the greatest theological authority of the Middle Ages,
   first identified the visible Catholic Church with the City or Kingdom
   of God. In his great apologetic work, De Civitate Dei, he traced the
   relation of this Kingdom to the changing and passing kingdoms of this
   world, and furnished, we may say, the programme of the mediaeval
   theocracy which, in theory, is adhered to by the Roman Church to this
   day. [29] s more interested in theology than Church policy; he had
   little to say about the papacy, and made a suggestive distinction
   between "the true body of Christ" and "the mixed body of Christ," which
   led the way to the Protestant distinction (first made by Zwingli)
   between the visible and invisible Church. [30] c theory of the
   apostolic right to depose temporal sovereigns.

   The pseudo-Isidorian Decretals went further: they identified the
   Catholic Church with the dominion of the papal hierarchy, and by a
   series of literary fictions carried this system back to the second
   century; notwithstanding the fact that the Oriental Church never
   recognized the claims of the bishops of Rome beyond that of a mere
   primacy of honor among equal patriarchs.

   Gregory VII. actualized this politico-ecclesiastical system more fully
   than any previous pope, and as far as human energy and prudence would
   admit. The glory of the Church was the all-controlling passion of his
   life. He held fast to it in the darkest hours, and he was greatest in
   adversity. Of earlier popes, Nicolas I. and Leo I. came nearest to him
   in lofty pretensions. But in him papal absolutism assumed flesh and
   blood. He was every inch a pope. He anticipated the Vatican system of
   1870; in one point he fell short of it, in another point he went beyond
   it. He did not claim infallibility in theory, though he assumed it in
   fact; but he did claim and exercise, as far as he could, an absolute
   authority over the temporal powers of Christendom, which the popes have
   long since lost, and can never regain.

   Hildebrand was convinced that, however unworthy personally, he was, in
   his official character, the successor of Peter, and as such the vicar
   of Christ in the militant Church. [31] e Kingdom of Heaven; but he
   forgot that in temporal affairs Peter was an humble subject under a
   hostile government, and exhorted the Christians to honor the king (1
   Pet. 2:17) at a time when a Nero sat on the throne. He constantly
   appealed to the famous words of Christ, Matt. 16:18, 19, as if they
   were said to himself. The pope inherits the lofty position of Peter. He
   is the Rock of the Church. He is the universal bishop, a title against
   which the first Gregory protested as an anti-Christian presumption. He
   is intrusted with the care of all Christendom (including the Greek
   Church, which never acknowledged him). He has absolute and final
   jurisdiction, and is responsible only to God, and to no earthly
   tribunal. He alone can depose and reinstate bishops, and his legates
   take precedence of all bishops. He is the supreme arbiter in questions
   of right and wrong in the whole Christian world. He is above all
   earthly sovereigns. He can wear the imperial insignia. He can depose
   kings and emperors, and absolve subjects from their oath of allegiance
   to unworthy sovereigns.

   These and similar claims are formulated in a document of twenty-seven
   brief propositions preserved among Gregory's letters, which are of
   doubtful genuineness, but correctly express his views, [32] famous
   letter to Hermann, bishop of Metz.

   Among his favorite Scripture quotations, besides the prophecy about
   Peter (Matt. 16:18, 19), are two passages from the Old Testament: the
   words of the prophet Samuel to Saul, which suited his attitude to
   rebellious kings (1 Sam. 15:23): "Rebellion is as the sin of
   witchcraft, and stubbornness is as idolatry and teraphim; because thou
   hast rejected the word of the Lord, he has also rejected thee from
   being king;" and the words of the prophet Jeremiah (48:10): "Cursed be
   he that doeth the work of the Lord negligently, and cursed be he that
   keepeth back his sword from blood." He meant the spiritual sword
   chiefly, but also the temporal, if necessary. He would have liked to
   lead an army of soldiers of St. Peter for the conquest of the Holy
   Land, and the subjection of all rebellious monarchs. He projected the
   first crusade, which his second successor carried out.

   We must consider more particularly his views on the relation of Church
   and State. Public opinion in the Middle Ages believed neither in
   co-ordination nor separation of the two powers, but in the
   subordination of one to the other on the basis of union. Church and
   State were inseparably interwoven from the days of Charlemagne and even
   of Constantine, and both together constituted the Christian
   commonwealth, respublica Christiana. There was also a general agreement
   that the Church was the spiritual, the State, the temporal power.

   But the parties divided on the question of the precise boundary line.
   [33] uperiority of the State, or at least the equality of the two
   powers. It was a conflict between priestcraft and statecraft, between
   sacerdotium and imperium, the clergy and the laity. The imperialists
   emphasized the divine origin and superior antiquity of the civil
   government, to which even Christ and the Apostles were subject; the
   hierarchical party disparaged the State, and put the Church above it
   even in temporal affairs, when they conflicted with the spiritual.
   Emperors like Otto I. and Henry III. deposed and elected popes; while
   popes like Gregory VII. and Innocent III. deposed and elected emperors.

   Gregory compares the Church to the sun, the State to the moon, which
   borrows her light from the sun. [34] dignity, as heaven is above the
   earth. He admits the necessity of the State for the temporal government
   of men; but in his conflict with the civil power he takes the
   pessimistic view that the State is the product of robbery, murder, and
   all sorts of crimes, and a disturbance of the original equality, which
   must be restored by the priestly power. He combined the highest view of
   the Church and the papacy with the lowest view of the State and the
   empire. [35]

   His theory of the papal power could not have been more explicitly
   stated than when, writing to Sancho, king of Aragon, he said that
   Jesus, the king of glory, had made Peter lord over the kingdoms of the
   world. This principle he consistently acted upon. [36] subjects from
   allegiance to him. He concluded his second excommunication of Henry
   IV., at the synod in Lent, March 7, 1080, with this startling
   peroration: --

   "And now, O ye princes and fathers, most holy Apostles Peter and Paul,
   deal ye with us in such wise that all the world may know and understand
   that, having the power to bind and to loose in heaven, you have the
   like power to take away empires, kingdoms, principalities, duchies,
   marquisates, earldoms, and all manner of human rights and properties
   .... Having such mighty power in spiritual things, what is there on
   earth that may transcend your authority in temporal things? And if ye
   judge the angels, who are high above the proudest of princes, what may
   ye not do unto those beneath them? Let the kings and princes of the
   earth know and feel how great ye are--how exalted your power! Let them
   tremble to despise the commands of your Church!

   "But upon the said Henry do judgment quickly, that all men may know
   that it is not by fortune or chance, but by your power, that he has
   fallen! May he thus be confounded unto repentance, that his soul may be
   saved in the day of the Lord!"

   This is the extreme of hierarchical arrogance and severity. Gregory
   always assumed the air of supreme authority over kings and nobles as
   well as bishops and abbots, and expects from them absolute obedience.

   Sardinia and Corsica he treated as fiefs. [37] er, and that it belonged
   to no mortal man but to the Apostolic see. For had not the Holy See
   made a grant of Spanish territory to a certain Evulus on condition of
   his conquering it from pagan hands? [38] at St. Paul had gone to Spain
   and that seven bishops, sent by Paul and Peter, had founded the
   Christian Church in Spain. [39] did not desist from simony, to place
   his realm under the interdict. [40] [41] ize the dependence of his
   kingdom upon Rome and to send his son to Rome that he might draw the
   sword against the enemies of God, promising the son a certain rich
   province in Italy for his services. [42] onies to the king of Russia,
   whose son, as we are informed in another letter, had come to Rome, to
   secure his throne from the pope. [43] ht to Rome, [44] ent of two
   hundred pieces of silver to himself and his papal successors. To
   Michael, Byzantine emperor, he wrote, expressing the hope that the
   Church of Constantinople as a true daughter might be reconciled to its
   mother, the Church of Rome. [45] munications to the emperor, Gregory
   made propositions concerning a crusade to rescue the Holy Land.

   For William the Conqueror, Gregory expressed great affection,
   addressing him as "best beloved," carissime, but solemnly reminded him
   that he owed his promotion to the throne of England to the favor of the
   Roman see and bidding him be prompt in the payment of Peter's Pence.
   [46] his predecessors had paid, but fealty he refused to pay as his
   predecessors had refused to pay it. [47]

   Unbiblical and intolerable as is Hildebrand's scheme of papal
   absolutism as a theory of abiding validity, for the Middle Ages it was
   better that the papacy should rule. It was, indeed, a spiritual
   despotism; but it checked a military despotism which was the only
   alternative, and would have been far worse. The Church, after all,
   represented the moral and intellectual interests over against rude
   force and passions. She could not discharge her full duty unless she
   was free and independent. The princes of the Middle Ages were mostly
   ignorant and licentious despots; while the popes, in their official
   character, advocated the cause of learning, the sanctity of marriage,
   and the rights of the people. It was a conflict of moral with physical
   power, of intelligence with ignorance, of religion with vice.

   The theocratic system made religion the ruling factor in mediaeval
   Europe, and gave the Catholic Church an opportunity to do her best. Her
   influence was, upon the whole, beneficial. The enthusiasm for religion
   inspired the crusades, carried Christianity to heathen savages, built
   the cathedrals and innumerable churches, founded the universities and
   scholastic theology, multiplied monastic orders and charitable
   institutions, checked wild passions, softened manners, stimulated
   discoveries and inventions, preserved ancient classical and Christian
   literature, and promoted civilization. The papacy struck its roots deep
   in the past, even as far back as the second century. But it was based
   in part on pious frauds, as the pseudo-Isidorian Decretals and the
   false Donation of Constantine.

   The mediaeval theocracy was at best a carnal anticipation of the
   millennial reign, when all the kingdoms of this world shall obey the
   peaceful sceptre of Christ. The papacy degenerated more and more into a
   worldly institution and an intolerable tyranny over the hearts and
   minds of men. Human nature is too noble to be ruled by despotism, and
   too weak to resist its temptations. The State has divine authority as
   well as the Church, and the laity have rights as well as the clergy.
   These rights came to the front as civilization advanced and as the
   hierarchy abused its power. It was the abuse of priestly authority for
   the enslavement of men, the worldliness of the Church, and the
   degradation and profanation of religion in the traffic of indulgences,
   which provoked the judgment of the Reformation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [29] Pope Leo XIII., in his encyclical concerning the Christian
   constitution of States (Immortale Dei, Nov. 1, 1885), defends the
   mediaeval theory of Church and State, and refers to the authority of
   St. Augustine, as having in his De Civitate Dei clearly set forth the
   true principles on this subject for all time to come. See Schaff's
   edition of St. Augustine's Works, pref. to vol. II. (New York, 1887).
   Comp. also Reuter, Augustinische Studien (Gotha, 1887), pp. 106-152,
   and Mirbt., l.c., who has industriously collected the quotations from
   Augustine by the friends and opponents of Gregory VII.

   [30] The influence of Augustine's theory upon Wyclif, Hus, and the
   Reformers is shown in this Church History, vol. VI. 522 sqq.

   [31] Gregory again and again expressed his feeling of personal
   unworthiness in such expressions as cui licet indigni et nolentes
   praesidemus, Reg., I. 18, 70, etc.; Migne, 300, 344, etc.

   [32] Dictatus Papae, Migne, 148, 407 sq.; Mirbt, Quellen, p. 113. Comp:
   the note of Gieseler, II. B. 7 (Germ. ed.). I quote a few: 12. Quod
   illi liceat imperatores deponere. 22. Quod Romana Ecclesia numquam
   erravit, nec in perpetuum, Scriptura testante, errabit. 26. Quod
   catholicus non habeatur, qui non concordat Ecclesiae Romanae. 27. Quod
   a fidelitate iniquorum subjectos potest absolvere

   [33] See Mirbt, Publizistik, 572-579.

   [34] Letter of May 8, 1080, to William of England. Jaffé, 419 sq.;
   Migne, 148, 569. Gregory also compared the priesthood to gold and
   royalty to lead, Reg., IV. 2.

   [35] In a letter to Bishop Hermann of Metz, March 15, 1081 (Reg., VIII.
   21). "Quis nesciat reges et duces ab illis habuisse principium, qui,
   Deum ignorantes, superbia, rapinis, perfidia, homicidiis, postremo
   universis pene sceleribus, mundi principe Diabolo videlicet agitante,
   super pares scilicet homines, dominari caeca cupidine etintolerabili
   presumptione affectaverunt," St. Augustine likewise combines the two
   views of the origin of the State, and calls it both a divine ordinance
   and a "grande latrocinium," an enslavement of men in consequence of
   sin. See Reuter,August. Studien, l.c., 135 sq. The letter to Hermann is
   also given in Mirbt, Quellen, 105-112.

   [36] Petrum dominus Jesus Christus, rex gloriae, principem super regna
   mundi constituit, Reg., I. 63; Migne, 148, 339.

   [37] Reg., I. 29, VII. 10; Migne, 148, 312, 584.

   [38] Reg., I. 7; Migne, 289.

   [39] Reg., I. 64; Migne, 339.

   [40] Reg., II. 5, 18, 32.

   [41] Lupus rapax, etc.

   [42] Reg., II. 51, 75; Migne, 403, 426.

   [43] Reg., II. 73, 74; Migne, 423 sq.

   [44] Regnum Hungariae sanctae Romanae ecclesiae proprium est a rege
   Stephano beato Petri olim cum omni jure et potestate sua oblatum et
   devote traditum, Reg., II. 13; Migne, 373.

   [45] Reg., I. 18; Migne, 300.

   [46] Reg., I. 70, VII. 23; Migne, 345, 565 sqq., etc.

   [47] "Hubert, your legate in your behalf has bade me to do fealty to
   you and your successors, and to think better in the matter of the money
   which my predecessors were wont to send to the Roman Church. The one
   point I agreed to, the other I did not agree to. Fealty I refused to
   do, nor will I do it, nor do I find that my predecessors did it to your
   predecessors." The letter of William the Conqueror to Gregory, written
   after 1076, the date being uncertain. See Gee and Hardy, Documents of
   Eng. Ch. Hist., p. 57. The efforts of Gregory to secure William's
   support in his controversy with Henry IV. failed. Reg., VI. 30, VII. 1;
   Migne, 535, 545.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 12. Gregory VII. as a Moral Reformer. Simony and Clerical Marriage.

   Gregory VII. must be viewed not only as a papal absolutist, but also as
   a moral reformer. It is the close connection of these two characters
   that gives him such pre-eminence in history, and it is his zeal for
   moral reform that entitles him to real respect; while his pretension to
   absolute power he shares with the most worthless popes.

   His Church ideal formed a striking contrast to the actual condition of
   the Church, and he could not actualize it without raising the clergy
   from the deep slough of demoralization to a purer and higher plane.

   His reforms were directed against simony and Nicolaitism. What he had
   done as Hildebrand, by way of advice, he now carried out by official
   authority.

   In the war on simony he was altogether right from the standpoint of
   Protestant as well as Roman Catholic ethics. The traffic in
   ecclesiastical dignities was an unmitigated nuisance and scandal, and
   doubly criminal if exercised by bishops and popes.

   In his war on Nicolaitism, Gregory was sustained by ancient laws of the
   Roman Church, but not by the genuine spirit of Christianity. Enforced
   clerical celibacy has no foundation in the Bible, and is apt to defeat
   the sacerdotal ideal which it was intended to promote. The real power
   and usefulness of the clergy depend upon its moral purity, which is
   protected and promoted by lawful matrimony, the oldest institution of
   God, dating from the paradise of innocence.

   The motives of Gregory in his zeal for sacerdotal celibacy were partly
   monkish and partly hierarchical. Celibacy was an essential part of his
   ascetic ideal of a priest of God, who must be superior to carnal
   passions and frailties, wholly devoted to the interests of the Church,
   distracted by no earthly cares, separated from his fellow-men, and
   commanding their reverence by angelic purity. Celibacy, moreover, was
   an indispensable condition of the freedom of the hierarchy. He declared
   that he could not free the Church from the rule of the laity unless the
   priests were freed from their wives. A married clergy is connected with
   the world by social ties, and concerned for the support of the family;
   an unmarried clergy is independent, has no home and aim but the Church,
   and protects the pope like a standing army.

   Another motive for opposing clerical marriage was to prevent the danger
   of a hereditary caste which might appropriate ecclesiastical property
   to private uses and impoverish the Church. The ranks of the hierarchy,
   even the chair of St. Peter, were to be kept open to self-made men of
   the humblest classes, but closed against hereditary claimants. This was
   a practical recognition of the democratic principle in contrast with
   the aristocratic feudalism of the Middle Ages. Hildebrand himself, who
   rose from the lowest rank without patronage to the papal throne, was
   the best illustration of this clerical democracy.

   The power of the confessional, which is one of the pillars of the
   priesthood, came to the aid of celibacy. Women are reluctant to intrust
   their secrets to a priest who is a husband and father of a family.

   The married priests brought forward the example of the priests of the
   Old Testament. This argument Damiani answered by saying that the Hebrew
   priest was forbidden to eat before offering sacrifices at the altar.
   How much more unseemly it would be for a priest of the new order to
   soil himself carnally before offering the sacraments to God! The new
   order owed its whole time to the office and had none left for marriage
   and the family life (1 Cor. 7:32). Only an unmarried man who refuses to
   gratify carnal lusts can fulfil the injunction to be a temple of God
   and avoid quenching the Spirit (Eph. 4:30; 1 Thess. 5:19). [48]

   These motives controlled also the followers of Gregory and the whole
   hierarchy, and secured the ultimate triumph of sacerdotal celibacy. The
   question of abolishing it has from time to time been agitated, and in
   the exceptional cases of the Maronites and United Greeks the popes have
   allowed single marriage in deference to old custom and for prudential
   reasons. Pope Pius II., before he ascended the papal chair (1458-1464),
   said that good reasons required the prohibition of clerical marriage,
   but better reasons required its restoration. The hierarchical interest,
   however, has always overruled these better reasons. Whatever may have
   been the advantages of clerical celibacy, its evils were much greater.
   The sexual immorality of the clergy, more than anything else,
   undermined the respect of the people for their spiritual guides, and
   was one of the chief causes of the Reformation, which restored
   honorable clerical marriage, created a pastoral home with its
   blessings, and established the supremacy of conscience over
   hierarchical ambition.

   From the standpoint of a zealous reformer like Gregory, the morals of
   the clergy were certainly in a low condition. No practice did he
   condemn with such burning words as the open marriage of priests or
   their secret cohabitation with women who were to all intents and
   purposes their wives. Contemporary writers like Damiani, d. 1072, in
   his Gomorrhianus, give dark pictures of the lives of the priests. While
   descriptions of rigid ascetics are to be accepted with caution, the
   evidence abounds that in all parts of Latin Christendom the law of
   priestly celibacy was ignored. [49] [50] [51] , was thinking of taking
   a wife openly. [52] e supposed the very existence of the Church
   depended upon the enforcement of clerical celibacy. There were bishops
   even in Italy who openly permitted the marriage of priests, as was the
   case with Kunibert of Turin. [53] t conceal his quasi-marital relations
   which Gregory denounced as fornication, [54] "incontinent" or
   "concubinary priests." [55] [56]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [48] See Mirbt, p. 278.

   [49] Mirbt, Publizistik, 259, says that there was no such thing as a
   general observance of celibacy in Western Europe.

   [50] Kirchengesch., 339.

   [51] Kirchengesch., 271. It will be remembered that in Spain, in the
   eighth century, King Witiza formally abolished the law of clerical
   celibacy.

   [52] So Bonizo of Sutri ad amicum, lib. V.

   [53] So Damiani. See Mirbt, 248.

   [54] Gregory, Reg., II. 10.

   [55] Incontinentes sacerdotes et levitae ... sacerdotes concubinati.

   [56] Reg., II. 30.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 13. The Enforcement of Sacerdotal Celibacy.

   Literature, special works: Henry C. Lea: A Hist. Sketch of Sacerdotal
   Celibacy in the Christian Church, Phil. 1867, 2d ed. Boston, 1884.--A.
   Dresdner: Kultur und Sittengeschichte der italienischen Geistlichkeit
   im 10 und 11 Jahrhundert, Berlin, 1890.--Mirbt: Publizistik, pp.
   239-342; Hefele, V. 20 sqq. The chief contemporary sources are Damiani
   de coelibatu sacerdotum, addressed to Nicolas II. and Gomorrhianus,
   commended by Leo IX., and other writings,--Gregory VII.'s Letters.
   Mirbt gives a survey of this literature, pp. 274-342.

   Gregory completed, with increased energy and the weight of official
   authority, the moral reform of the clergy as a means for securing the
   freedom and power of the Church. He held synod after synod, which
   passed summary laws against simony and Nicolaitism, and denounced all
   carnal connection of priests with women, however legitimate, as sinful
   and shameful concubinage. Not contented with synodical legislation, he
   sent letters and legates into all countries with instructions to
   enforce the decrees. A synod in Rome, March, 1074, opened the war. It
   deposed the priests who had bought their dignity or benefices,
   prohibited all future sacerdotal marriage, required married priests to
   dismiss their wives or cease to read mass, and commanded the laity not
   to attend their services. The same decrees had been passed under
   Nicolas II. and Alexander II., but were not enforced. The forbidding of
   the laity to attend mass said by a married priest, was a most
   dangerous, despotic measure, which had no precedent in antiquity. In an
   encyclical of 1079 addressed to the whole realm of Italy and Germany,
   Gregory used these violent words, "If there are presbyters, deacons, or
   sub-deacons who are guilty of the crime of fornication (that is, living
   with women as their wives), we forbid them, in the name of God Almighty
   and by the authority of St. Peter, entrance into the churches,
   introitum ecclesiae, until they repent and rectify their conduct."

   These decrees caused a storm of opposition. Many clergymen in Germany,
   as Lambert of Hersfeld reports, denounced Gregory as a madman and
   heretic: he had forgotten the words of Christ, Matt. 19:11, and of the
   Apostle, 1 Cor. 7:9; he wanted to compel men to live like angels, and,
   by doing violence to the law of nature, he opened the door to
   indiscriminate licentiousness. They would rather give up their calling
   than their wives, and tauntingly asked him to look out for angels who
   might take their place. The bishops were placed in a most embarrassing
   position. Some, like Otto of Constance, sympathized with the married
   clergy; and he went so far as to bid his clergy marry. [57] [58] eed
   with the Hildebrandian principle, but deemed it impracticable or
   inopportune. When the bishops lacked in zeal, Gregory stirred up the
   laity against the simoniacal and concubinary priests. He exhorted a
   certain Count Albert (October, 1074) to persist in enforcing the papal
   orders, and commanded Duke Rudolf of Swabia and Duke Bertolf of
   Carinthia, January, 1075, to prevent by force, if necessary, the
   rebellious priests from officiating, no matter what the bishops might
   say who had taken no steps to punish the guilty. He thus openly
   encouraged rebellion of the laity against the clergy, contrary to his
   fundamental principle of the absolute rule of the hierarchy. He acted
   on the maxim that the end sanctifies the means. Bishop Theodoric of
   Verdun, who at first sided in the main with Gregory, but was afterwards
   forced into the ranks of his opponents, openly reproached him for these
   most extraordinary measures as dangerous to the peace of the Church, to
   the safety of the clerical order, and even to the Christian faith.
   Bishop Henry of Spires denounced him as having destroyed the episcopal
   authority, and subjected the Church to the madness of the people. When
   the bishops, at the Diet of Worms, deposed him, January, 1076, one of
   the reasons assigned was his surrender of the Church to the laity.

   But the princes who were opposed to Henry IV. and deposed him at Tribur
   (1076), professed great zeal for the Roman Church and moral reform.
   They were stigmatized with the Milanese name of Patarini. Even Henry
   IV., though he tacitly protected the simoniacal and concubinary clergy
   and received their aid, never ventured openly to defend them; and the
   anti-pope Clement III., whom he elected 1080, expressed with almost
   Hildebrandian severity his detestation of clerical concubinage,
   although he threatened with excommunication the presumptuous laymen who
   refused to take the sacrament from immoral priests. Bishop Benzo, the
   most bitter of imperialists, did not wish to be identified with the
   Nicolaitan heretics.

   A contemporary writer, probably a priest of Treves, gives a frightful
   picture of the immediate results of this reform, with which he
   sympathized in principle. Slaves betrayed masters and masters betrayed
   slaves, friends informed against friends, faith and truth were
   violated, the offices of religion were neglected, society was almost
   dissolved. The peccant priests were exposed to the scorn and contempt
   of the laity, reduced to extreme poverty, or even mutilated by the
   populace, tortured and driven into exile. Their wives, who had been
   legally married with ring and religious rites, were insulted as
   harlots, and their children branded as bastards. Many of these
   unfortunate women died from hunger or grief, or committed suicide in
   despair, and were buried in unconsecrated earth. Peasants burned the
   tithes on the field lest they should fall into the hands of disobedient
   priests, trampled the host under foot, and baptized their own children.
   [59]

   In England, St. Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, d. 988, had
   anticipated the reforms of Hildebrand, but only with temporary success.
   William the Conqueror made no effort to enforce sacerdotal celibacy,
   except that the charge of concubinage was freely used as a pretext for
   removing Anglo-Saxon prelates to make room for Norman rivals. Lanfranc
   of Canterbury was a Hildebrandian, but could not prevent a reformatory
   council at Winchester in 1076 from allowing married priests to retain
   their wives, and it contented itself with the prohibition of future
   marriages. This prohibition was repeated at a council held in London,
   1102, when Anselm occupied the see of Canterbury. Married priests were
   required to dismiss their wives, and their children were forbidden to
   inherit their fathers' churches. A profession of chastity was to be
   exacted at ordination to the subdiaconate and the higher orders. But no
   punishment was prescribed for the violation of these canons. Anselm
   maintained them vigorously before and after his exile. A new council,
   called by King Henry at London, 1108, a year before Anselm's death,
   passed severe laws against sacerdotal marriage under penalties of
   deposition, expulsion from the Church, loss of property, and infamy.
   The temporal power was pledged to enforce this legislation. But Eadmer,
   the biographer of Anselm, sorrowfully intimates that the result was an
   increase of shocking crimes of priests with their relatives, and that
   few preserved that purity with which Anselm had labored to adorn his
   clergy.

   In Spain, which was as much isolated from the Continent by the Pyrenees
   as England by the sea, clerical celibacy was never enforced before this
   period. The Saracenic invasion and subsequent struggles of the
   Christians were unfavorable to discipline. A canon of Compostella,
   afterwards bishop of Mondonego, describes the contemporary
   ecclesiastics at the close of the eleventh century as reckless and
   violent men, ready for any crime, prompt to quarrel, and occasionally
   indulging in mutual slaughter. The lower priests were generally
   married; but bishops and monks were forbidden by a council of
   Compostella, in 1056, all intercourse with women, except with mothers,
   aunts, and sisters wearing the monastic habit. Gregory VII. sent a
   legate, a certain Bishop Amandus, to Spain to introduce his reforms,
   1077. A council at Girona, 1078, forbade the ordination of sons of
   priests and the hereditary transmission of ecclesiastical benefices. A
   council at Burgos, 1080, commanded married priests to put away their
   wives. But this order seems to have been a dead letter until the
   thirteenth century, when the code of laws drawn up by Alfonso the Wise,
   known as "Las Siete Partidas," punished sacerdotal marriage with
   deprivation of function and benefice, and authorized the prelates to
   command the assistance of the secular power in enforcing this
   punishment. "After this we hear little of regular marriage, which was
   replaced by promiscuous concubinage or by permanent irregular unions."
   [60]

   In France the efforts of reform made by the predecessors of Gregory had
   little effect. A Paris synod of 1074 declared Gregory's decrees
   unbearable and unreasonable. [61] ere unable to carry out the canon
   without the aid of the secular arm. The Norman clergy in 1072 drove the
   archbishop of Rouen from a council with a shower of stones. William the
   Conqueror came to his aid in 1080 at a synod of Lillebonne, which
   forbade ordained persons to keep women in their houses. But clerical
   marriages continued, the nuptials were made public, and male children
   succeeded to benefices by a recognized right of primogeniture. William
   the Conqueror, who assisted the hopeless reform in Normandy, prevented
   it in his subject province of Britanny, where the clergy, as described
   by Pascal II., in the early part of the twelfth century, were setting
   the canons at defiance and indulging in enormities hateful to God and
   man.

   At last, the Gregorian enforcement of sacerdotal celibacy triumphed in
   the whole Roman Church, but at the fearful sacrifice of sacerdotal
   chastity. The hierarchical aim was attained, but not the angelic purity
   of the priesthood. The private morals of the priest were sacrificed to
   hierarchical ambition. Concubinage and licentiousness took the place of
   holy matrimony. The acts of councils abound in complaints of clerical
   immorality and the vices of unchastity and drunkenness. "The records of
   the Middle Ages are full of the evidences that indiscriminate license
   of the worst kind prevailed throughout every rank of the hierarchy."
   [62] of the tenth and eleventh centuries.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [57] In a letter to Sicardus, abp. of Aquileja, Jan. 24, 1074, Gregory
   complained of princes who treated the Church as a servant-maid, quasi
   vilem ancillam, etc. Reg., I. 42; Migne, 148, 322.

   [58] Gregory, Reg., II. 29, III. 4, commanded him to root out "clerical
   fornication."

   [59] Hauck, III. 780 sq.; Mirbt, Publizistik, 269 sqq.; Hefele, V. 30
   sqq.

   [60] Lea, p. 309.

   [61] importabilia ideoque irrationabilia.

   [62] g Lea, p. 341.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 14. The War over Investiture.

   The other great reform-scheme of Gregory aimed at the complete
   emancipation of the Church from the bondage of the secular power. His
   conception of the freedom of the Church meant the slavery of the State.
   The State exercised control over the Church by selling ecclesiastical
   dignities, or the practice of simony, and by the investiture of bishops
   and abbots; that is, by the bestowal of the staff and ring. [63]

   The feudal system of the Middle Ages, as it developed itself among the
   new races of Europe from the time of Charlemagne, rested on land tenure
   and the mutual obligations of lord and vassal, whereby the lord, from
   the king down to the lowest landed proprietor, was bound to protect his
   vassal, and the vassal was bound to serve his lord. The Church in many
   countries owned nearly or fully one-half of the landed estate, with the
   right of customs, tolls, coinage of money, etc., and was in justice
   bound to bear part of the burden attached to land tenure. The secular
   lords regarded themselves as the patrons of the Church, and claimed the
   right of appointing and investing its officers, and of bestowing upon
   them, not only their temporalia, but also the insignia of their
   spiritual power. This was extremely offensive to churchmen. The bishop,
   invested by the lord, became his vassal, and had to swear an oath of
   obedience, which implied the duty of serving at court and furnishing
   troops for the defense of the country. Sometimes a bishop had hardly
   left the altar when his liege-lord commanded him to gird on the sword.
   After the death of the bishop, the king or prince used the income of
   the see till the election of a successor, and often unduly postponed
   the election for his pecuniary benefit, to the injury of the Church and
   the poor. In the appointments, the king was influenced by political,
   social, or pecuniary considerations, and often sold the dignity to the
   highest bidder, without any regard to intellectual or moral
   qualifications. The right of investiture was thus closely connected
   with the crying abuse of simony, and its chief source.

   No wonder that Gregory opposed this investiture by laymen with all his
   might. Cardinal Humbert had attacked it in a special book under Victor
   II. (1057), and declared it an infamous scandal that lay-hands, above
   all, female hands, should bestow the ring and crosier. He insisted that
   investiture was a purely spiritual function, and that secular princes
   have nothing to do with the performance of functions that have
   something sacramental about them. They even commit sacrilege by
   touching the garments of the priest. By the exercise of the right of
   investiture, princes, who are properly the defenders of the Church, had
   become its lords and rulers. Great evils had arisen out of this
   practice, especially in Italy, where ambitious priests lingered about
   the antechambers of courts and practised the vice of adulation, vitium
   adulationis. [64]

   The legislation against lay appointments was opened at the Synod of
   Rheims, 1049, under the influence of Leo IX. It declared that no priest
   should be promoted to office without the election of clergy and people.
   Ten years later, 1059, the Synod of Rome pronounced any appointment of
   cleric or presbyter to benefice invalid, which was made by a layman.
   [65]

   By abolishing this custom, Gregory hoped to emancipate the clergy from
   the vassalage of the State, and the property of the Church from the
   feudal supervision of the prince, as well as to make the bishops the
   obedient servants of the pope.

   The contest continued under the following popes, and was at last
   settled by the compromise of Worms (1122). The emperor yielded only in
   part; for to surrender the whole property of the Church to the absolute
   power of the pope, would have reduced civil government to a mere
   shadow. On the other hand, the partial triumph of the papacy
   contributed very much to the secularization of the Church.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [63] investitura per baculum et annulum.

   [64] Humbert's work, adversus simoniacos, is giveninlibelli de lite and
   Migne, vol. 153. Wido of Arezzo and Damiani expressed the same views.
   See Mirbt, Publizistik, 463-471. Of those who received lay investiture
   it began to be said "that they entered not in by the door,"non per
   ostium intraverant.

   [65] ut per laicos nullo modo quilibet clericus aut presbyter obtineat
   ecclesiam nec gratis nec pretio, Mansi, XIX. 898.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 15. Gregory VII. and Henry IV.

   The conflict over investiture began at a Roman synod in Lent (Feb.
   24-28), 1075, and brought on the famous collision with Henry IV., in
   which priestcraft and kingcraft strove for mastery. The pope had the
   combined advantages of superior age, wisdom, and moral character over
   this unfortunate prince, who, when a mere boy of six years (1056), had
   lost his worthy father, Henry III., had been removed from the care of
   his pious but weak mother, Agnes, and was spoilt in his education.
   Henry had a lively mind and noble impulses, but was despotic and
   licentious. Prosperity made him proud and overbearing, while adversity
   cast him down. His life presents striking changes of fortune. He
   ascended and descended twice the scale of exaltation and humiliation.
   He first insulted the pope, then craved his pardon; he rebelled again
   against him, triumphed for a while, was twice excommunicated and
   deposed; at last, forsaken and persecuted by his own son, he died a
   miserable death, and was buried in unconsecrated earth. The better
   class of his own subjects sided against him in his controversy with the
   pope. The Saxons rose in open revolt against his tyranny on the very
   day that Hildebrand was consecrated (June 29, 1073).

   This synod of 1075 forbade the king and all laymen having anything to
   do with the appointment of bishops or assuming the right of
   investiture. [66] actising simony. [67]

   The king, hard pressed by the rebellious Saxons, at first yielded, and
   dismissed the five counsellors; but, as soon as he had subdued the
   rebellion (June 5, 1075), he recalled them, and continued to practice
   shameful simony. He paid his soldiers from the proceeds of Church
   property, and adorned his mistresses with the diamonds of sacred
   vessels. The pope exhorted him by letter and deputation to repent, and
   threatened him with excommunication. The king received his legates most
   ungraciously, and assumed the tone of open defiance. Probably with his
   knowledge, Cencius, a cousin of the imperial prefect in Rome,
   shamefully maltreated the pope, seized him at the altar the night
   before Christmas, 1075, and shut him up in a tower; but the people
   released him and put Cencius to flight.

   Henry called the bishops and abbots of the empire to a council at
   Worms, under the lead of Archbishop Siegfried of Mainz, Jan. 24, 1076.
   This council deposed Gregory without giving him even a hearing, on the
   ground of slanderous charges of treason, witchcraft, covenant with the
   devil, and impurity, which were brought against him by Hugo Blancus
   (Hugh Leblanc), a deposed cardinal. It was even asserted that he ruled
   the Church by a senate of women, Beatrix, Matilda of Tuscany, and
   Agnes, the emperor's mother. Only two bishops dared to protest against
   the illegal proceeding. The Ottos and Henry III. had deposed popes, but
   not in such a manner.

   Henry secured the signatures of the disaffected bishops of Upper Italy
   at a council in Piacenza. He informed Gregory of the decree of Worms in
   an insulting letter: --

   "Henry, king, not by usurpation, but by God's holy ordinance, to
   Hildebrand, not pope, but a false monk. How darest thou, who hast won
   thy power through craft, flattery, bribery, and force, stretch forth
   thy hand against the Lord's anointed, despising the precept of the true
   pope, St. Peter: 'Fear God, honor the king?' Thou who dost not fear
   God, dishonorest me whom He has appointed. Condemned by the voice of
   all our bishops, quit the apostolic chair, and let another take it, who
   will preach the sound doctrine of St. Peter, and not do violence under
   the cloak of religion. I, Henry, by the grace of God, king, with all my
   bishops, say unto thee, Come down, come down!" [68]

   At the same time Henry wrote to the cardinals and the Roman people to
   aid him in the election of a new pope. Roland, a priest of Parma,
   brought the letter to Rome at the end of February, as Gregory was just
   holding a synod of a hundred and ten bishops, and concluded his message
   with the words. "I tell you, brethren, that you must appear at
   Pentecost before the king to receive from his hands a pope and father;
   for this man here is not pope, but a ravening wolf." This produced a
   storm of indignation. The prelates drew swords and were ready to kill
   him on the spot; but Gregory remained calm, and protected him against
   violence.

   On the next day (February 22) the pope excommunicated and deposed Henry
   in the name of St. Peter, and absolved his subjects from their oath of
   obedience. He published the ban in a letter to all Christians. The
   sentence of deposition is as follows: --

   "Blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, incline thine ear unto me, and
   hear me, thy servant, whom from childhood thou didst nurse and protect
   against the wicked to this day. Thou and my lady, the mother of God,
   and thy brother, St. Paul, are my witnesses that the holy Roman Church
   has drawn me to the helm against my will, and that I have not risen up
   like a robber to thy seat. Rather would I have been a pilgrim my whole
   life long than have snatched to myself thy chair on account of temporal
   glory and in a worldly spirit .... By thy intercession God has
   intrusted me with the power to bind and to loose on earth and in
   heaven.

   "Therefore, relying on this trust, for the honor and security of the
   Church, in the name of the Almighty Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, I do
   prohibit Henry, king, son of Henry the emperor, from ruling the kingdom
   of the Teutons and of Italy, because with unheard-of pride he has
   lifted himself up against thy Church; and I release all Christians from
   the oath of allegiance to him which they have taken, or shall take, and
   I forbid that any shall serve him as king. For it is fitting that he
   who will touch the dignity of the Church should lose his own. And
   inasmuch as he has despised obedience by associating with the
   excommunicate, by many deeds of iniquity, and by spurning the warnings
   which I have given him for his good, I bind him in the bands of
   anathema; that all nations of the earth may know that thou art Peter,
   and that upon thy rock the Son of the living God hath built His Church,
   and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it." [69]

   The empress-widow was present when the anathema was pronounced on her
   son. At the same time the pope excommunicated all the German and
   Italian bishops who had deposed him at Worms and Piacenza.

   This was a most critical moment, and the signal for a deadly struggle
   between the two greatest potentates in Christendom. Never before had
   such a tremendous sentence been pronounced upon a crowned head. The
   deposition of Childeric by Pope Zacharias was only the sanction of the
   actual rule of Pepin. Gregory threatened also King Philip of France
   with deposition, but did not execute it. Now the heir of the crown of
   Charlemagne was declared an outlaw by the successor of the Galilean
   fisherman, and Europe accepted the decision. There were not wanting,
   indeed, voices of discontent and misgivings about the validity of a
   sentence which justified the breaking of a solemn oath. All conceded
   the papal right of excommunication, but not the right of deposition. If
   Henry had commanded the respect and love of his subjects, he might have
   defied Gregory. But the religious sentiment of the age sustained the
   pope, and was far less shocked by the papal excommunication and
   deposition of the king than by the royal deposition of the pope. It was
   never forgotten that the pope had crowned Charlemagne, and it seemed
   natural that his power to bestow implied his power to withhold or to
   take away. [70]

   Gregory had not a moment's doubt as to the justice of his act. He
   invited the faithful to pray, and did not neglect the dictates of
   worldly prudence. He strengthened his military force in Rome, and
   reopened negotiations with Robert Guiscard and Roger. In Northern Italy
   he had a powerful ally in Countess Matilda, who, by the recent death of
   her husband and her mother, had come into full possession of vast
   dominions, and furnished a bulwark against the discontented clergy and
   nobility of Lombardy and an invading army from Germany. [71]

   When Henry received the tidings of the sentence of excommunication and
   deposition, he burst into a furious rage, abused Gregory as a
   hypocrite, heretic, murderer, perjurer, adulterer, and threatened to
   fling back the anathema upon his head. William, bishop of Utrecht, had
   no scruples in complying with the king's wishes, and from the pulpit of
   his cathedral anathematized Gregory as "a perjured monk who had dared
   to lift up his head against the Lord's anointed." Henry summoned a
   national council to Worms on Whitsunday (May 15) to protest against the
   attempt of Gregory to unite in one hand the two swords which God had
   separated. [72] the popes, who claimed that God had given both swords
   to the Church,--the spiritual sword, to be borne by her; the temporal,
   to be wielded by the State for the Church, that is, in subjection and
   obedience to the Church.

   The council at Worms was attended by few bishops, and proved a failure.
   A council in Mainz, June 29, turned out no better, and Henry found it
   necessary to negotiate. Saxony was lost; prelates and nobles deserted
   him. A diet at Tribur, an imperial castle near Mainz, held Oct. 16,
   1076, demanded that he should submit to the pope, seek absolution from
   him within twelve months from the date of excommunication, at the risk
   of forfeiting his crown. He should then appear at a diet to be held at
   Augsburg on Feb. 2, 1077, under the presidency of the pope. Meanwhile
   he was to abide at Spires in strict privacy, in the sole company of his
   wife, the bishop of Verdun, and a few servants chosen by the nobles.
   The legates of Gregory were treated with marked respect, and gave
   absolution to the excommunicated bishops, including Siegfried of Mainz,
   who submitted to the pope.

   Henry spent two dreary months in seclusion at Spires, shut out from the
   services of the Church and the affairs of the State. At last he made up
   his mind to seek absolution, as the only means of saving his crown.
   There was no time to be lost; only a few weeks remained till the Diet
   of Augsburg, which would decide his fate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [66] This statement is based upon the authority of Arnulf of Milan. The
   decree itself is lost. See Mirbt, Publizistik, 492. Arnulf says, papa
   ... palam interdicit regi jus deinde habere aliquod in dandis
   episcopatibus omnesque laicas personas ab investituris ecclesiarum
   summovet.

   [67] "Si quis deinceps episcopatum vel abbatiam de manu alicujus laicae
   personae susceperit, nullatenus inter Episcopos vel Abbates habeatur
   ...Si quis Imperatorum, Regum, Ducum, Marchionum, Comitum, vel quilibet
   saecularium potestatum aut personarum investituram episcopatus vel
   alicujus ecclesiasticae dignitatis dare praesumserit, ejusdem
   sententiae vinculo se adstrictum sciat." Pagi, Crit. ad ann. 1075, No.
   2; Watterich, I. 365; Hefele, V. 47; Reg., VI. 5.

   [68] "Descende, descende." Bruno, De bello Saxonico, in Pertz, VII. 352
   sq. There are several variations of the letter of Henry, but the tone
   of imperious defiance and violence is the same.

   [69] Bernried, Vita Greg., c. 68 sq. (in Migne, 148, p. 74); Jaffé,
   223;Mirbt, Quellen, 100; Hefele, V. 70 sqq.

   [70] The papal sentence against Henry made a profound impression upon
   Western Europe. Bonizo says, universus noster romanus orbis contemruit,
   postquam de banno regis ad aures personuit vulgi. See Mirbt, 139.

   [71] The excommunication of Henry in 1076 and again in 1080 called
   forth a controversial literature of some proportions, Mirbt,
   Publizistik, 134-239, as did Gregory's attitude towards simony and
   clerical celibacy. The anti-Gregorians took the ground that the
   excommunication was unjust and even called in question the pope's right
   to excommunicate a king. Gregory's letters make reference to these
   objections. Writing to Hermann of Metz, Reg., IV. 2, Gregory said that
   there were some who openly declared that a king should not be
   excommunicated, regem non oportet excommunicari. Gregory justified his
   act on the ground of the king's companionship with excommunicated
   persons, his refusal to offer repentance for crimes, and the rupture of
   the unity of the Church which resulted from the king's course, Reg.,
   IV. 1, etc. The Council of Tribur, Oct. 16, 1076, discussed the
   questions whether a pope might excommunicate a king and whether Gregory
   had acted justly in excommunicating Henry. It answered both questions
   in the affirmative. A hundred years after the event, Otto of Freising,
   Gesta Friderici, I., speaks of the sentence as unheard of before, quo
   numquam ante haec tempora hujusmodi sententiam in principem romanum
   promulgatam cognoverat.

   [72] Reg IV. 2; Migne, 148, 455.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 16. Canossa. 1077.

   The winter of 1076-1077 was one of the coldest and longest within the
   memory of men--the Rhine being frozen to a solid mass from November
   till April--and one of the most memorable in history--being marked by
   an event of typical significance. The humiliation of the head of the
   German Empire at the feet of the bishop of Rome at Canossa means the
   subjection of the State to the Church and the triumph of the
   Hildebrandian policy.

   A few days before Christmas, Henry IV. left Spires on a journey across
   the Alps as a penitent, seeking absolution from the pope. He was
   accompanied by his wife with her infant son Conrad (born August, 1071)
   and one faithful servant. Bertha, daughter of the margrave Odo of Turin
   and Adelheid of Susa, was betrothed to Henry in 1055 at Zürich, and
   married to him, July 13, 1066. She was young, beautiful, virtuous, and
   amiable; but he preferred to live with mistresses; and three years
   after the marriage he sought a divorce, with the aid of the
   unprincipled archbishop Siegfried of Mainz. The pope very properly
   refused his consent. The king gave up his wicked intention, and became
   attached to Bertha. She was born to love and to suffer, and accompanied
   him as a comforting angel through the bitter calamities of his life.

   The royal couple passed through Burgundy and Susa under the protection
   of Count William and the mother of Bertha, and crossed Mont Cenis. The
   queen and her child were carried up and lowered down the icy slopes in
   rough sledges of oxhide; some horses were killed, but no human lives
   lost. When Henry reached the plains of Lombardy, he was received with
   joy by the anti-Hildebrandian party; but he hurried on to meet the
   successor of Peter, who alone could give him absolution.

   He left his wife and child at Reggio, and, accompanied by his
   mother-in-law and a few friends, he climbed up the steep hill to
   Canossa, where Gregory was then stopping on his journey to the Diet at
   Augsburg, waiting for a safe-conduct across the Alps.

   Canossa, now in ruins, was an impregnable fortress of the Countess
   Matilda, south of Reggio, on the northern slope of the Apennines,
   surrounded by three, walls, and including a castle, a chapel, and a
   convent. [73]

   The pope had already received a number of excommunicated bishops and
   noblemen, and given or promised them absolution after the case of the
   chief sinner against the majesty of St. Peter should be decided.

   Henry arrived at the foot of the castle-steep, Jan. 21, 1077, when the
   cold was severe and the ground covered with snow. He had an interview
   with Matilda and Hugo, abbot of Cluny, his godfather, and declared his
   willingness to submit to the pope if he was released from the
   interdict. But Gregory would only absolve him on condition that he
   would surrender to him his crown and forever resign the royal dignity.
   The king made the last step to secure the mercy of the pope: he assumed
   the severest penances which the Church requires from a sinner, as a
   sure way to absolution. For three days, from the 25th to the 28th of
   January, he stood in the court between the inner walls, as a penitent
   suppliant, with bare head and feet, in a coarse woolen shirt, shivering
   in the cold, and knocked in vain for entrance at the gateway, which
   still perpetuates in its name. "Porta di penitenza," the memory of this
   event. [74]

   The stern old pope, as hard as a rock and as cold as the snow, refused
   admittance, notwithstanding the earnest entreaties of Matilda and Hugo,
   till he was satisfied that the cup of humiliation was drained to the
   dregs, or that further resistance would be impolitic. He first exacted
   from Henry, as a condition of absolution, the promise to submit to his
   decision at the approaching meeting of the German nobles under the
   presidency of the pope as arbiter, and to grant him and his deputies
   protection on their journey to the north. In the meantime he was to
   abstain from exercising the functions of royalty. [75]

   The king made the promise, and two bishops and several nobles, in his
   behalf, swore upon sacred relics that he would keep it. Hugo, being a
   monk, could not swear, but pledged his word before the all-seeing God.
   Hugo, the bishops, nobles, and the Countess Matilda and Adelheid signed
   the written agreement, which still exists.

   After these preliminaries, the inner gate was opened. The king, in the
   prime of life, the heir of many crowned monarchs, and a man of tall and
   noble presence, threw himself at the feet of the gray-haired pope, a
   man of low origin and of small and unimpressive stature, who by his
   word had disarmed an empire. He burst into tears, and cried "Spare me,
   holy father, spare me!" The company were moved to tears; even the iron
   pope showed signs of tender compassion. He heard the confession of
   Henry, raised him up, gave him absolution and his apostolic blessing,
   conducted him to the chapel, and sealed the reconciliation by the
   celebration of the sacrifice of the mass.

   Some chroniclers add the following incident, which has often been
   repeated, but is very improbable. Gregory, before partaking of the
   sacrament, called upon God to strike him dead if he were guilty of the
   crimes charged on him, and, after eating one-half of the consecrated
   wafer unharmed, he offered the other half to Henry, requesting him to
   submit to the same awful ordeal; but the king declined it, and referred
   the whole question to the decision of a general council. [76]

   After mass, the pope entertained the king courteously at dinner and
   dismissed him with some fatherly warnings and counsels, and with his
   renewed apostolic blessing.

   Henry gained his object, but at the sacrifice of his royal dignity. He
   confessed by his act of humiliation that the pope had a right to depose
   a king and heir of the imperial crown, and to absolve subjects from the
   oath of allegiance. The head of the State acknowledged the temporal
   supremacy of the Church. Canossa marks the deepest humiliation of the
   State and the highest exaltation of the Church,--we mean the political
   papal Church of Rome, not the spiritual Church of Christ, who wore a
   crown of thorns in this world and who prayed on the cross for his
   murderers.

   Gregory acted on the occasion in the sole interest of the hierarchy.
   His own friends, as we learn from his official account to the Germans,
   deemed his conduct to be "tyrannical cruelty, rather than apostolic
   severity." He saw in Henry the embodiment of the secular power in
   opposition to the ecclesiastical power, and he achieved a signal
   triumph, but only for a short time. He overshot his mark, and was at
   last expelled from Rome by the very man against whom he had closed the
   gate.

   His relation to Matilda was political and ecclesiastical. The charge of
   his enemies that he entertained carnal intimacy with her is monstrous
   and incredible, considering his advanced age and unrelenting war
   against priestly concubinage. [77] ern Italy, and afforded to the pope
   the best protection against a possible invasion of a Northern army. She
   was devoted to Hildebrand as the visible head of the Church, and felt
   proud and happy to aid him. In 1077 she made a reversionary grant of
   her dominions to the patrimony of Peter, and thus increased the fatal
   gift of Constantine, from which Dante derives the evils of the Church.
   She continued the war with Henry, and aided Conrad and Henry V. in the
   rebellion against their father. In the political interest of the papacy
   she contracted, in her fifty-fifth year, a second marriage with Guelph,
   a youth of eighteen, the son of the Duke of Bavaria, the most powerful
   enemy of Henry IV. (1089); but the marriage, it seems, was never
   consummated, and was dissolved a few years afterwards (1095). She died,
   1115. It is supposed by many that Dante's Matilda, who carried him over
   the river Lethe to Beatrice, is the famous countess; [78] eror.

   Canossa has become a proverbial name for the triumph of priestcraft
   over kingcraft. [79] he State of Prussia and the Vatican from 1870 to
   1887. At the beginning of the conflict, Prince Bismarck declared in the
   Prussian Chambers that "he would never go to Canossa"; but ten years
   afterwards he, found it politic to move in that direction, and to make
   a compromise with Leo XIII., who proved his equal as a master of
   diplomacy. The anti-papal May-laws were repealed, one by one, till
   nothing is left of them except the technical Anzeigepflicht, a modern
   term for investiture. The Roman Church gained new strength in Prussia
   and Germany from legal persecution, and enjoys now more freedom and
   independence than ever, and much more than the Protestant Church, which
   has innocently suffered from the operation of the May-laws.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [73] The castle was destroyed by the inhabitants of Reggio in 1255. The
   site affords a magnificent view of the Apennines towards the south, and
   of the plain of the Po towards the north, and the cities of Parma,
   Reggio, and Modena. An excursion from Reggio to Canossa and back can be
   made in eight hours. For Gregory's own account of the meeting, see
   Reg., IV. 2, in Migne, 148, 465, and Mirbt, Quellen, 101. See also
   Hauck, III. 792 sqq.

   [74] "Illic," says Berthold (Monum. Germ. SS., V. 289)."laneis indutus,
   nudis pedibus, frigorosus, usque in diem tertium foris extra castellum
   cum suis hospitabatur." During the night the king was under shelter.
   See Hefele, V. 94 sq.

   [75] The last point is omitted by Berthold, but expressly mentioned by
   Lambert of Hersfeld, and confirmed by Gregory, who says in his account
   of the Canossa event to the German prelates and princes, that he
   received Henry only into the communion of the Church, without
   reinstating him in his reign (losum ei communionem redidi, non tamen in
   regno ... instauravi), and without binding the faithful to their oath
   of allegiance, reserving this to future decision. Jaffé, p. 402;
   Hefele, V. 96. The same view he expresses in the sentence of the second
   excommunication. In view of these facts it is strange that Giesebrecht
   (III. 403) should discredit the report of Lambert, and hold that Henry
   regained with the absolution also the royal prerogatives.

   [76] This story, first told by Lambert of Hersfeld, who in the main
   sided with Gregory against Henry, is discredited by Giesebrecht, III.
   401; Ranke, VII. 284; Mirbt, 194-199; and the Catholic historians,
   Döllinger and Hefele(V. 98), reject it as a fable. The pope had no need
   to protest his innocence, and had referred the charges against the king
   to a German tribunal; the king had previously promised him to appear
   before this tribunal; his present purpose was simply to get rid of the
   interdict, so as to be free to act. By declining the ordeal he would
   have confessed his guilt and justified the pope, and superseded the
   action of the German tribunal. On the historical value of Lambert's
   Annales, see Giesebrecht, III. 1030-1032, and Wattenbach, Deutschlands,
   Geschichtsquellen, II. 87 sqq. Gregorovius repeats the story as
   authentic.

   [77] Lambert refutes this slander (M. G., V. 257), and the best modern
   historians. Protestant as well as Catholic, reject it. See Neander,
   Ranke. (VII. 280), and Hefele (V. 67 sq.). Ranke says: "Solche
   Verhältnisse giebt es ja zwischen Individuen beiderlei Geschlechtes,
   die sich nur auf geistigem Boden entwickeln, in welchen ohne sinnliche
   Annäherung die tiefste innere Vereinigung der Gesinnungen und
   Ueberzeugungen besteht. Die Markgräfin glaubte an die Wahrhaftigkeit
   und den geistigen Beruf des Papstes, und der Papst andererseits
   bedurfte ihrer Hülfe."

   [78] Purg., XXVIII. 40, XXXII. 92; XXXII. 28, 82, XXXIII. 119, 121.

   [79] Mirbt,Publizistik, 181-200, seeks to make out that Henry's act at
   Canossa was regarded by his age as an act of humility and not of
   humiliation. The contemporary writers speak of it as an act of unheard
   of and wonderful humility, "mira inaudita humilitas, officium
   humilitatis." In view of the profound reverence for the Church which
   prevailed it may be taken as certain that the people looked upon it as
   an act of humble piety. But for Henry it was a different thing. As
   Mirbt agrees, the king was not moved by deep religious concern but by a
   desire to hold on to his crown. For him Canossa was a humiliation and
   before the bar of historic judgment the act wherein the State
   prostrated itself at the feet of the pope must be regarded as a
   humiliation. For other instances of princely submission to the pope,
   see Mirbt, p. 198, note.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 17. Renewal of the Conflict. Two Kings and Two Popes.

   The result of Canossa was civil war in Germany and Italy king against
   king, pope against pope, nobles against nobles, bishops against
   bishops, father against son, and son against father. It lasted several
   years. Gregory and Henry died in exile. Gregory was defeated by Henry,
   Henry by his own rebellious son. The long wars of the Guelphs and the
   Ghibellines originated in that period. The Duke Guelph IV. of Bavaria
   was present at Forchheim when Henry was deposed, and took up arms
   against him. The popes sided with the Guelphs against the Hohenstaufen
   emperors and the Ghibellines.

   The friends and supporters of Henry in Lombardy and Germany were
   dissatisfied, and regarded his humiliation as an act of cowardice, and
   the pope's conduct as an insult to the German nation and the royal
   crown. His enemies, a small number of Saxon and Swabian nobles and
   bishops, assembled at Forchheim, March 13, 1077, and, in the presence
   of two legates of the pope, but without his express authority, offered
   the crown of Germany to Rudolf, Duke of Swabia, Henry's brother-in-law,
   but on two important conditions (which may be traced to the influence
   of the pope's legates), namely, that he should denounce a hereditary
   claim to the throne, and guarantee the freedom of ecclesiastical
   appointments. He was crowned March 26, at Mainz, by Archbishop
   Siegfried, but under bad omens: the consecrated oil rail short, the
   Gospel was read by a simoniacal deacon, the citizens raised a tumult,
   and Rudolf had to make his escape by night with Siegfried, who never
   returned. He found little support in Southern Germany, and went to
   Henry's enemies in Saxony.

   Henry demanded from the pope the ban over the robber of his crown, but
   in vain. He refused him the promised safe-conduct to Germany, acted as
   king, crossed the Alps, and defeated Rudolf in a battle at Melrichstadt
   in Franconia, Aug. 7, 1078, but was defeated by him near Mühlheim in
   Thuringia, Jan. 27, 1080, in a decisive battle, which Rudolf regarded
   as a divine decision, and which inclined the pope in his favor.

   After long hesitation, Gregory, in a Synod of Rome, March 7, 1080,
   ventured upon the most extraordinary act even for a man in the highest
   position. Invoking the aid of St. Peter and St. Paul, he fulminated a
   second and severer ban against Henry and all his adherents, deprived
   him again of his kingdoms of Germany and Italy, forbade all the
   faithful to obey him, and bestowed the crown of Germany (not of Italy)
   on Rudolf. The address was at once a prayer, a narrative, and a
   judgment, and combined cool reflection with religious fervor. It rests
   on the conviction that the pope, as the representative of Peter and
   Paul, was clothed with supreme authority over the world as well as the
   Church. [80]

   Gregory hazarded a prophecy, which was falsified by history, that
   before the day of St. Peter and St. Paul (June 29), Henry would either
   lose his life or his throne. After the close of the synod, he sent to
   Rudolf (instead of the iron crown of Charlemagne, which was in
   possession of Henry) a diadem with the characteristic inscription: --


   "Petra dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rudolpho." [81]

   A reconciliation was now impossible. Henry replied to the papal ban by
   the election of an anti-pope. A council of about thirty German and
   Italian bishops met at Brixen in the Tyrol, June 26, 1080, and deposed
   Gregory on the frivolous charges of ambition, avarice, simony, sorcery,
   and the Berengarian heresy. Cardinal Hugo Candidus and twenty-seven
   bishops (of Brixen, Bamberg, Coire, Freisingen, Lausanne, etc.) signed
   the document. At the same time they elected the excommunicated
   Archbishop Wibert of Ravenna pope, under the name of Clement III. He
   was a man of talent, dignity, and unblemished character, but fell into
   the hands of simonists and the enemies of reform. Henry acknowledged
   him by the usual genuflexion, and promised to visit Rome in the
   following spring, that he might receive from him the imperial crown.
   Wibert returned to Ravenna with the papal insignia and great pomp.

   This was the beginning of a double civil war between rival popes and
   rival kings, with all its horrors. Gregory counted on the Saxons in
   Germany, Countess Matilda in Northern Italy, and the Normans in
   Southern Italy.

   Henry was defeated Oct. 15, 1080, on the banks of the Elster, near
   Naumburg; but Rudolf was mortally wounded by Godfrey of Bouillon, the
   hero of Jerusalem, [82] same evening, exclaiming, as the story goes:
   "This is the hand with which I swore fidelity to my lord, King Henry."
   But, according to another report, he said, when he heard of the victory
   of his troops: "Now I suffer willingly what the Lord has decreed for
   me." His body with the severed hand was deposited in the cathedral at
   Merseburg. [83]

   Rudolf's death turned his victory into a defeat. It was regarded in
   that age as a judgment of God against him and the anti-pope. His
   friends could not agree upon a successor till the following summer,
   when they elected Count Hermann of Luxemburg, who proved incompetent.
   In the spring of 1081 Henry crossed the Alps with a small army to
   depose Gregory, whose absolution he had sought a few years before as a
   penitent at Canossa. He was welcomed in Lombardy, defeated the troops
   of Matilda, and appeared at the gates of Rome before Pentecost, May 21.
   Gregory, surrounded by danger, stood firm as a rock and refused every
   compromise. At his last Lenten synod (end of February, 1081) he had
   renewed his anathemas, and suspended those bishops who disobeyed the
   summons. Nothing else is known of this synod but sentences of
   punishment. In his letter of March 15, 1081, to Hermann, bishop of
   Metz, he justified his conduct towards Henry, and on April 8 he warned
   the Venetians against any communication with him and his adherents. "I
   am not afraid," he said, "of the threats of the wicked, and would
   rather sacrifice my life than consent to evil."

   Henry, not being permitted by the Romans to enter their city, as he had
   hoped, and not being prepared for a siege, spent the summer in Upper
   Italy, but returned to Rome in Lent, 1082, and again with a larger
   force at Easter, 1083, and conquered the city and the Church of St.
   Peter in June. Gregory was intrenched in the Castle of St. Angelo, and
   fulminated anew his anathema upon Henry and his followers (June 24).
   Henry answered by causing Wibert to be enthroned in St. Peter's (June
   28), but soon left Rome with Wibert (July 1), promising to return. He
   had probably come to a secret understanding with the Roman nobility to
   effect a peaceful compromise with Gregory; but the pope was inexorable.
   In the spring of 1084 Henry returned and called a synod, which deposed
   and excommunicated Gregory. Wibert was consecrated on Palm Sunday as
   Pope Clement III., in the Lateran, by two excommunicated bishops of
   Modena and Arezzo (instead of the bishops of Ostia, Albano, and Porto).
   Henry and his wife, Bertha, received from him the imperial crown in St.
   Peter's at Easter, March 31, 1084. He left Rome with Wibert (May 21),
   leaving the defense of the city in the hands of the Romans. He never
   returned.

   In the meantime Gregory called to his aid the Norman chief, Robert
   Guiscard, or Wiscard. This bold adventurer approached from the south
   with a motley force of Normans, Lombards, Apulians, and Saracens,
   amounting to thirty thousand foot and six thousand horse, arrived in
   Rome, May 27, 1084, liberated the pope, and entered with him the
   Lateran. He now began such a pillage and slaughter as even the
   barbarians had not committed. Half the city was reduced to ruins; many
   churches were demolished, others turned into forts; women and maidens,
   even nuns, were outraged, and several thousand citizens sold into
   slavery. The survivors cursed the pope and his deliverer. In the words
   of a contemporary, the cruelty of the Normans gained more hearts for
   the emperor than a hundred thousand pieces of gold. Rome was a ghost of
   her former self. When Hildebert of Tours visited her more than ten
   years later, he saw only ruins of her greatness. [84]

   Many confused reports were circulated about the fate of Gregory VII.
   His faithful friend, the Countess of Tuscany, assembled troops, sent
   emissaries in all directions, and stirred up distrust and hatred
   against Henry in Germany. The following letter remains as evidence of
   her zeal for Gregory: --

   "Matilda, such as she is by the grace of God, if she be anything, to
   all the faithful residing in the Teutonic kingdom, greeting.

   "We would have you know that Henry, the false king, has stolen the seal
   of the Lord Pope Gregory. Wherefore, if ye are told anything contrary
   to the words of our envoys, hold it false, and believe not Henry's
   lies. Further, he has carried away with him the Bishop of Porto,
   because that man was once familiar with the Lord Pope. If by his help
   he should attempt anything with you or against you, be sure this bishop
   is a false witness, and give no credit to those who shall tell you to
   the contrary. Know that the Lord Pope has already conquered Sutri and
   Nepi; Barabbas the robber, that is to say, Henry's pope, has fled like
   himself. Farewell. Beware of the snares of Henry."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [80] See the extract in §11, p. 32, and Latin text of the address in
   Mansi, Harduin, Jaffé, and Shailer Mathews, 51-54.

   [81] The Rock gave the crown to Peter and Peter gives it to Rudolf.

   [82] This fact is reported by Albericus of Trois-Fontaines, but doubted
   by Sybel (Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzugs, p. 218) and Hefele (V. 150,
   note).

   [83] For a good description of the battle, see Giesebrecht, III. 516
   sqq.

   [84] Hildebert's poem, lamenting the ruins of Rome, is found in Migne,
   171, 1441 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 18. Death of Gregory VII.

   Gregory was again in possession of the Lateran, but he left the scene
   of melancholy desolation, accompanied by Guiscard and a few cardinals
   and Roman nobles. He went first to Monte Cassino and then to Salerno.
   The descent from Canossa to Salerno was truly a via dolorosa. But the
   old pope, broken in body, was unbroken in spirit.

   He renewed the ban against Henry and the anti-pope at the close of
   1084, and sent a letter to the faithful in Germany, stating that the
   words of the Psalmist, Quare fremuerunt gentes (Ps. 2:1, 2), were
   fulfilled, that the kings of the earth have rebelled against Christ and
   his apostle Peter to destroy the Christian religion, but could not
   seduce those who trusted in God. He called upon them to come to the
   rescue of the Church if they wished to gain the remission of sins and
   eternal salvation. This is his last written document.

   His mind remained clear and firm to the end. He recommended Cardinal
   Desiderius of Monte Cassino (Victor III.) as his successor, and next to
   him Otto, bishop of Ostia (Urban II.). He absolved all his enemies,
   except Henry and Wibert. "the usurper of the apostolic see." [85] d,
   May 25, 1085, with the words which best express the meaning of his
   public life and character: "I have loved righteousness and hated
   iniquity; therefore I die in exile." [86] Christ and his Apostles, hast
   received all the nations for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts
   of the earth for thy possession" (Ps. 2:8).

   Robert Guiscard, his protector, died a few weeks afterwards (July 17,
   1085).

   The body of Gregory, clad in the pontifical vestments, was buried in
   the church of St. Matthew at Salerno, which he had consecrated shortly
   before. A plain stone marked his grave till John of Procida--although a
   zealous Ghibelline--erected a sumptuous chapel over it. [87] mperor of
   Germany, the king of France, and other sovereigns opposed the
   celebration; but if ever a pope deserved canonization for devotion to
   the papal theocracy, it was Hildebrand. The eighth centenary of his
   death was celebrated in the Roman Church, May 25, 1885.

   Gregory was, in his own time, and has been since, the subject both of
   the highest praise and of the severest censure. Modern historians agree
   in giving him credit for the honesty and courage of his convictions,
   and concede the purity and loftiness of his motives and aims. He is the
   typical representative of papal absolutism in the Middle Ages in
   conflict with imperial absolutism. He combined personal integrity,
   consummate statesmanship, and monastic contempt of the world. He lived
   and moved in the idea of the Old Testament theocracy, and had no
   conception of the free spirit of the gospel. He was a man of blood and
   iron, an austere monk, inaccessible to feelings of tenderness, when
   acting in his official capacity as the head of the Roman hierarchy; yet
   he showed singular liberality in his treatment of Berengar, and
   protested against the use of torture. His piety was absorbed in
   devotion to the hierarchy, to St. Peter, and to the Virgin Mary. He was
   unscrupulous in the choice of means for his end, and approved of civil
   war for the triumph of the Roman Church.

   The lofty principles he espoused he was willing to stake his life upon.
   No pope has ever used the term "righteousness" more frequently than he
   used it. No pope has ever employed the figure of warfare to describe
   the conflict he was engaged in more frequently than he employed it.
   [88] gain and again, such as 1 Sam. 15:23, which is found quoted in his
   writings nineteen times. [89] Matt. 16: 18 the certain warrant for the
   papal supremacy and excepted no person from the jurisdiction of Peter's
   successors. [90] is views, we may admire the man of fearless courage
   and moral conviction.

   His spirit still moves in the curia, which adheres to the theocratic
   theory, without the ability of carrying it into practice. The papal
   Syllabus of 1864 denies that "the Roman pontiffs have exceeded the
   limits of their power" (§ V. 23), and asserts the superiority of the
   Church over the State "in litigated questions of jurisdiction" (§ VI.
   54). The politico-ecclesiastical encyclicals of Leo XIII. (Immortale
   Dei, Nov. 1, 1885, and Libertas praestantissimum naturae donum, June
   20, 1888) reasserted substantially, though moderately and cautiously,
   the Gregorian theory of Church and State.

   Ranke, in his last years, wrote of Gregory: [91] e the clergical order
   the basis of all human existence. This makes intelligible its two
   characteristic and fundamental principles, the command of celibacy and
   the prohibition of lay investiture. By the first it was intended to
   build up out of the lower clergy a body isolated from all the personal
   and family relationships of human society. By the second it was
   intended to insure the higher clergy against all interference from the
   civil power. The great hierarch thought out well the platform on which
   he placed himself. He met a demand of the age to see in the priest, as
   it were, a being belonging to a higher order. All that he says betrays
   dignity, force, and logical connection .... His activity, which left
   nothing untouched, was of a very human sort, while at the same time it
   embraced religious ideals. The hierarchical principle constituted his
   real life."

   Gregorovius, who carries on a sustained comparison between Gregory and
   Napoleon, praises Gregory's genius and moral vigor. He says: [92] of
   the ancient aims of the papacy. But his unexampled genius as ruler and
   statesman is his own, and no one either in ancient Rome or in modern
   times has ever reached to his revolutionary daring .... His dying words
   reveal the fundamental basis of his character, which was great and
   manly. To this grand spirit, a character almost without an equal,
   belongs a place among the rulers of the earth, men who have moved the
   world by a violent yet salutary influence. The religious element,
   however, raises him to a far higher sphere than that to which secular
   monarchs belong. Beside Gregory, Napoleon sinks to an utter poverty of
   ideas."

   Let us hope that Gregory felt in his heart some of that Christian love
   and meekness whose commendation closes one of his letters to Hermann,
   archbishop of Metz, [93] ve God and our neighbor as we ought, this
   presupposes the mercy of him who said, Learn of me, for I am meek and
   lowly of heart. Whosoever humbly follows him shall pass from the
   kingdom of submission which passes away, to the kingdom of true liberty
   which abides forever."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [85] "Praeter Henricum regem dictum omnes absolvo et benedico,
   quicumque me hanc habere specialem potestatem in vocem apostolorum
   Petri et Pauli credunt indubitanter." Paulus Bernriedensis, Vita Greg.,
   c. 12; Baronius, Ann. XVII. 566.

   [86] "Dilexi justitiam et odi iniquitatem; propterea morior in exilio."
   The first two sentences are from Ps. 46:8; the last is put instead of
   "propterea unxit te Deus." His enemies spread the false report that he
   repented of the controversy which he had excited. Mon. Germ. Script.,
   VIII. 470; Baxmann, II. 424 sqq.

   [87] His monument, erected in 1578 in the cathedral of Salerno, bears
   the Inscription: "Gregorius VII. Soanensis, P.O. M., Ecclesiae
   libertatis vindex acerrimus, assertor constantissimus, qui dum Romani
   Pontificis auctoritatem adversus Henrici perfidiam strenue tueretur,
   Salernae sancte decubuit. Anno Domini 1085, oct. Cal. Jun." Hefele, V.
   184; Gregorovius, Die Grabmäler der Päpste, p. 49; Giesebrecht, III.
   578. Rome, which has so many papal monuments, has none for Gregory
   VII., except an inscription on a stone In S. Prudentiana, where he is
   called "Vir benedictus, moribus ecclesiam renovavit." See Gregorovius,
   IV. 246.

   [88] Hauck, III. 754 sqq.

   [89] In a single letter to Hermann of Metz, Reg., IV. 2, Gregory quotes
   at least nine passages of Scripture.

   [90] Ubi Deus Petro principaliter dedit potestatem ligandi et solvendi
   in terra et in caelo, nullum excepit, nihil ab ejus potestate
   subtraxit. Reg., IV. 2; Migne, 148, 456.

   [91] Weltgesch. VII. 34 sqq.

   [92] Hist. of City of Rome, IV. 256. Of Canossa this author had said,
   IV. 207: "The weaponless victory of the monk Gregory has more claim on
   the admiration of the world than all the victories of an Alexander, a
   Caesar, and a Napoleon." Like other Protestant German historians he has
   no sympathy with Gregory's papal scheme of papal absolutism, but most
   of the German Church historians, as Mirbt and Hauck, are inclined to
   magnify the courage and manly vigor of Henry, as well as the justice of
   his cause, and to underestimate or question the moral quality of
   Gregory in his conflict with the emperor, and the immediate results of
   the event at Canossa. Hauck, III. 805, omits a detailed description of
   that remarkable scene with the remark that it was so well known to
   Germans as not to need retelling. He pronounces the estimate usually
   put upon Gregory's intellectual gifts as too high, and declares that
   the title "Great" is properly associated with the name of the first
   Gregory and not with the seventh pope of that name. Hildebrand had
   convictions enough, but lacked in native force, p. 832 sq.

   [93] Dated March 15, 1081, Reg., VIII. 21; Mirbt, Quellen, 105-112;
   Migne, 148, 594-604.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER III.

   THE PAPACY FROM THE DEATH OF GREGORY VII. TO THE CONCORDAT OF WORMS.
   A.D. 1085-1122.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 19. Victor III. and Urban II. 1086-1099.

   Compare the chapter on the Crusades.

   At the death of Gregory, his imperial enemy was victorious in Germany,
   and had recovered part of Saxony; Lombardy remained loyal to the
   empire; Matilda was prostrated by grief and sickness; the anti-pope
   Wibert (Clement III., 1080-1100) continued to occupy a part of Rome
   (the Lateran palace and the castle of St. Angelo); Roger, the new duke
   of the Normans, spent his whole force in securing for himself the sole
   rule over Calabria and Apulia against his brother Bohemund. There was a
   papal interregnum of twelve months.

   At last the excellent Abbot Desiderius of Monte Cassino, who had raised
   that convent to the height of its prosperity, was elected to succeed
   his friend Gregory, May 24, 1086. He accepted after long delay, but
   ruled only eighteen months as Victor III. He loved monastic solitude,
   and died Sept. 16, 1087.

   He was followed by Otto (Odo), cardinal-bishop of Ostia, a Frenchman,
   formerly prior of Cluny, and one of the intimate counsellors of
   Hildebrand. He assumed the name Urban II., and ruled from March 12,
   1088, to July 29, 1099. He followed in the steps of Gregory, but with
   more caution and adaptation to circumstances. He spent his pontificate
   mostly outside of Rome, but with increasing moral influence. He
   identified himself with the rising enthusiasm for the holy war of the
   Cross against the Crescent. This was an immense gain for the papacy,
   which reaped all the credit and benefit of that extraordinary movement.

   He took a noble stand in favor of the sanctity of marriage against the
   licentious King Philip I. of France, who cast away his legitimate wife,
   Bertha, 1092, and held adulterous intercourse with Bertrada of
   Montfort, the runaway wife of the rude Count Fulco of Anjou. This
   public scandal led to several synods. The king was excommunicated by a
   synod at Autun in Burgundy, Oct. 16, 1094, and by the Synod of Clermont
   in 1095. He afterwards dismissed Bertrada, and was absolved by the
   pope.

   Urban continued the war with Henry IV. without scruple as to the means.
   He encouraged the rebellion of his eldest son, Conrad, a weak and
   amiable man, who fled for protection to the Countess Matilda, was
   crowned king of Italy at Monza, and paid the pope the homage of holding
   his stirrup (the officium stratoris) at Cremona (1095). Urban, who had
   been consecrated pope outside of Rome, was able, 1088, with the aid of
   the Normans, to enter the city and possess himself of all its parts
   except the castle of St. Angelo, which remained in the hands of the
   followers of Wibert. Wibert had been in possession of St. Peter's,
   which he held as a fortress against Victor III. The streets of the
   papal city resounded with the war-cries of the two papal armies, while
   pope and anti-pope anathematized one another. Urban died at Florence in
   1101.

   The pope arranged an unnatural matrimonial alliance between the widowed
   countess and the young Guelph of Bavaria, whose father was the most
   powerful of the emperor's enemies in Germany. It was a purely political
   match, which made neither party happy, and ended in a divorce (1095).
   But it gave the papal party a political organization, and opened the
   long-continued war between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines, which
   distracted every city in Italy, and is said to have caused seventy-two
   hundred revolutions and more than seven hundred atrocious murders in
   that country. [94] rn to an inheritance of hatred and revenge, and
   could not help sharing in the conflict of factions headed by petty
   tyrants. The Guelphs defended the pope against the emperor, and also
   the democracy against the aristocracy in the city government. They were
   strong in pulling down, but were unable to create a new State. The
   Ghibellines maintained the divine origin and independent authority of
   the State in all things temporal against the encroachments of the
   papacy. The party strife continued in Italy long after the German
   emperor had lost his power. Dante was at first a Guelph, but in mature
   life joined the Ghibellines and became the most formidable opponent of
   Pope Boniface VIII.

   Urban was able to hold a synod at Piacenza in Lombardy, where Henry IV.
   had his chief support, during Lent, 1095. It was attended by four
   thousand priests and monks and over thirty thousand laymen, and the
   meeting had to be held in the open field. The pope permitted Praxedis
   (Adelheid), the second wife of Henry IV., to recite the filthy details
   of acts of impurity to which she had been subjected by her husband,
   endorsed her shameless story, absolved her from all uncleanness, and
   remitted every penitential observance, "because she had not blushed to
   make a public and voluntary confession of her involuntary
   transgression." [95] e true and essential presence of the body and
   blood of Christ in the eucharist was asserted against the heresy of
   Berengar.

   More important was the Synod of Clermont in France, Nov. 18-28, 1095,
   which inaugurated the first crusade. Here Urban preached the most
   effective sermon on record, and reached the height of his influence.

   He passed in triumphal procession, surrounded by princes and prelates,
   through France and Italy. He exhorted the people everywhere to repent
   of their sins and to prove the sincerity of their conversion by killing
   as many enemies of the cross as they could reach with their swords.
   When he reached Rome the anti-pope had been driven away by the
   Crusaders. He was enabled to celebrate the Christmas festival of 1096
   with unusual magnificence, and held two synods in the Lateran, January,
   1097, and April, 1099. He died, July 29, 1099, a fortnight after the
   capture of Jerusalem (July 15) by the Crusaders.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [94] Guelfi, Welfen, from Welf, Wolf, a family name of the dukes of
   Bavaria. Ghibellini, Ghibellinen, from Waiblingen, the patrimonial
   castle of Conrad of Hohenstaufen in Swabia. Comp. Ferrari, Histoire des
   révolutions d'Italie, ou Guelfes et Ghibellins, Paris, 1858, 4 vols.
   From the Guelphs descended the house of Brunswick and Hanover, and the
   royal family of England since George I., 1714.

   [95] Praxedis or Eupraxia, or (as the Germans called her) Adelheid was
   a Russian princess, who married Henry in 1089, two years after Bertha's
   death. She had preferred the same horrible charges before a synod at
   Constance in 1094. See Pertz, Tom. VII. 458, XVII. 14; Hefele-Knöpfler,
   V. 211 sq. and 216; Greenwood, IV. 561.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 20. Pascal II. and Henry V. 1099-1118.

   The letters of Paschalis II. in Migne, 163.--W. Schum: Die Politik
   Papst Paschalis II. gegen Kaiser Heinrich V. Erfurt, 1877. --- G.
   Peiser: Der deutsche Investiturstreit unter Heinrich V. bis 1111.
   Berlin, 1883.--Gregorovius Iv., Hauck Iii., Pflugk-Harttung: Die Bullen
   der Päpste. Gotha, 1901, pp. 234-263.--Mirbt, art. Paschalis II in
   Herzog, XIV. 717-725, and the literature there given.

   Pascal II., a monk of Cluny and disciple of Hildebrand, but less firm
   and consistent, was elected in July, 1099, and reigned till 1118.
   Clement III., the anti-pope, died in September, 1100, weary of the
   world, and left a reputation of integrity, gentleness, and dignity. The
   imperialist clergy of Rome elected another anti-pope, Sylvester IV.,
   who soon disappeared noiselessly from the stage.

   Pascal gained a complete victory over Henry IV. by supporting the
   wicked rebellion of his second son, Henry V., the last of the Salic or
   Franconian line of emperors, 1104-1126.

   The unfortunate father died under the anathema in misery at Liège
   (Lüttich), Aug. 7, 1106. The people of the city which had remained
   faithful to him, lamented his death; but the papal agents commanded the
   bishop of Liège to remove his body from consecrated ground to an island
   in the Maas. Henry V. had not lost all feeling for his father, and
   complied with his dying request for burial in the imperial sepulchre at
   Spires. The clergy and the citizens accompanied the funeral procession
   to the cathedral of St. Mary, which the departed sovereign had himself
   built and richly endowed. He was buried with all honors. But when
   Bishop Gebhard, one of his fiercest persecutors, who was absent at the
   time, heard of it, he caused the body to be forthwith exhumed and
   removed, and interdicted all services in the church till it should be
   purified of all pollution. The people, however, could not be deterred
   from frequent visits to the unconsecrated chapel where the dishonored
   remains of their monarch and patron were deposited. At last the pope
   dissolved the ban, on the assurance of Henry V. that his father had
   professed sincere repentance, and his body was again deposited in the
   cathedral, Aug. 7, 1111. By his moral defects and his humiliation at
   Canossa, Henry IV. had promoted the power of the papal hierarchy, and
   yet, by his continued opposition after that act, he had prevented its
   complete triumph. Soon after his death an anonymous writer gave
   eloquent and touching expression to his grief over the imperial lord
   whom he calls his hope and comfort, the pride of Rome, the ornament of
   the empire, the lamp of the world, a benefactor of widows and orphans,
   and a father of the poor. [96]

   Pascal had to suffer for his unscrupulous policy. When Henry V. came
   into full possession of his power, he demanded the right of investiture
   over all the churches of the empire, and coronation at Rome. The pope
   was imprisoned and so hard pressed by Henry, that he resolved to buy
   the spiritual freedom of the Church by a sacrifice of its temporal
   possessions (except the patrimony of Peter). A compact to this effect
   between him and the emperor was signed provisionally, April, 1111.
   Henry was crowned emperor of the Romans in St. Peter's. But after his
   return to Germany, a Lateran synod rejected the compact, March, 1112.
   The pope represented to the synod that, while in the custody of the
   emperor, with many bishops and cardinals, he had conceded to him the
   right of investiture to avoid greater evils, and had promised him
   immunity from excommunication. He confessed that the concession was
   wrong, and left it with the synod to improve the situation. He made in
   the sixth session (March 23) a solemn profession of the Catholic faith
   in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, the Canons of the
   Apostles, the four Oecumenical Synods of Nicaea, Constantinople,
   Ephesus, and Chalcedon, and the decrees of Gregory VII. and Urban II.
   against lay-investiture and all other crimes which they had condemned.
   Then the synod, while the pope kept silent, resolved to annul the
   treaty which he had been forced to make with King Henry. All exclaimed,
   "Amen, Amen, fiat, fiat." Twelve archbishops, a hundred and fourteen
   bishops, fifteen cardinal-priests, and eight cardinal-deacons signed
   the decree.

   The zealous Gregorians wished to go further and to declare
   lay-investiture a heresy (which would imply that Pope Pascal was a
   heretic). A French Synod of Vienne, Sept. 16, 1112, passed three
   decrees: 1) Investiture by a layman is a heresy; 2) the enforced
   compact of Pascal with Henry is null and void; 3) King Henry, who came
   to Rome under the pretext of peace, and betrayed the pope with a
   Judas-kiss, is cut off from holy Church until he gives complete
   satisfaction. The decisions were submitted to the pope, who approved
   them, October 20 of the same year, to avert a schism. Other provincial
   synods of France, held by papal legates, launched anathemas against the
   "tyrant of Germany."

   But Henry defied the pope, who had pledged himself never to
   excommunicate him on account of investiture. After the death of
   Countess Matilda, July 24, 1115, he hastened for a third time to Italy,
   and violently seized the rich possessions which she had bequeathed to
   the chair of St. Peter. Pascal fled to Benevento, and called the
   Normans to his aid, as Gregory VII. had done. Henry celebrated the
   Easter festival of 1117 in Rome with great pomp, caused the empress to
   be crowned, showed himself to the people in his imperial purple, and
   amused them with shows and processions; but in the summer he returned
   to Germany, after fruitless negotiations with the pope. He lived to
   conclude the Concordat of Worms. He was an energetic, but hard,
   despotic, and unpopular ruler.

   Pascal died, Jan. 21, 1118, in the castle of St. Angelo, and was buried
   in the church of St. John in Lateran. He barely escaped the charge of
   heresy and schism. He privately condemned, and yet officially
   supported, lay-investiture, and strove to satisfy both his own
   conscience and his official duty to the papacy. The extreme party
   charged him with the sin of Peter, and exhorted him to repent; milder
   judges, like Ivo of Chartres and Hildebert of Le Mans, while defending
   the Hildebrandian principle of the freedom of the Church, excused him
   on the ground that he had yielded for a moment in the hope of better
   times and from the praiseworthy desire to save the imprisoned cardinals
   and to avoid bloodshed; and they referred to the example of Paul, who
   circumcised Timothy, and complied with the wish of James in Jerusalem
   to please the Jewish Christians.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [96] The tract is more eloquent than accurate. It is ascribed by
   Goldast, Floto, and Gieseler to Bishop Otbert of Lüttich (Liège); by
   Dr. Jaffé, to an unknown writer in Mainz (see the preface to his German
   translation, Das Leben Kaiser Heinrich des Vierten, Berlin, 1858); by
   Druffel and Giesebrecht, to Bishop Erlung of Würzburg, who was
   chancellor of the emperor from 1103 to 1105. For a good
   characterization of Henry IV. see Giesebrecht, III. 764-768, and on
   this biography, pp. 1050 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 21. The Concordat of Worms. 1122.

   Ekkehardus Uraugiensis: Chronica (best ed. by Waiz in Mon. Germ.
   Script., VI. 260).--Ul. Robert: Étude sur les actes du pape Calixte II.
   Paris, 1874.--E. Bernheim: Zur Geschichte des Wormser Concordats.
   Göttingen, 1878.--M. Maurer: Papst Calixt II. München,
   1886.--Giesebrecht, III. 931-959.--Ranke, VIII.
   111-126.--Hefele-Knöpfler, V. 311-384; Bullaire et histoire de Calixte
   II. Paris, 1891.--D. Schafer: Zur Beurtheilung des Wormser Konkordats.
   Berlin, 1905.

   The Gregorian party elected Gelasius a cardinal-deacon, far advanced in
   age. His short reign of a year and four days was a series of pitiable
   misfortunes. He had scarcely been elected when he was grossly insulted
   by a mob led by Cencius Frangipani and cast into a dungeon. Freed by
   the fickle Romans, he was thrown into a panic by the sudden appearance
   of Henry V. at the gates, and fled the city, attempting to escape by
   sea. The Normans came to his rescue and he was led back to Rome, where
   he found St. Peter's in the hands of the anti-pope. A wild riot again
   forced him to flee and when he was found he was sitting in a field near
   St. Paul's, with no companions but some women as his comforters. He
   then escaped to Pisa and by way of Genoa to France, where he died at
   Cluny, 1119. The imperialist party had elected an anti-pope, Gregory
   VIII., who was consecrated at Rome in the presence of Henry V., and
   ruled till 1121, but was taken captive by the Normans, mounted on a
   camel, paraded before Calixtus amid the insults and mockeries of the
   Roman mob, covered with dust and filth, and consigned to a dungeon. He
   died in an obscure monastery, in 1125, "still persevering in his
   rebellion." Such was the state of society in Rome.

   Calixtus II., the successor of Gelasius, 1119-1124, was elected at
   Cluny and consecrated at Vienne. He began his rule by renewing the
   sentence of excommunication against Henry; and in him the emperor found
   his match. After holding the Synod of Rheims, which ratified the
   prohibition of lay investiture, he reached Rome, 1120. Both parties,
   emperor and pope, were weary of the long struggle of fifty years, which
   had, like the Thirty Years' War five centuries later, kept Central
   Europe in a state of turmoil and war. At the Diet of Würzburg, 1121,
   the men of peace were in the majority and demanded a cessation of the
   conflict and the calling of a council.

   Calixtus found it best to comply, however reluctantly, with the
   resolution of the German Diet, and instructed his legates to convoke a
   general council of all the bishops of France and Germany at Mainz for
   the purpose of restoring concord between the holy see and the empire.
   The assembly adjourned from Mainz to Worms, the city which became
   afterwards so famous for the protest of Luther. An immense multitude
   crowded to the place to witness the restoration of peace. The sessions
   lasted more than a week, and closed with a solemn mass and the Te Deum
   by the cardinal-bishop of Ostia, who gave the kiss of peace to the
   emperor.

   The Concordat of Worms was signed, Sept. 23, 1122. It was a compromise
   between the contending parties. It is the first of the many concordats
   which the popes have since that time concluded with various sovereigns
   and governments, and in which they usually make some concession to the
   civil power. If they cannot carry out their principle, they agree to a
   modus vivendi.

   The pope gained the chief point, namely, the right of investiture by
   delivery of the ring and crosier (the symbols of the spiritual power)
   in all the churches of the empire, and also the restoration of the
   properties and temporalities of the blessed Peter which had passed out
   of the possession of the holy see during the late civil wars.

   On the other hand, the pope granted to the emperor that the elections
   to all bishoprics and abbeys of the empire should be made in the
   emperor's presence, without simony or any kind of corruption; that in
   cases of dispute the emperor should be at liberty to decide in favor of
   the person who, in his judgment, had the best claim; and that the
   candidate thus elected should receive from the emperor the
   temporalities of his see or abbey by the delivery of a rod or sceptre
   (the symbol of the temporal power), but without bargain or valuable
   consideration of any kind, and ever after render unto the sovereign all
   such duties and services as by law he was bound to render. But the
   temporalities belonging to the Roman see were exempt from these
   stipulations.

   There are some ambiguities and uncertainties in this treaty which
   opened the way for future contention. The emperor surrenders the right
   of investiture (with ring and crosier), and yet takes it back again in
   a milder form (with the sceptre). The question whether consecration is
   to precede or to follow investiture was left undecided, except outside
   of Germany, i.e. in Italy and Burgundy, where investiture with the
   regalia by the sceptre was to take place within six months after the
   consecration. Nothing is said about heirs and successors. Hence the
   concordat might be understood simply as a treaty between Calixtus and
   Henry, a temporary expedient, an armistice after half a century of
   discord between Church and State. After their deaths both the papal
   tiara and the imperial crown became again apples of discord.

   The Concordat of Worms was confirmed by the Ninth Oecumenical Synod
   (according to the Roman counting), or First Oecumenical Council of the
   West, held in the Lateran from March 18 to April 6, 1123. It is also
   called the First Lateran Council. Over three hundred bishops and abbots
   were present, or, according to other reports, five hundred or even nine
   hundred and ninety-seven. The documents of Worms were read, approved by
   all, and deposited in the archives of the Roman Church.

   NOTES.

   The text of the Concordatum Wormatiense or Pactum Calixtinum is
   preserved in the Vatican, and in the Chronicle of Ekkehard (abbot of
   Aura, near Kissingen, from 1108 to 1125). It has been repeatedly
   published by Baronius, Annales; Goldast, Constitutiones Imperiales;
   Leibnitz, Corpus juris diplomaticum; in Gieseler's Church History; in
   German translation, by Hefele-Knöpfler, Conciliengesch. V. 373; and
   also by Pertz, in the Monumenta Germaniae Legum, II. 75 sq. (who gives
   the various readings from seven MSS. of Ekkehard's Chronica), and
   Mirbt, Quellen, 115, 116. It is as follows:--

   "In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis.

   "Ego Heinricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator Augustus pro amore Dei et
   s. Romanae Ecclesiae et domini P. Calixti, et pro remedio animae meae,
   dimitto Deo et ss. ejus Apostolis Petro et Paulo, sanctaeque catholicae
   Ecclesiae omnem investituram per annulum et baculum, et concedo, in
   omnibus Ecclesiis canonicam fieri electionem et liberam consecrationem.
   Possessiones et regalia b. Petri, quae a principio hujus discordiae
   usque ad hodiernam diem, sive patris mei tempore, sive etiam meo,
   ablata sunt, quae habeo, s. Romanae Ecclesiae restituo, quae autem non
   habeo, ut, restituantur, fideliter juvabo. Possessiones etiam omnium
   Ecclesiarum aliarum, et Principum, et aliorum tam clericorum quam
   laicorum, quae in guerra ista amissae sunt, consilio Principum, vel
   justitia, quas habeo, reddam, quas non habeo, ut reddantur, fideliter
   juvabo. Et do veram pacem domino Papae Calixto, sanctaeque Romanae
   Ecclesiae, et omnibus, qui in parte ipsius sunt vel fuerunt. Et in
   quibus s. Romana Ecclesia mihi auxilium postulaverit, fideliter juvabo;
   et de quibus mihi fecerit querimoniam, debitam sibi faciam justitiam.

   "Ego Calixtus Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, tibi dilecto filio
   Heinrico, Dei gratia Romanorum Imperatori Augusto, concedo, electiones
   Episcoporum et Abbatum Teutonici regni, qui ad regnum pertinent, in
   praesentia tua fieri absque simonia et aliqua violentia; ut si qua
   inter partes discordia emerserit, Metropolitani et Comprovincialum
   consilio vel judicio, saniori parti assensum et auxilium praebeas.
   Electus autem regalia per sceptrum a te recipiat, et quae ex his jure
   tibi debet, faciat. Ex aliis vero partibus Imperii consecratus infra
   sex menses regalia per sceptrum a te recipiat, et quae ex his jure tibi
   debet, faciat, exceptis omnibus, quae ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinere
   noscuntur. De quibus vero querimoniam mihi feceris, secundum officii
   mei debitum auxilium tibi praestabo. Do tibi veram pacem et omnibus,
   qui in parte tua sunt, aut fuerunt tempore hujus discordiae. Data anno
   dominicae Incarnationis MCXXII. IX Kal. Octobr."

   Then follow the signatures.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 22. The Conflict of the Hierarchy in England. William the Conqueror
   and Lanfranc.

   The Domesday or Doomesday Book (Liber judicii; Book of judgment; Liber
   de Wintonia, because deposited in the cathedral at Winchester, now in
   the Charter House at Westminster, published in facsimile, 1783 and
   1861).

   It was prepared between 1080 and 1086 by the "justiciaries" of William
   the Conqueror for the purpose of ascertaining the taxable wealth and
   military strength of the conquered country and securing a full and fair
   assessment. It contains, among other things, a list of the bishops,
   churches, religious houses, great men, etc. See Freeman's Norman
   Conquest, V. 1-52 and 733-740. He says (Preface, viii.): "The stores of
   knowledge in Domesday are boundless" (for secular history, rather than
   church history).--The Gesta Wilhelmi by William of Poitiers, a chaplain
   and violent partisan of the Conqueror. Also the chronicles of William
   of Jumièges, Ordericus Vitalis, in Migne, 188, Eng. Trans. 4 vols.
   Bohn's Libr.

   Lanfranc (thirty-fourth archbishop of Canterbury, 1005-1089): Vita and
   (55) Epistolae, in his Opera, edited by D'Achery (Paris, 1648), Giles
   (Oxford, 1844, in 2 vols.), and Migne, 150.--H. Böhmer , Die
   Fälschungen Lanfranks von Cant. Leipzig, 1902.

   *Eadmer (monk of Canterbury, pupil and biographer of Anselm): Vita
   Sancti Anselmi, and Historia Novorum, both in Anselm's Opera (ed.
   Migne, 158, 159, and in Rolls Series, 1884).--The biographies of Anselm
   by Frank (Tübingen, 1842), Hasse (Leipzig, 1843, vol. I. 235-455),
   Remusat (Paris, 1853; German translation by Wurzbach, 1854), Dean
   Church (London, 1875), Rule (London, 1883), Hook (in 2d vol. of Lives
   of the Archbishops of Canterbury, London, 1861-1874), Rigg, 1896,
   Welch, 1901.

   *William of Malmesbury (b.a. 1096, d. 1143, son of a Norman father and
   Saxon mother, monk and librarian in the abbey of Malmesbury): De Gestis
   Regum Anglorum (a history of England from the Anglo-Saxon Conquest to
   the end of the reign of Henry I., 1129); Historiae Novellae (a
   continuation till 1151); De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum (history of the
   English Church till 1123). Edited by Savile, in Rerum Anglicarum
   Scriptores, London, 1596; best ed. in Rolls Series, English translation
   by John Sharpe, edited by Giles, in Bohn's "Antiquarian Library,"
   London, 1847.

   The Works of Henry of Huntingdon, William of Newburgh, Gervaise of
   Canterbury, Ralph of Coggeshall, Richard of Hoveden, Matthew Paris,
   etc., as ed. in the Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi scriptores, called
   the Rolls Series, London, 1858 sqq. These works ed. by Stubbs, Luard,
   and other competent Eng. scholars are indispensable.

   J. N. Aug. Thierry (1795-1856): Histoire de la conquête de l'Angleterre
   par les Normands, de ses causes et de ses suites en Angleterre, en
   Écosse, et en Irlande et sur le continent. 5e éd. entièrement revue et
   augmentée. Paris, 1839, 4 vols. The first edition was published, 1825,
   in 3 vols., a 6th ed. in 1843, etc. English translation by Hazlitt,
   1847.

   Edw. A. Freeman (Professor of History in Oxford): History of the Norman
   Conquest. Oxford, 1867-1876 (vols. II., III., IV., and V. See Index,
   vol. VI.). And his Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry
   the First. Oxford, 1882, 2 vols. (see Index, sub Anselm). An exhaustive
   treatment of that period by a master in historic research and
   erudition, with model indexes.

   Bishop Stubbs furnishes authentic information in his Constitutional
   History of England, 6th ed. 3 vols. 1897; Select Charters and Other
   Illustrations of English Constitutional History to the Reign of Edward
   I. (1870); Memorials of St. Dunstan (1874).

   H. Gee and W. J. Hardy: Documents illustrative of Eng. Ch. Hist.,
   London, 1896.

   W. R. W. Stephens: The Eng. Ch. 1066-1272. London, 1891.

   Milman (bk. VIII. ch. VIII.) briefly touches upon this important
   chapter of the Church history of England. Hardwick (Church History of
   the Middle Ages) ignores it. Robertson notices the principal facts.
   Dean Hook gives the Lives of Lanfranc and Anselm (II. 73-168 and
   169-276).

   The conflict between the pope and the emperor for supremacy was
   repeated, on a smaller scale, in England, between the archbishop of
   Canterbury and the king, and was settled for a season in favor of the
   hierarchy, several years before the Concordat of Worms. The struggle
   for the freedom of the Church was indirectly also a struggle for the
   freedom of the State and the people from the tyranny of the crown.
   Priestcraft prevailed over kingcraft, then aristocracy over absolute
   monarchy in the Magna Charta, and at last the people over both.

   The Anglo-Saxon kings and nobles enriched the Church of England, their
   alma mater, by liberal grants of real estate amounting to about
   one-third of the land, and thus conferred upon it great political
   influence. The bishops ranked with the nobles, and the archbishops with
   princes, next to the king. The archbishop of Canterbury was usually
   intrusted with the regency during the absence of the sovereign on the
   Continent.

   But for this very reason the British sovereigns of the different
   dynasties tried to keep the Church in a state of dependence and
   subserviency, by the election of bishops and the exercise of the right
   of investiture. They filled the vacant bishoprics with their chaplains,
   so that the court became a nursery of prelates, and they occasionally
   arrogated to themselves such titles as "Shepherd of Shepherds," and
   even "Vicar of Christ." In one word, they aspired to be popes of
   England long before Henry VIII. blasphemously called himself, "Supreme
   Head of the Church of England."

   Under the later kings of the Saxon line the Church had degenerated, and
   was as much in need of reform as the churches on the Continent. The
   ascetic reforms of Dunstan took no deep root and soon passed away.
   Edward the Confessor (1042-1066) was a monastic saint, but a stranger
   and shadow in England, with his heart in Normandy, the home of his
   youth. The old Saxon literature was forgotten, and the clergy was sunk
   in ignorance. [97]

   The Norman Conquest aroused England to new life and activity. It marks
   the greatest change in English history since the Anglo-Saxon conquest.
   It left its impress upon the language, literature, architecture, laws
   and institutions of the country, without, however, breaking the
   continuity. The Normans, though a foreign, were yet a kindred race, of
   Teutonic stock, Romanized and Gallicanized in France. From savage
   pirates they had been changed into semi-civillized Christians, without
   losing their bravery and love of adventure, which they showed in the
   crusades and the conquest of England. They engrafted the French
   language and manners upon the Anglo-Saxon trunk, and superinduced an
   aristocratic element on the democratic base. It took a long time for
   the two nationalities and languages to melt into one.

   The amalgamation was an enrichment. The happy combination of Saxon
   strength and endurance with Norman enterprise and vivacity, in
   connection with the insular position and the capacity for
   self-government fostered thereby, prepared the English race for the
   dominion of the seas and the founding of successful colonies in all
   continents. [98]

   The Norman kings were as jealous of their rights and as much opposed to
   papal superiority as the German emperors. Their instincts and interests
   were caesaropapistic or Erastian. But the Church kept them in check.
   The Hildebrandian ideas of reform were advocated and carried out in
   part by two of the most eminent scholars and monks of the age, Lanfranc
   (1005-1089) and Anselm (1033-1109), who followed each other in the see
   of Canterbury. They were both of Italian birth,--one from the Lombard
   city of Pavia, the other from Aosta,--and successively abbots and
   teachers of the famous convent of Bee in the diocese of Rouen.

   William I. of Normandy, surnamed "the Conqueror," the natural son of,
   "Robert the Devil" and the daughter of a tanner, and the first king of
   the Norman dynasty (1066-1087), enforced his pretension to the English
   throne under the consecrated banner of Pope Alexander II. by the defeat
   of Harold in the battle on the hill of Senlac, near Hastings, Oct. 14,
   1066. Five years afterwards he made Lanfranc archbishop of Canterbury.
   He had formerly banished him from Normandy for opposing his marriage
   with Matilda of Flanders, as being within the forbidden degrees. He
   overtook the abbot as he was leaving the convent on a lame horse, and
   hurried him on. The abbot said, "Give me a better horse, and I shall go
   faster." This cool request turned the duke's wrath into laughter and
   good-will. He was reconciled, and employed him to obtain the pope's
   sanction of the marriage, and the removal of the interdict from his
   territories.

   Lanfranc was a moderate Hildebrandian. He had been the chief promoter
   of the doctrine of transubstantiation in the Berengarian controversy;
   while Hildebrand protected Berengar as long as he could. [99] retain
   their wives. He did not fully sustain the pope's claim to temporal
   authority, and disobeyed the frequent summons to appear at Rome. He
   lived, upon the whole, on good terms with the king, although he could
   not effect anything against his will. He aided him in his attempt to
   Normanize the English Church. He was intrusted with the regency when
   the duke was absent on the Continent. He favored the cause of learning,
   and rebuilt the cathedral of Canterbury, which had burnt down.

   William was a despot in Church and State, and rather grew harder and
   more reckless of human suffering in his later years. His will was the
   law of the land. Freeman places him both "among the greatest of men"
   and "among the worst of men." [100] ndoubted; but he was utterly
   unscrupulous in the choice of means. He had a strong sense of religion
   and reverence for the Church, and was liberal to her ministers; he did
   not, like his son, keep the benefices vacant and rob her revenues; he
   did not practise simony, and, so far, he fell in with the Hildebrandian
   reform. [101] hat he owed his crown only to God and to his own sword.
   He was willing to pay Peter's pence to the pope as alms, but not as
   tribute, and refused to swear allegiance to Gregory VII.

   He made full use of the right of a victor. He subjected the estates of
   the Church to the same feudal obligations as other lands. He plundered
   religious houses. He deposed Archbishop Stigand and other Saxon bishops
   to make room for Norman favorites, who did not even understand the
   language of the people. These changes were not begun till 1070, when
   Stigand was tried before the papal legates who had placed the crown on
   William's head. The main charges were simony and that he had received
   the pall from the usurping pope, Benedict X. William left only one
   Englishman, the simple-minded Wulfstan of Worcester, in possession of
   his see. He gradually extended the same system to abbacies and lower
   dignities. He allowed no synod to convene and legislate without his
   previous permission and subsequent confirmation of its decrees, no pope
   to be acknowledged in England without his will, no papal letters to be
   received and published without his consent. No ecclesiastic was to
   leave the kingdom without his permission, and bishops were forbidden to
   excommunicate a noble for adultery or any capital crime without the
   previous assent of the king. In these ways the power of the clergy was
   limited, and a check put upon the supremacy of Rome over the English
   Church. Lanfranc seems to have fully sympathized with these measures.
   For after the death of Alexander II., who had been his pupil at Bec, he
   seems to have treated the popes, especially Gregory VII., coolly.
   Gregory wrote him several letters threatening him with suspension and
   for his absence from the synods which were convening in Rome. [102]

   On the other hand, the law was passed in William's reign remanding
   ecclesiastical suits to separate tribunals, [103] ire courts. Another
   important movement in William's reign, sanctioned by synodal authority,
   [104] herborne, Chester of Lichfield, Lincoln of Dorchester, 1085, Bath
   of Wells, 1088, and Norwich of Thetford, 1094, which had taken the
   place of Elmham, 1078. Osmund, bishop of Salisbury, nephew of the
   Conqueror, prepared the liturgical service called the Sarum use, which
   was adopted in other dioceses than his own, and later became one of the
   chief sources of the Book of Common Prayer.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [97] It is said of the later Anglo-Saxon clergy that they were scarcely
   able to stammer out the forms of divine service, and that any one who
   knew "grammar" was regarded as a prodigy.

   [98] On the effects of the Norman Conquest, see the fifth volume of
   Freeman's great work. Comp. also Schaff's essay on the cosmopolitan
   character and mission of the English language, in his Literature and
   Poetry, New York, 1890, pp. 1-62.

   [99] On Lanfranc's connection with the Berengar controversy, see
   Schaff, vol. IV. 556 and 567 sq.

   [100] Norman Conquest, II. 165.

   [101] Freeman, V. 169: "He was one of the few princes of that age whose
   hands were wholly clean from the guilt of simony. His ecclesiastical
   appointments for the most part do him honor; the patron of Lanfranc and
   Anselm can never be spoken of without respect."

   [102] Reg. Greg., VI. 30, IX. 20; Migne, 148, 621, 643.

   [103] Gee and Hardy, 57 sq.

   [104] The Synod of London, 1075. See Wilkins, I. 363; Gee and Hardy,
   54.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 23. William Rufus and Anselm.

   William II., commonly called William Rufus or the Red (for his red
   hair), the third son and first successor of the Conqueror, ruled from
   1087 to 1100. He bought Normandy from his brother Robert to enable him
   to make a crusade. This is the only good thing he did, besides
   appointing Anselm primate of England. He inherited all the vices and
   none of the virtues of his father. He despised and hated the clergy. It
   was said of him that, "he feared God but little, and man not at all."
   He was not a sceptic or infidel, as some represent him, but profane and
   blasphemous. He believed in God, like the demons, but did not tremble.
   He defied the Almighty. When he recovered from a severe sickness, he
   said: "God shall never see me a good man; I have suffered too much at
   his hands." He doubted his justice, and mocked at the ordeals. He
   declared publicly that neither St. Peter nor any other saint had any
   influence with God, and that he would not ask them for aid. He used to
   swear "by the holy face of Lucca." [105] n gross and shameless
   debaucheries. The people said of him that he rose a worse man every
   morning, and lay down a worse man every evening.

   He had promised Lanfranc at his coronation to exercise justice and
   mercy and to protect the freedom of the Church, but soon forgot his
   vow, and began systematically to plunder the Church and to oppress the
   clergy. He robbed the bishoprics and abbeys of their income by leaving
   them vacant or selling them to the highest bidders. Within four years
   he changed thirty cemeteries into royal parks to satisfy his passion
   for bunting, which at last cost him his life. He used to say: "The
   bread of Christ is rich; the kings have given to the Church one-half of
   its income: why should I not try to win it back?"

   He kept the see of Canterbury vacant for nearly four years (1089-1093).
   At last he yielded, under the influence of a severe sickness, to the
   pressure of the better class of bishops and noblemen, and elected
   Anselm, who was then in England, and well known as a profound
   theologian and saintly character. A greater contrast can scarcely be
   imagined. While William Rufus delighted in witnessing the tortures of
   innocent men and animals, Anselm was singularly tenderhearted: he saved
   the life of a hare which was chased by the hunters and had sought
   protection under his horse; he saw a worthy object for prayer in the
   sufferings of a bird tortured by a thoughtless child. [106]

   The primacy was forced upon Anselm in spite of his remonstrance. He
   foresaw a hard struggle. He compared himself to an old and feeble
   sheep, and the king to a young, wild bull. Thus yoked, he was to draw
   the plough of the Church of England, with the prospect of being torn to
   pieces by the ferocity of the bull. [107] inciples of Hildebrand,
   though with more moderation and gentleness.

   A short time elapsed before the relations between the king and the
   prelate became strained. Anselm supported Urban II.; William leaned to
   the anti-pope Clement III. The question of investiture with the pallium
   at once became a matter of dispute. The king at first insisted upon
   Anselm's receiving it from Clement and then claimed the right to confer
   it himself. Anselm refused to yield and received it, 1095, from Urban's
   legate, who brought the sacred vestment to England in a silver casket.
   The archbishop gave further offence to the king by the mean way, as was
   said, in which he performed his feudal obligations. [108] se, not
   submit. It was the old question whether an English ecclesiastic owed
   primary allegiance to the pope or to the crown. [109] elate by ordering
   Anselm's baggage searched at Dover. He seized the revenues of
   Canterbury, and Anselm's absence was equivalent to exile. Eadmer
   reports a remarkable scene before Anselm's departure. [110] the king's
   presence until he had given him his blessing. "As a spiritual father to
   his son, as Archbishop of Canterbury to the king of England," he said,
   "I would fain before I go give you God's blessing." To these words the
   king made reply that he did not decline the priestly blessing. It was
   the last time they met.

   Anselm was most honorably received by the pope, who threatened the king
   with excommunication, and pronounced an anathema on all laymen who
   exercised the right of investiture and on all clergymen who submitted
   to lay-investiture. [111]

   The Red King was shot dead by an arrow,--nobody knows whether by a
   hunter or by an assassin, Aug. 2, 1100, while hunting in the New
   Forest. "Cut off without shrift, without repentance, he found a tomb in
   the Old Minster of Winchester; but the voice of clergy and people, like
   the voice of one man, pronounced, by a common impulse, the sentence
   which Rome had feared to pronounce. He received the more unique brand
   of popular excommunication. No bell was tolled, no prayer was said, no
   alms were given for the soul of the one baptized and anointed ruler,
   whose eternal damnation was taken for granted by all men as a thing
   about which there could be no doubt." [112]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [105] Per sanctum vultum de Luca. A figure of the crucified Saviour in
   wood which was said to have been carved by Nicodemus, and was preserved
   in the cathedral at Lucca.

   [106] These rare traits of character are mentioned by Eadmer in his
   Vita Anselmi. Freeman, V. 25.

   [107] Eadmer (Hist. Nov., in Migne's edition of Anselm, II. 368):
   "Indomitum taurum et vetulam ac debilem ovem in aratro conjungere sub
   uno jugo," etc. Ranke, Weltgesch., VIII. 115, makes here a curious
   mistake by putting into Anselm's mouth the saying that England's plough
   must be drawn by "two noble and powerful bulls" (von zwei edlen und
   kräftigen Stieren, dem König und dem Primas).

   [108] Soon after he was made archbishop, Anselm sent the king £500, a
   sum far below what the king expected. On another occasion when the king
   was starting on a campaign against Wales, Anselm sent what the king
   regarded as a beggarly contingent of ill-trained knights.

   [109] The matters in dispute were discussed at Rockingham at a meeting
   of barons and bishops with Anselm at their head. See Freeman,W. Rufus,
   I. 476 sqq.

   [110] Hist. Nov., II., Migne's ed. 169, 402.

   [111] According to Eadmer, Hist. Nov., Migne's ed. 159, 414, it was due
   to Anselm's intercession that Urban withheld from William Rufus the
   anathema.

   [112] Freeman, Norm. Conq., V. 147.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 24. Anselm and Henry I.

   At the death of the Red King, one archbishopric, four bishoprics, and
   eleven abbeys were without pastors. Henry I., his younger brother,
   surnamed Beauclerc, ascended the throne (1100-1135). He connected the
   Norman blood with the imperial house of Germany by the marriage of his
   daughter Matilda to Henry V. After the emperor's death, Matilda was
   privately married to Geoffrey Plantagenet, count of Anjou (1128), and
   became the mother of Henry II., the founder of the Plantagenet dynasty.

   King Henry I. is favorably known by his strict administration of
   justice. He reconciled the clergy by recalling Anselm from exile, but
   soon renewed the investiture controversy. He instituted bishops and
   abbots, and summoned Anselm to consecrate them, which he steadfastly
   refused to do. He sent him into a second exile (1103-1106). [113]
   crifice of a little earthly power, reminding him that Paul circumcised
   Timothy, and went to the temple to conciliate the Jewish brethren.

   Pascal II. excommunicated the bishops who had accepted investiture from
   Henry. But the king was not inclined to maintain a hostile attitude to
   Anselm. They had an interview in Normandy and appealed to the pope, who
   confirmed the previous investitures of the king on condition of his
   surrendering the right of investiture in future to the Church. This
   decision was ratified at Bec, Aug. 26, 1106. The king promised to
   restore to Anselm the profits of the see during his absence, to abstain
   from the revenues of vacant bishoprics and abbeys, and to remit all
   fines to the clergy. He retained the right of sending to vacant sees a
   congé d'élire, or notice to elect, which carried with it the right of
   nomination. Anselm now proceeded to consecrate bishops, among them
   Roger of Salisbury, who was first preferred to Henry's notice because
   he "began prayers quickly and closed them speedily." [114]

   Anselm returned to England in triumph, and was received by the queen at
   the head of the monks and the clergy. At a council held at Westminster
   in 1107, [115] e the archbishop promised to tolerate the ceremony of
   homage (which Urban II. had condemned). The synodical canons against
   clerical marriage were renewed and made more rigorous (1102, 1107,
   1108); but the pope consented for a time that the sons of priests might
   be admitted to orders, for the remarkable reason, as Eadmer reports,
   that "almost the greater and the better part of the English clergy"
   were derived from this class. [116]

   During the remaining years of his life, Anselm enjoyed the friendship
   and respect of the king, and during the latter's absence on the
   Continent in 1108, he was intrusted with the regency and the care of
   the royal family. He was canonized by the voice of the English people
   long before the formal canonization by the pope. [117]

   After his death, in April, 1109, the primacy remained vacant till 1114,
   when it was conferred upon Ralph of Escures, bishop of Rochester, who
   had administered its affairs during the interval. He is described as a
   learned, cheerful, affable, good-humored, facetious prelate. He was
   called "nugax," but his jests and repartees have not been recorded. He
   and his two Norman successors, William of Corbeuil, 1123-1136. and
   Theobald, 1139-1161, lived on good terms with the king and his
   successor, Stephen. Thomas Becket, an English man, resumed, in 1162,
   the controversy between the mitre and the crown with greater energy,
   but less wisdom, than Anselm.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [113] While in England, Anselm had celebrated the marriage of Henry to
   Matilda, or Eadgyth (as her English name was), daughter of the Scotch
   king Malcolm. Her aunt, a nun at Romsey, had placed the veil upon
   Eadgyth when she was a child as a protection against violence. There
   was a difference of opinion as to whether this was to be construed as a
   vow. Anselm pronounced her free. Ladies at the time of the Norman
   Conquest had temporarily put on the veil as a protection to their
   virtue. Lanfranc afterwards declared them free to marry.

   [114] See Fuller,Ch. Hist. of Britain, I. 340.

   [115] A previous council had been held at Westminster in 1102. See
   Freeman, V. 221, 226, and Gee and Hardy, pp. 63 sq.

   [116] Freeman, V. 223: "The newly devised rigor only led to laxity of a
   worse kind, which it was intended to stop. But, at any rate, it was now
   that the rule of celibacy became for the first time the universal law
   of the English Church. Anselm's counsel at Westminster [that of 1102]
   thus marks an era in our ecclesiastical history."

   [117] The canonization by Alexander III. came to nothing, but was
   renewed by Alexander VI. Dean Church says that Anselm "suffered the
   indignity of a canonization at the hands of Borgia."
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER IV.

   THE PAPACY FROM THE CONCORDAT OF WORMS TO INNOCENT III. A.D. 1122-1198.

   On the historical sources for this period down to the middle of the
   thirteenth century, see Wattenbach: Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im
   Mittelalter, II. 217-442.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 25. Innocent II., 1130-1143, and Eugene III., 1145-1153.

   Innocent II.: Epistolae et Privilegia, in Migne, Patrol., Tom. 179,
   fol. 54636; his biographies in Muratori (Rer. Ital., Tom. II. and III.)
   and Watterich (Pontif. Rom. Vitae, II. 174 sq.).--Anacletus (antipapa):
   Epistolae et Privil., in Migne, Tom. 179, fol. 687-732.--Eugenius III.:
   Epistolae, etc., in Migne, 180, 1013-1614.--The Works of St. Bernard,
   edited by Mabillon, and reprinted in Migne's Patrol. (Tom. 182-185,
   Paris, 1855); Ordericus Vitalis, Eccl. Hist., XII. 11, etc.; Bohn's
   Trans. IV.

   Jaffé: Geschichte des deutschen Reichs unter Lothar von Sachsen.
   Berlin, 1843.--Mirbt, art. Innocent II. in Herzog, IX. 108 sqq.--E.
   Mühlbacher: Die streitige Papstwahl d. J. 1130. Innsbruck, 1876.--W.
   Bernhardi: Konrad III. Leipzig, 1883, 2 vols.--Hefele-Knöpfler, Bd. V.
   385-532.--Giesebrecht, Bd. IV. 54 sqq.--Gregorovius, IV. 403 sqq.
   Hauck, IV. 130 sqq.--The Biographies of St. Bernard.

   Calixtus II. was followed by Honorius II., whose rule of six years,
   1124-1130, was an uneventful one. After his death a dangerous schism
   broke out between Innocent II., 1130-1143, and Anacletus II.,
   1130-1138, who represented two powerful Roman families, the Frangipani,
   or Breadmakers, [118]

   Innocent, formerly cardinal-legate of Urban II. and mediator of the
   Concordat of Worms, enjoyed the reputation of superior learning and
   piety, which even his opponents could not dispute. He had also the
   advantage of a prior election, but of doubtful legal validity, since it
   was effected only by a minority of cardinals, who met in great hurry in
   an unknown place to anticipate the rival candidate. [119]

   Anacletus was a son of Pierleone, Petrus Leonis, and a grandson of Leo,
   a baptized Jewish banker, who had acquired great financial, social, and
   political influence under the Hildebrandian popes. A Jewish community
   with a few hundred members were tolerated in Trastevere and around the
   island of the Tiber as a monumental proof of the truth of Christianity,
   and furnished some of the best physicians and richest bankers, who
   helped the nobility and the popes in their financial troubles.
   Anacletus betrayed his Semitic origin in his physiognomy, and was
   inferior to Innocent in moral character; but he secured an election by
   a majority of cardinals and the support of the principal noble families
   and the Roman community. With the help of the Normans, he took
   possession of Rome, banished his opponent, deposed the hostile
   cardinals, and filled the college with his friends.

   Innocent was obliged to flee to France, and received there the powerful
   support of Peter of Cluny and Bernard of Clairvaux, the greatest monks
   and oracles of their age. He was acknowledged as the legitimate pope by
   all the monastic orders and by the kings of France and England.

   Lothaire II. (III.) of Saxony, 1125-1137, to whom both parties
   appealed, decided for Innocent, led him and St. Bernard to Rome by
   armed force, and received in turn from the pope the imperial crown,
   June 4, 1133.

   But after Lothaire's departure, Anacletus regained possession of Rome,
   with the help of the Norman duke, Roger, and the party of the rival
   emperor, Conrad III. He made Roger II. king of Sicily, and thus helped
   to found a kingdom which lasted seven hundred and thirty years, till it
   was absorbed in the kingdom of Italy, 1860. Innocent retired to Pisa
   (1135). Lothaire made a second expedition to Italy and defeated Roger
   II. Bernard again appeared at Rome and succeeded in strengthening
   Innocent's position. At this juncture Anacletus died, 1138. The healing
   of the schism was solemnly announced at the Second Lateran Council,
   1139. War soon after broke out between Innocent and Roger, and Innocent
   was taken prisoner. On his release he confirmed Roger as king of
   Sicily. Lothaire had returned to Germany to die, 1137. Innocent had
   granted to him the territories of Matilda for an annual payment. On
   this transaction later popes based the claim that the emperor was a
   papal vassal.

   After the short pontificates of Coelestin II., 1143-1144, and Lucius
   II., 1144-1145, Eugene III., a pupil and friend of St. Bernard, was
   elected, Feb. 15, 1145, and ruled till July 8, 1153. He wore the rough
   shirt of the monks of Citeaux under the purple. He had to flee from
   Rome, owing to the disturbances of Arnold of Brescia, and spent most of
   his time in exile. During his pontificate, Edessa was lost and the
   second crusade undertaken. Eugene has his chief interest from his
   connection with St. Bernard, his wise and loyal counsellor, who
   addressed to him his famous treatise on the papacy, the de
   consideratione. [120]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [118] The name was derived by legend from the distribution of bread in
   time of famine by one of the ancestors of the family. Its coat of arms
   represented two lions rampant, holding a loaf of bread between them.
   Gregorovius. IV. 404.

   [119] The thorough investigation of Mühlbacher is unfavorable to the
   validity of the election of Gregory (Innocent II.), and Deutsch (note
   in his edition of Neander's St. Bernhard, I. 110 sq.) agrees with him,
   and bases his claim on purely moral grounds.

   [120] See the chapters on the Second Crusade and St. Bernard.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 26. Arnold of Brescia.

   Otto (Bishop of Freising, or Freisingen, d. 1158): De Gestis Friderici
   I. (lib. II. 20).--Gunther (Ligurinus): De Gestis Friderici I., an epos
   written 1187 (lib. III. vers. 262 sqq.).--Gerhoh (provost of
   Reichersberg, d. 1169): De investigatione Antichristi, edited by
   Scheibelberger. Lincii, 1875.--John of Salisbury: Historia Pontificalis
   (written c. 1162, recently discovered), in Mon. Germ. Script., XX. c.
   31, p. 537.--St. Bernard: Epist., Migne, 195, 196, 198.--Walter Map
   (archdeacon of Oxford, 1196): De Nugis Curialium, ed. Wright, pp. 41
   and 43. The sources are all hostile to Arnold and the Arnoldists.

   J. D. Köler: De Arnoldo Brixiensi dissert. Göttingen,
   1742.--Guadagnini: Apologia di Arnaldo da Brescia. Pavia, 1790, 2
   vols.--K. Beck: A. v. Brescia. Basel, 1824.--H. Francke: Arnold von
   Brescia und seine Zeit. Zürich, 1825 (eulogistic).--Bent: Essay sur
   a.d. Brescia. Genève, 1856.--Federico Odorici: Arnaldo da Brescia.
   1861. Georges Guibal: Arnauld de Brescia et les Hohenstaufen ou la
   question du pouvoir temporel de la papauté du moyen age. Paris,
   1868.--*Giesebrecht: Arnold von Brescia. München, 1873 (in the Reports
   of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences). Comp. his Gesch. der d.
   Kaiserzeit, IV. 314 sqq.--A. Di Giovanni De Castro: Arnaldo da Brescia
   e la revoluzione romana dell XII. secolo. Livorno, 1875.--A. Hausrath:
   Arnold von Brescia. Leipzig, 1891.--Deutsch, A. von Brescia, in Herzog,
   II. 117-122;--Gregorovius, IV. 479 sqq. The Lives of St. Bernard,
   especially Vacandard and Neander-Deutsch.

   During the pontificates of Innocent II., Eugene III., and Adrian IV.
   occurred the interesting episode of Arnold of Brescia, an unsuccessful
   ecclesiastical and political agitator, who protested against the
   secularization of the Church, and tried to restore it to apostolic
   poverty and apostolic purity. These two ideas were closely connected in
   his mind. He proclaimed the principle that the Church and the clergy,
   as well as the monks, should be without any temporal possessions, like
   Christ and the Apostles, and live from the tithes and the voluntary
   offerings of the people. Their calling is purely spiritual. All the
   things of this earth belong to the laity and the civil government.

   He practised what he taught, and begged his daily bread from house to
   house. He was a monk of severe ascetic piety, enthusiastic temper,
   popular eloquence, well versed in the Scriptures, restless, radical,
   and fearless. [121] own. [122]

   With this ecclesiastical scheme he combined a political one. He
   identified himself with the movement of the Romans to emancipate
   themselves from the papal authority, and to restore the ancient
   republic. By giving all earthly power to the laity, he secured the
   favor of the laity, but lost the influence of the clergy. It was the
   political complication which caused his ruin.

   Arnold was a native of Brescia in Lombardy, and an ordained reader in
   the Church. He was a pupil of Abaelard, and called armor-bearer to this
   Goliath. [123] h him against St. Bernard, who became his bitter enemy.
   But with the exception of the common opposition to the hierarchy, they
   differed very widely. Abaelard was a philosopher, Arnold, a politician;
   Abaelard, a speculative thinker, Arnold, a practical preacher;
   Abaelard, a rationalist, Arnold, an enthusiast. The former undermined
   the traditional orthodoxy, the latter attacked the morals of the clergy
   and the temporal power of the Church. Arnold was far below Abaelard in
   intellectual endowment, but far more dangerous in the practical drift
   of his teaching, which tended to pauperize the Church and to
   revolutionize society. Baronius calls him "the father of political
   heresies."

   In his ascetic zeal for the moral reform of the clergy, Arnold was in
   sympathy with the Hildebrandian party, but in his views of the temporal
   power of the pope, he went to the opposite extreme. Hildebrand aimed at
   the theocratic supremacy of the Church over the State; Arnold sought
   the welfare of the Church in her complete separation from the State and
   of the clerical office from secular entanglements. Pascal II., we may
   say, had prepared the way for this theory when he was willing to
   sacrifice the investiture to the emperor. The Hildebrandian reform had
   nearly passed away, and the old corruptions reappeared. The temporal
   power of the Church promoted the worldliness of the clergy. The author
   of the Historia Pontificalis says that Arnold's doctrine agreed with
   the Gospel, but stood in crying contrast with the actual condition of
   things. St. Bernard, his opponent, was as much opposed as he to the
   splendor and luxury of bishops, the secular cares of the popes, and
   expressed a wish that he might see the day when "the Church, as in
   olden times, should cast her net for souls, and not for money." [124]
   All the monastic orders protested against the worldliness of the
   Church, and realized the principle of apostolic poverty within the wall
   of convents. But Arnold extended it to the secular clergy as well, and
   even went so far as to make poverty a condition of salvation for
   priests and monks. [125]

   Arnold's sermons gained great popular applause in Lombardy, and caused
   bitter disputes between the people and the bishop of Brescia. He was
   charged before the Lateran Synod of 1139 with inciting the laity
   against the clergy, was deposed as a schismatic (not as a heretic),
   commanded to be silent, and was expelled from Italy.

   He went again to France and was entangled in the controversy of
   Abaelard with Bernard. Pope Innocent condemned both Abaelard and Arnold
   to silence and seclusion in a convent, 1140. Abaelard, weary of strife
   and life, submitted and retired to the convent of Cluny, where two
   years later he died in peace. [126] f the clergy. He exposed especially
   the avarice of the bishops. He also charged St. Bernard with unholy
   ambition and envy against scholars. Bernard called him a man whose
   speech was honey, whose doctrine was poison. At his request the king
   expelled Arnold from France.

   Arnold fled to Zürich and was kindly received and protected by the
   papal legate, Cardinal Guido, his former fellow-student in Paris. [127]

   After a few years of unknown exile, Arnold appeared in Rome as the
   leader of a political movement. Innocent II. had allowed him to return
   to Italy; Eugene III. had pardoned him on condition of his doing
   penance in the holy places of Rome. But after the flight of this pope
   to France, Arnold preached again the doctrine of apostolic poverty,
   called the popes and cardinals Pharisees and scribes, and their church
   a house of merchandise and den of robbers. He was protected by the
   Roman senate, and idolized by the people. The Romans had renounced the
   papal authority, expelled the pope, substituted a purely secular
   government after the ancient model, and invited Conrad III. to assume
   the rôle of Constantine I. or Justinian. They lost themselves in dreams
   of government. The tradition of the old Roman rule controlled the
   Middle Ages in various forms: it lived as a universal monarchy in the
   German Empire, as a universal theocracy in the papacy; as a short-lived
   republic in the Roman people. The modern Italians who oppose the
   temporal power of the pope are more sensible: they simply claim the
   natural right of the Italian people to govern themselves, and they
   confine the dominion of Rome to Italy.

   Arnold stepped out of the ecclesiastical into the political sphere, and
   surrounded the new republic with the halo of religion. He preached in
   his monastic gown, on the ruins of the Capitol, to the patres
   conscripti, and advised them to rebuild the Capitol, and to restore the
   old order of senators and knights. His emaciated face gave him a
   ghost-like appearance and deepened the effect of his eloquence.

   But the republican experiment failed. The people were at last forced
   into submission by the interdict of Pope Adrian IV. Arnold was banished
   from Rome, 1154, and soon afterwards hanged by order of Emperor
   Frederick I., who hated democracy and republicanism. His body was burnt
   and his ashes were thrown into the Tiber, 1155, lest his admirers
   should worship his bones. [128]

   Arnold's was a voice of protest against the secular aims of the papacy
   and the worldliness of the clergy which still has its hearers. "So
   obstinate is the ban of the Middle Ages under which Rome is still
   held," says Gregorovius, "that the soul of a heretic of the twelfth
   century has not yet found rest, but must still haunt Rome." The
   Catholic Bishop Hefele refused to class him among "real heretics."
   [129]

   The Arnoldists continued for some time to defend the doctrines of their
   master, and were declared heretics by a council of Verona, 1184, after
   which they disappeared.

   But the idea of apostolic poverty and the opposition to the temporal
   power of the papacy reappeared among the Spirituals of the Franciscan
   order. Arnold's political scheme of restoring the Roman republic was
   revived two hundred years later by Cola di Rienzi (1347), but with no
   better success; for Rienzi was murdered, his body burnt, and the ashes
   were scattered to the winds (1354).
     __________________________________________________________________

   [121] Otto von Freising calls him "singularitatis amator, novitatis
   cupidus, " and ranks him with those characters who are apt to produce
   heresies and to make schismatic disturbances. St. Bernard denounces him
   as the author of a schisma pessimum, but bears testimony to his ascetic
   piety, yet with the cruel charge of satanic thirst for the blood of
   souls: "Homo est neque manducans neque bibens, solo cum diabolo
   esuriens et sitiens sanguinem animarum."

   [122] Von Freising: "Praeter haec [his views on Church property]de
   sacramento altaris, et baptismo parvulorum non sane dicitur sensisse."
   Some Baptists claim him for his supposed rejection of infant baptism.
   The attempts to bring him into contact with the Waldenses (who are of
   later date) have no foundation.

   [123] Freising: "Arnaldus iste et Italia, civitate Brixia oriundus,
   ejusdemque ecclesiae clericus ac tantum lector ordinatus, Petrum
   Abailardum olim praeceptorem habuerat." St. Bernard seems to place the
   acquaintance at a later period: "Execratus a Petro apostolo, adhaeserat
   Petro Abailardo."

   [124] Epist., 238 ad Eugen. III.

   [125] Otto v. Freising, l.c.: "Dicebat, nec Clericos proprietatem, nec
   Episcopos regalia, nec monachos possessiones habentes aliqua ratione
   salvari posse. Cuncta haec Principis esse, ab ejusque beneficentia in
   usum tantum laicorum cedere opportere."

   [126] Tosti, in his Storia di Abelardo, Naples, 1851, says of Abaelard
   that he had the courage of thought, but not the courage of action (il
   coraggio del pensiero non quello dell'azione).

   [127] This Guido was formerly identified with Guido of Castello who
   became Pope Coelestin II., Sept. 26, 1143, and ruled five months. But
   Giesebrecht and Gregorovius (IV. 455) distinguish the two. Francke
   exaggerates Arnold's influence upon Swiss liberty while at Zürich.
   Milman makes him a forerunner of Zwingli, who opposed the hierarchy;
   but Zwingli knew little or nothing of Arnold, and had no idea of
   pauperizing the Church, or of a separation of Church and State.

   [128] According to a Brescian poem, Arnold refused to recant and made
   only the single request for time for prayer before dying. Gregorovius,
   IV. 545.

   [129] Unter die eigentlichen Heretiker. Hefele denies the errors
   ascribed to Arnold by Otto of Freising. Kirchengesch. 407.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 27. The Popes and the Hohenstaufen.

   I. Principal Sources:

   (1) The Regesta of the popes from Anastasius IV. to Innocent III.
   (1153-1198) by Jaffé-Wattenbach (ed. 1886).--The Opera of these popes
   in Migne's Patrol. Lat.--The Vitae of the popes by Platina, Watterich,
   etc.

   (2) Otto (half-brother of King Conrad III. and uncle of Frederick
   Barbarossa, and partial to him, bishop of Freising, or Freisingen, in
   Upper Bavaria, d. 1158): De Gestis Friderici I., finished by his pupil
   Rahewin or Reguin. Best ed. by Waitz, 1884. Also his Chronicle (De
   duabus Civitatibus, after the model of Augustin's De Civitate Dei),
   continued by Otto of St. Blasien (in the Black Forest) till 1209. First
   critical ed. by R. Wilmans in Mon. Ger. Scr., XX. 83-493.--Gunther
   Ligurinus wrote in 1187 a Latin epic of 6576 verses on the deeds of the
   Emperor Frederick I. till 1160. See Wattenbach's Geschichtsquellen, II.
   241 sqq

   II. Works on the Hohenstaufen Period:

   Jaffé: Geschichte des deutschen Reichs unter Konrad III., Hanover,
   1845.--Fr. von Raumer: Geschichte der Hohenstaufen. Leipzig, 1823. 4th
   ed. 1871. --W. Zimmermann: Die Hohenstaufen oder der Kampf der
   Monarchie gegen den Papst und die republ. Freiheit. Stuttgart, 1838. 2d
   ed. 1865, 2 vols.--G. De Cherrier: Histoire de la lutte des papes et
   des empereurs de la maison de Souabe. Paris, 1841, 4 vols.--*Hermann
   Reuter (Professor of Church History in Göttingen, d. 1888): Alexander
   III. und die Kirche seiner Zeit. 1845. 2d ed. thoroughly rewritten,
   Leipzig, 1860-1864; 3 vols. (A work of fifteen years'
   study.)--Schirrmacher Kaiser Friedrich II. Göttingen, 1859-1864, 4
   vols.; Die letzten Hohenstaufen. Göttingen, 1871.--P.
   Scheffer-Boichorst: K. Friedrichs I. letzter Streit mit der Kurie.
   Berlin, 1866.--H. Prutz: K. Friedrich I. Danzig, 1871-1874, 3
   vols.--Del Guidice: Il guidizio e la condanna di Corradino. Naples,
   1876.--Ribbeck: Friedr. I. und die römische Kurie. Leipzig, 1881.--Ugo
   Balzani: The Popes and the Hohenstaufen. London and New York, 1888 (pp.
   261).--Giesebrecht, Bryce, 167 sqq.; Gregorovius, IV. 424 sqq.; Hauck,
   IV.;-- Hefele-Knöpfler, V. 533 sqq.

   With Conrad III. the powerful family of the Hohenstaufen ascended the
   imperial throne and occupied it from 1138 till 1254. They derive the
   name from the family castle Hohenstaufen, on a hill in the Rough Alp
   near Göppingen in Swabia. [130] Agnes in marriage. They were thus
   connected by blood with the antagonist of Pope Hildebrand, and
   identified with the cause of the Ghibellines against the Guelphs in
   their bloody feuds in Germany and Italy. Henry VI., 1190-1197, acquired
   by marriage the kingdom of Naples and Sicily. His son, Frederick II.,
   raised his house to the top of its prosperity, but was in his culture
   and taste more an Italian than German prince, and spent most of his
   time in Italy.

   The Hohenstaufen or Swabian emperors maintained the principle of
   imperialism, that is, the dignity and independence of the monarchy, as
   a divine institution, against papal sacerdotalism on the one hand, and
   against popular liberty on the other.

   They made common cause with the popes, and served their purposes in the
   crusades: three of them, Conrad III., Frederick I., and Frederick II.,
   undertook crusades against the Saracens; Conrad III. engaged in the
   second, which was a failure; Frederick I. perished in Syria; Frederick
   II. captured Jerusalem. The Hohenstaufen made also common cause with
   the popes against political and doctrinal dissent: Barbarossa
   sacrificed and punished by death Arnold of Brescia as a dangerous
   demagogue; and Frederick II., though probably himself an unbeliever,
   persecuted heretics.

   But on the question of supremacy of power, the Hohenstaufen were always
   in secret or open war with the popes, and in the end were defeated. The
   conflict broke out under Frederick Barbarossa, who after long years of
   contention died at peace with the Church. It was continued by his
   grandson Frederick II. who died excommunicated and deposed from his
   throne by the papacy. The dynasty went out in tragic weakness in
   Conradin, the last male representative, who was beheaded on the charge
   of high treason, 1268. This conflict of the imperial house of the
   Hohenstaufen was more imposing than the conflict waged by Henry IV.
   with Gregory and his successors because of the higher plane on which it
   was fought and the greater ability of the secular antagonists engaged.
   Lasting more than one hundred years, it forms one of the most august
   spectacles of the Middle Ages, and furnishes some of the most dramatic
   scenes in which kings have ever figured. The historian Gregorovius has
   felt justified in saying that "this Titanic war of the Middle Ages
   filled and connected the centuries and formed the greatest spectacle of
   all ages."

   After the fall of the Hohenstaufen, the German Empire maintained, till
   its death in 1806, a nominal connection with the papacy, but ceased to
   be the central political power of Europe, except in the period of the
   Reformation under Charles V., 1519-1558, when it was connected with the
   crowns of Austria, the Low Countries, and Spain, and the newly
   discovered lands of America, and when that mighty monarch, true to his
   Austrian and Spanish descent, retarded the Protestant movement for
   national independence and religious freedom. The new German Empire,
   founded on the ruins of the old and the defeat of France (1870), is
   ruled by a hereditary Protestant emperor.

   CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

   A.D.

   POPES

   THE HOHENSTAUFEN

   A.D.

   1130-1143

   Innocent II.

   Conrad III.

   1138-1152

   1143-1144

   Coelestine II.

   Crowned emperor at Aix la Chapelle by the papal legates.

   1144-1145

   Lucius II.

   1145-1153

   Eugene III.

   Frederick I. (Barbarossa).

   1152-1190

   1153-1154

   Anastasius IV.

   (Nephew of Conrad.)

   1154-1159

   Adrian IV.

   Crowned emperor by Adrian IV.

   1155

   1159-1181

   Alexander III.

   1181-1185

   Lucius III.

   1185-1187

   Urban III.

   1187

   Gregory VIII.

   1187-1191

   Clement III.

   Henry VI.

   1190-1197

   1191-1198

   Coelestine III.

   (Son of Barbarossa.)

   Crowned emperor by Coelestine III

   1191

   King of Sicily.

   1194

   1198-1216

   Innocent III.

   Otto IV

   1209-1215

   Crowned by Innocent III

   1209

   Deposed by the Lateran Council

   1215

   1216-1227

   Honorius III.

   Frederick II

   1227-1241

   Gregory IX.

   (Son of Henry VI and Constance of Sicily)

   1241

   Coelestine IV.

   Crowned emperor by Honorius III

   1220

   1241-1254

   Innocent IV.

   Conrad IV

   1250-1254

   (Second son of Frederick II)

   Crowned king of the Romans

   1237

   Excommunicated, 1252, and again 1254

   1254-1261

   Alexander IV.

   Interregnum

   1254-1273

   1261-1264

   Urban IV.

   Conradin

   1265-1268

   Clement IV.

   (Son of Conrad, the last of the Hohenstaufen, b. 1252)

   Beheaded.

   1268
     __________________________________________________________________

   [130] The castle was destroyed in the Peasants'War in 1525. At the foot
   of the hill is a village and an old church with a fresco picture of
   Barbarossa, bearing the inscription: "Hic transibat Caesar, amor
   bonorum, terror malorum.""Here Caesar passed away, beloved by the good,
   dreaded by the bad." Close by is the ancient seat of the Hohenzollern
   family. On the site of the old castle a splendid castle was erected by
   William I., the Emperor of Germany.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 28. Adrian IV. and Frederick Barbarossa.

   Lives of Hadrian in Muratori, Script. Rer. Ital. I. III.--Migne, vol.
   188.--Otto of Freising.--William of Newburgh, 2 vols. London, 1856.--R.
   Raby: Pope Hadrian IV. London, 1849.--Tarleton: Nicolas Breakspear,
   Englishman And Pope, 1896.--L. Ginnell: The Doubtful Grant of Ireland
   of Pope Adrian IV. to Henry II., 1899.--O. J. Thatcher: Studies conc.
   Adrian IV. Chicago, 1903. pp. 88.--Reuter: Alex. III., vol. I. 1-48,
   479-487.

   Eugene III. was followed by Anastasius IV., whose rule lasted only
   sixteen months.

   His successor was Nicolas Breakspear, the first and the only Englishman
   that has (thus far) worn the tiara. He was the son of a poor priest of
   St. Albans. He went to France in pursuit of bread and learning, became
   a monk, prior, and abbot of the convent of St. Rufus, between Arles and
   Avignon. He studied theology and canon law. Eugene III. made him
   cardinal-bishop of Albano, and sent him as legate to Norway and Sweden,
   where he organized the Church and brought it into closer contact with
   Rome.

   He occupied the papal chair as Adrian IV., from 1154 to 1159, with
   great ability and energy. A beggar raised to the highest dignity in
   Christendom! The extremes of fortune met in this Englishman. Yet he
   felt happier in his poverty than in his power. He declared soon after
   his consecration that "the papal chair was full of thorns and the papal
   mantle full of holes and so heavy as to load down the strongest man."
   And after some experience in that high office, he said: "Is there a man
   in the world so miserable as a pope? I have found so much trouble in
   St. Peter's chair that all the bitterness of my former life appears
   sweet in comparison." [131]

   The Romans, under the lead of Arnold, requested him to resign all claim
   to temporal rule; but he refused, and after a bloody attack made by an
   Arnoldist upon one of the cardinals in the open street, he laid--for
   the first time in history--the interdict on the city. By this unbloody,
   yet awful and most effective, weapon, he enforced the submission of the
   people. He abolished the republican government, expelled Arnold and his
   adherents, and took possession of the Lateran.

   At this time, Frederick I., called Barbarossa (Redbeard) by the
   Italians from the color of his beard, one of the bravest, strongest,
   and most despotic of German emperors,--the sleeper in Kyffhäuser, [132]
   y to receive the iron crown of royalty from the Lombards and the golden
   crown of empire from the pope (1154).

   The pope demanded, as the first condition of his coronation, the
   surrender of Arnold. With this Barbarossa willingly complied and
   ordered the execution of the popular agitator. In his first interview
   with Adrian, he kissed the pope's toe, but neglected the ceremony of
   holding the stirrup on descending from his palfrey. Adrian felt
   indignant and refused to give him the kiss of peace. When informed that
   this was an old custom, Barbarossa on the following day complied with
   it, but in an ambiguous way by holding the left stirrup instead of the
   right. He took forcible possession of Trastevere, and was solemnly
   invested, anointed, and crowned, according to the prescribed ritual, in
   St. Peter's, amid the acclamations of the curia, the clergy, and the
   army (June 13, 1155). An insurrection of the Roman people was speedily
   suppressed, the emperor leading the charge into the rebel ranks. But on
   the next morning he retired with the pope to the Tiburtine hills. He
   was reluctantly compelled by the want of supplies and by rumors of
   rebellion in Lombardy to return with his army. The pope, shut out from
   Rome, without foreign or domestic ally, retired to Benevento, was
   besieged there by King William of Sicily (son and successor of Roger
   II.) and forced by desertion and famine to submit to the terms of the
   conqueror by investing him with the kingdom of Sicily, the duchy of
   Apulia, and the principality of Capua. This involved him in a
   controversy with the emperor, who regarded Apulia and Capua as parts of
   the empire. He protested against the divorce from his first, and the
   marriage to his second, wife, 1156.

   To these occasions of offence Adrian added another which Frederick
   would not bear. It was evoked by the ill-treatment done by robbers to
   the archbishop of Lund on his way from Rome through Germany to his
   Scandinavian diocese. [133] f or a gift. In either case the implication
   was offensive to the Germans, and they chose to interpret it as a claim
   that the emperor held his empire as a fief of the apostolic see. Two
   legates, rent by Adrian, attempted to soften down the meaning of the
   imprudent expression.

   The pope was too much of a hierarch and Frederick too much of an
   emperor to live in peace. In 1158 Frederick led his army across the
   Alps to reduce Milan and other refractory Lombard cities to submission.
   Having accomplished this, he assembled a diet on the plain of
   Roncaglia, near Piacenza, which is memorable for the decision rendered
   by Bologna jurists, that the emperor held his empire by independent
   divine right and not by the will of the pope. This was the most
   decisive triumph the empire had won since the opening of the conflict
   with Henry IV. But the decision of professors of law did not change the
   policy of the papacy.

   Adrian again gave offence by denying the emperor's right to levy a tax
   for military purposes, fodrum, on estates claimed by the papacy and
   demanded that he should recognize the papal claim of feudal rights over
   the Matilda grant, Sardinia, Corsica, Ferrara, and the duchy of
   Spoleto. Frederick proudly retorted that instead of owing fealty to the
   pope, the popes owed fealty to the emperor, inasmuch as it was by the
   gift of the emperor Constantine that Pope Sylvester secured possession
   of Rome. A war of letters followed. Adrian was intending to punish his
   imperial foe with excommunication when he was struck down by death at
   Anagni. He was buried in St. Peter's in an antique sarcophagus of red
   granite which is still shown. So ended the career of a man who by his
   moral character and personal attractions had lifted himself up from the
   condition of a child of a poor cleric to the supreme dignity of
   Christendom, and ventured to face the proudest monarch as his superior
   and to call the imperial crown a papal beneficium. [134]

   This English pope, who laid the city of Rome under the interdict, which
   no Italian or German pope had dared to do, presented Ireland to the
   crown of England, on the ground that all the islands of the Christian
   world belong to the pope by virtue of Constantine's donation. The
   curious bull Laudabiliter, encouraging Henry II. to invade and
   subjugate the land and giving it to him and to his heirs for a
   possession, may not be genuine, but the authorization was certainly
   made by Adrian as John of Salisbury, writing about 1159, attests, and
   it was renewed by Alexander III. and carried out, 1171. [135] land will
   hardly want to have a second trial of an English pope.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [131] John of Salisbury, Polycraticus, VIII. 23; Migne, 199, 814.

   [132] See vol. IV. 258, and Rückert's poem there quoted. Em. Geibel
   also wrote a beautiful poem on the German dream of sleep and revival of
   Barbarossa:-- "Tief im Schoosse des Kyffhäusers Bei der Ampel rothem
   Schein Sitzt der alte Kaiser Friedrich An dem Tisch von
   Marmorstein,"etc.

   [133] Eskill of Lund seems to have had the loftiest ideas of prelatical
   prerogative, and boasted that he was accustomed to command kings, not
   obey them. It is quite possible the emperor took inward satisfaction at
   his custody. Hauck, IV. 210. Adrian's letter, Mirbt, Quellen, 119 sq.,
   speaks of the treatment of the archbishop as "that fearful and
   execrable deed and sacrilegious crime,"illud horrendum et execrabile
   facinus et piaculare flagitium.

   [134] Gregorovius, IV. 560, after praising his merits, says of Adrian.
   "He was shrewd, practical, and unyielding as Anglo-Saxons are wont to
   be." His "nature was as firm and strong as the granite of his tomb."

   [135] The subject has been thoroughly discussed by Professors Thatcher
   and Scheffer-Boichorst before him. John of Salisbury, Polycr. VI. 24;
   Migne, 199, 623, distinctly says that Adrian, "listening to his
   petitions, conceded and gave" Ireland to Henry and his heirs on the
   ground that all islands "by ancient law and Constantine's donation, are
   said to belong to the Church." The pope sent to the king through John a
   ring of gold set with a precious stone to be a seal of investiture.
   There is no good reason to doubt this statement. And we know from Roger
   de Wendover, Rolls Series, I. 11, that an English embassy was sent to
   Adrian to secure this permission. The bull Laudabiliter (Mansi, XXI.
   788), which formally confers the island upon the English crown and
   demands from it the payment of Peter's Pence, is found also in Roger de
   Wendover (Giles, Trans., I. 529) and Giraldus. Upon internal grounds
   its genuineness is considered doubtful or flatly denied, as by
   Thatcher. This author gives, p. 4, a list of review articles on the
   subject. Scholarship and patriotism have made it possible for Irish
   writers to use much argument to show that the bull is a forgery and the
   alleged fact a fancy, whether of a prophetic enemy of Ireland or by a
   historical bungler is not known. The Protestant has an easier way out
   of the difficulty in affirming that the pope may make mistakes.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 29. Alexander III. in Conflict with Barbarossa.

   See the literature in § 27, especially Reuter's Alex. III.--Vita
   Alexandri auctore Bosone Card., in Watterich, II. 377 sqq.--Migne, Tom.
   200.--The Regesta of Alexander III. in Jaffé-Wattenbach's Reg. Pont.
   Rom., pp. 145-418; and of the anti-popes, Victor IV., Pascal III.,
   Calixtus III., and Innocent III., ibid., pp. 418-430.--Milman, bk.
   VIII. chs. VIII. and IX.--Greenwood, bk. XII. chs.
   III.-VII.--Gregorovius, IV. 525 sqq.; Hefele-Knöpfler, V.
   570-720.--Moritz Meyer: Die Wahl Alex. III. und Victors IV. Göttingen,
   1871.--Edw. A. Freeman: Frederick the First, King of Italy, in his
   "Historical Essays," London, 1871, pp. 252-282.--P. Scheffer-Boichorst;
   Friedrich I. letzte Streit mit der Kurie, 1866.--Wattenbach, 167 sqq.;
   Hauck, IV. 227-311.--Gietl: Die Sentenzen Rolands, nachmals Alexander
   III. Freib., 1891.

   With Alexander III. (1159-1181) the conflict between Caesarism and
   sacerdotalism, which had begun under Adrian, assumed a more serious
   character. It was not a war for destruction, but for supremacy on the
   one hand and submission on the other. "Who shall be the greater?" that
   was the question. It was the old contention between Church and State
   under a new phase. Caesar and pope were alike Catholic Christians as
   far as they had any religion at all. They were indispensable to each
   other. The emperor or king needed a pope, as a kind of chief chaplain
   and father confessor for the control of the consciences of his
   subjects; the pope needed the secular arm of an emperor for the
   protection of the property and rights of the Church and the prosecution
   of heretics. The emperors elected anti-popes, and the popes supported
   rival emperors. It was the ambition of the Hohenstaufen to keep Germany
   and Italy united; it was the interest of the popes to keep them
   separated, and to foment division in Germany and in Italy, according to
   the maxim. "Divide et impera."

   On the 7th of September, 1159, Cardinal Roland, the chancellor of the
   Roman curia and a distinguished canonist, ascended the papal chair as
   Alexander III. He had previously been professor at Bologna, and written
   the first work on the Decretum Gratiani. He had been created cardinal
   by Eugene III. He had once offended Barbarossa by the question: "From
   whom does the emperor receive his dignity if not from the pope?" He had
   also advised Adrian to excommunicate the emperor. He was a scholar, a
   statesman, and a vigorous champion of the Hildebrandian theocracy. He
   had an unusually long pontificate of twenty-one years, and is the most
   conspicuous pope between Gregory VII. and Innocent III. He had a
   checkered career of fortune and misfortune in a conflict with the
   emperor and four anti-popes; but he consistently adhered to his
   principles, and at last triumphed over his enemies by moral force and
   the material aid of the Normans in the south and the Lombards in the
   north.

   The election of Roland by fourteen cardinals was immediately followed
   by the election of Cardinal Octavian of St. Cecilia, the imperial
   anti-pope, who called himself Victor IV., and at once took possession
   of the Vatican. Roland was consecrated at Ninfa, Octavian in the
   convent of Farfa. They were quartered in the Campagna, a few miles
   distant from each other, and published contradictory reports with
   charges of disgraceful violence at the election. [136]

   The emperor, who was then besieging the city of Cremona, being appealed
   to by both parties (though with different feelings), and using a right
   exercised by Constantine, Theodosius, Justinian, Charlemagne, and Otto,
   summoned a council at Pavia to investigate and decide the case, 1160.
   [137] The rival popes were invited by messengers to appear in person.
   Octavian, who was always an imperialist, accepted the invitation.
   Roland distrusted the emperor, and protested against his right to call
   a council without his permission. He said that he honored him as a
   special defender of the Church above all other princes, but that God
   had placed the pope above kings.

   The partisan council, which consisted chiefly of bishops from Germany
   and North Italy, after a grave debate, unanimously decided in favor of
   Octavian, and excommunicated Roland, Feb. 11, 1160. The emperor paid
   the customary honors to Victor IV., held his stirrup and kissed his
   toe. Alexander issued from Anagni a counter-excommunication against the
   anti-pope and the emperor, March 24, 1160. He thereby encouraged revolt
   in Lombardy and division in Germany. Another schism rent the Church.

   The rival popes dispatched legates to all the courts of Europe. France,
   Spain, and England sided with Alexander. He took refuge in France for
   three years (1162-1165), and was received with enthusiasm. The kings of
   France and England, Louis VII. and Henry II., walked on either side of
   his horse, holding the bridle, and conducting him into the town of
   Courcy on the Loire. Germany, Hungary, Bohemia, Norway, and Sweden
   supported Victor. Italy was divided: Rome and Tuscany were under the
   power of the emperor; Sicily favored the Gregorian pope; the
   flourishing commercial and manufacturing cities of Lombardy were
   discontented with the despotic rule of Barbarossa, who was called the
   destroyer of cities. He put down the revolt with an iron hand; he razed
   Milan to the ground after a long and atrocious siege, scattered the
   population, and sent the venerated relics of the Magi to the cathedral
   of Cologne, March, 1162.

   Victor IV. died in April, 1164. Pascal III. was elected his successor
   without regard to the canonical rules. At the request of the emperor,
   he canonized Charles the Great (1165).

   Alexander III. put himself at the head of the Lombard league against
   the emperor; city after city declared itself for him. In September,
   1165, he returned to Italy with the help of Sicily, and French and
   English gold, and took possession of Rome.

   In November, 1166, Frederick crossed the Alps a fourth time, with a
   strong army, marched to Rome, captured the Leonine city, put Pascal
   III. in possession of St. Peter's, and was crowned again, with
   Beatrice, Aug. 1, 1167. Alexander defended the city on the other side
   of the Tiber, but soon withdrew to Benevento. The emperor, victorious
   over armies, found a more formidable enemy in the Roman fever, which
   made fearful ravages among his bishops, noblemen, and soldiers. He lost
   in a few weeks his bravest knights and two thousand men by the plague.
   He broke up his camp in great haste, and marched to Pavia (September,
   1167). [138]

   The second anti-pope died, Sept. 20, 1168, and with him the power of
   the schism collapsed. Calixtus III. was elected his successor, but he
   was a mere shadow, 1168-1178. [139]

   Barbarossa undertook a fifth campaign to Italy in 1174. He destroyed
   Susa, and, descending through Piedmont, besieged the new city of
   Alessandria, which was named in honor of Alexander III., and strongly
   fortified. Here he found determined resistance. His forces were
   weakened by a severe winter. He was forsaken by his strongest ally, the
   Saxon duke, Henry the Lion. He fought a pitched battle against the
   Lombards, near Legnano, May 29, 1176. He rushed, as usual, into the
   thickest of the fight, but was defeated after terrible slaughter, and
   lost his shield, banner, cross, lance, and coffers of silver and gold.
   He retired with the remnant of his army to Pavia. He was left without a
   single ally, and threatened in Germany by the dangerous rivalry of
   Henry the Lion. He now took serious steps towards a reconciliation with
   Alexander, the spiritual head of his enemies.

   The emperor sent Archbishop Christian of Mainz (his chancellor, ablest
   general, and diplomat), Archbishop Wichmann of Magdeburg, Bishop Conrad
   of Worms, and Protonotary Wortwin to Anagni, with full powers to treat
   with the pope (October, 1176). Alexander received the commissioners
   with marked respect, and in private conferences, lasting over a
   fortnight, he arranged with them the preliminary terms of peace, which
   were to be ratified at Venice during a personal interview between him
   and the emperor.

   The pope, provided with a safe-conduct by the emperor, left Anagni on
   Christmas, 1176, in company with his cardinals and the two
   commissioners of the kingdom of Sicily, Archbishop Romuald of Salerno
   and Count Roger of Andria, and arrived at Venice, March 24, 1177. The
   emperor tarried at Chioggia, near Venice, till July 23. The peace
   negotiations between the pope and the imperial commissioners began in
   May and lasted till July. They were conducted on the basis of the
   previous negotiations in Anagni.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [136] Octavian, according to the report of his enemies, plucked the
   papal cope from the shoulders of Roland, and invested himself with such
   indecent haste that the cope was reversed, and the back of it appeared
   on his breast. The mistake created derisive laughter, and was construed
   as a divine judgment.

   [137] The document is given in Rahewin, Gesta Frid. IV. 64, and Mirbt,
   Quellen, 121.

   [138] Thomas à Becket, in a letter congratulating Alexander, compared
   Frederick's discomfiture by pestilence to Sennacherib's defeat at
   Jerusalem. 2 Chron. xxxii:21.

   [139] His few acts are recorded in Jaffé-Wattenbach, Regesta, pp.
   429-430. He submitted to Alexander, and was made archbishop of
   Benevento. Of the fourth anti-pope, Lando Sitino, who called himself
   Innocent III (1179-1180), nothing is recorded but his election and
   imprisonment, ibid., p. 431.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 30. The Peace of Venice. 1177.

   The negotiations resulted in the Peace of Venice, which was embodied in
   twenty-eight articles. [140] ardinals were reduced to the positions
   they had occupied before their appointment to the curia. Beatrice was
   acknowledged as Frederick's legal wife, and his son Henry as king of
   the Romans. Rome and the patrimonium were restored to the pope, and
   Spoleto, the Romagna, and Ancona were recognized as a part of the
   empire.

   The peace was ratified by one of the most solemn congresses of the
   Middle Ages. Absolved from the ban, and after eighteen years of
   conflict, the emperor met the pope in front of St. Mark's, July 24,
   1177. A vast multitude filled the public square. The pope in his
   pontifical dress sitting upon a throne in front of the portal of the
   cathedral must have had mingled with his feelings of satisfaction
   reminiscences of his painful fortunes since the time he was elected to
   the tiara. Cardinals, archbishops, bishops, and other dignitaries
   occupied lower seats according to their rank.

   The emperor, on arriving in the magnificent gondola of the doge, with a
   train of prelates and nobles, was received by a procession of priests
   with banners and crosses, and the shouts of the people. He slowly
   proceeded to the cathedral. Overcome with feelings of reverence for the
   venerable pope, he cast off his mantle, bowed, and fell at his feet.
   [141] d him up, [142] [143]

   Then the emperor, taking the hand of the pope, walked with him and the
   doge into the church, made rich offerings at the altar, bent his knees,
   and received again the apostolic benediction.

   On the next day (the 25th), being the feast of St. James, the pope, at
   the emperor's request, celebrated high mass, and preached a sermon
   which he ordered the patriarch of Aquileia to translate at once into
   German. The emperor accompanied him from the altar to the door, and
   paid him the customary homage of holding the stirrup. [144] e of a
   groom, taking the will for the deed, and gave him again his
   benediction.

   This is the authentic account of contemporary writers and
   eye-witnesses. They make no mention of the story that the emperor said
   to the pope, "I do this homage to Peter, not to thee," and that the
   pope quickly replied, "To Peter and to me."

   The hierarchical imagination has represented this interview as a second
   Canossa. In Venetian pictures the pope is seen seated on a throne, and
   planting his foot on the neck of the prostrate emperor, with the words
   of Ps. 91:13: --

   "Thou shalt tread upon the lion and the adder:

   The young lion and the serpent shalt thou trample under feet." [145]

   There is as much difference between the scenes of Venice and Canossa as
   there is between the characters of Barbarossa and Henry IV. Barbarossa
   was far superior, morally as well as intellectually, to his Salian
   predecessor, and commanded the respect of his enemies, even in his
   defeat. He maintained his dignity and honorably kept his word.

   Delegates and letters were sent to all parts of Christendom with the
   glad tidings of peace. The emperor left Venice toward the end of
   September for Germany by a roundabout way, and the pope for Anagni on
   the 15th of October. After an exile of ten years, Alexander made a
   triumphal entry into Rome, March 12, 1178.

   He convened, according to previous agreement with the emperor, a synod
   to ratify the pacification of Christendom, and to remove certain evils
   which had multiplied during the schism. The Third Lateran or the
   Eleventh Oecumenical Council was held in the Constantinian Basilica at
   Rome during Lent, 1179. It numbered about three hundred bishops,
   besides many abbots and other dignitaries, [146] oman hierarchy in its
   glory, though it was eclipsed afterwards by the Fourth Lateran Council
   of 1215. The details of the transactions are unknown, except
   twenty-seven chapters which were adopted in the third and last session.

   The council, in order to prevent rival elections, placed the election
   of popes exclusively in the hands of cardinals, to be decided by a
   majority of two-thirds, and threatened with excommunication and
   deposition any one who should dare to accept an election by a smaller
   number of votes. [147] journeys, the archbishops were limited to forty
   or fifty horses on those occasions, the cardinals to twenty-five, the
   bishops to twenty or thirty, the archdeacons to five or seven. Ordained
   clergymen must dismiss their concubines, or forfeit their benefices.
   Unnatural licentiousness was to be punished by expulsion from the
   priesthood and confinement in a convent. The council prepared the way
   for a crusade against the heretics in the South of France, and promised
   to those who should engage in it the same plenary indulgence for two
   years as had been granted to the crusaders against the Moslems.

   Soon after the synod, Alexander was again driven into exile by the
   Roman republic. He died at Cività Castellana, Aug. 30, 1181, having
   reigned longer than any pope before or after him, except Sylvester I.,
   314-385, Adrian I., 772-795, Pius VII., 1800-1823, Pius IX., 1846-1878,
   and Leo XIII., 1878-1903. When Alexander's remains were being carried
   to Rome for burial, the populace insulted his memory by pelting the
   coffin with stones and mud. [148] ecause of the refusal of its king,
   William, to acknowledge the canonical election of John to the see of
   St. Andrews. Upon Louis VII. of France he conferred the Red Rose for
   the support he had received from that sovereign in the days of his
   early exile. He presided over the Third Lateran Council and prepared
   the way for the crusade against the Cathari and Albigenses.

   His aged and feeble successor, Lucius III., was elected, Sept. 1, 1181,
   by the cardinals alone. The Romans, deprived of their former share in
   the election, treated him with barbarous cruelty; they captured twenty
   or twenty-six of his partisans at Tusculum, blinded them, except one,
   crowned them with paper mitres inscribed with the names of cardinals,
   mounted them on asses, and forced the priest whom they had spared to
   lead them in this condition to "Lucius, the wicked simoniac." He died
   in exile at Verona where he held an important synod.

   It is a remarkable fact that some of the greatest popes--as Gregory
   VII., Urban II., Innocent II., Eugene III., Adrian IV., Alexander III.,
   and three of his successors--could not secure the loyalty of their own
   subjects, and were besieged in Rome or compelled to flee. Adrian IV.
   said to his countryman and friend, John of Salisbury, "Rome is not the
   mother, but the stepmother of the Churches." The Romans were always
   fluctuating between memories of the old republic and memories of the
   empire; now setting up a consul, a senator, a tribune; now welcoming
   the German emperor as the true Augustus Caesar; now loyal to the pope,
   now driving him into exile, and ever selling themselves to the highest
   bidder. The papal court was very consistent in its principles and aims,
   but as to the choice of means for its end it was subject to the same
   charge of avarice and venality, whether at Rome or in exile. Even
   Thomas Becket, the staunchest adherent of Alexander III., indignantly
   rebuked the cardinals for their love of gold.

   Emperor Frederick survived his great rival nearly ten years, and died
   by drowning in a little river of Asia Minor, 1190, while marching on
   the third crusade.

   Barbarossa was a man of middle size, bright countenance, fair
   complexion, yellow hair and reddish beard, a kind friend and placable
   enemy, strictly just, though often too severe, liberal in almsgiving,
   attentive to his religious duties, happy in his second marriage, of the
   noblest type of mediaeval chivalry, the greatest sovereign of the
   twelfth century, a hero in fact and a hero in romance. [149] nian code
   in the other, but failed in subduing the political independence of the
   Lombard cities, and in his contest with the spiritual power of
   Alexander. The German imagination has cherished his memory in song and
   story, placing him next in rank to Charles the Great among the Roman
   emperors, exaggerating his virtues, condoning his faults, which were
   those of his age, and hoping for his return to restore the unity and
   power of Germany.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [140] For the text see Mirbt, Quellen, 121-124. The chief authorities
   for the Peace of Venice are Alexander's Letters to Roger, archbishop of
   York, in Migne, 200, 1160 sqq.; and Mansi, XXII. 180 sqq.; the
   Chronicon of Romuald., archbishop of Salerno and commissioner from
   Sicily, in Muratori, Scrip. Rer. Ital. VII. Mathews, pp. 99-105, also
   gives the text.

   [141] Vita Alex.: "prostravit se in terram."Chron. Romualdi
   (Muratori,VII. 231): "totum se extenso corpore prostravit."

   [142] Romuald. "quem Alexander papa cum lacrymis benigne elevans."

   [143] Romuald.: "moxque a Teutonicis Te Deum laudamus est excelsa voce
   cantatum." Vita Alex.: "Tunc repleti sunt omnes gaudio et prae nimia
   laetitia vox conclamantium in Te Deum laudamus insonuit usque ad
   sidera." Alexander writes to Roger of York: "innumera multitudine
   virorum et mulierum praesente, alta voce reddente gratias et laudes
   Altissimo."

   [144] Alexander ad Rogerum (Migne, 200, 1 1131): "Cum ascenderemus
   palafredum nostrum ibi paratum, stapham tenuit, et omnem honorem et
   reverentiam nobis exhibuit, quam praedecessores ejus nostris
   consueverunt antecessoribus." It is stated by Godfrey of Viterbo, an
   attendant of the emperor, that the old pope, through the pressure of
   the crowd, was thrown from his horse, and that the emperor assisted him
   to remount. Pertz, Archiv, IV. 363, quoted by Milman, bk. VIII. ch. IX.

   [145] "Super aspidem et basiliscum ambulabis," etc. This and other
   stories of the fourteenth century are irreconcilable with contemporary
   records and are given up by nearly all modern historians. They may have
   partly originated in the fresco paintings of Spinello described by Lord
   Lindsay, History of Christian Art, II. 315. Milman, IV. 435 (Am. ed.),
   says."As poetry has so often become, here painting for once became
   history." Comp. Reuter, III. 758.

   [146] The lists are defective, and the contemporary records vary
   between 287, 300, 396 bishops, and 1000 members in all. See Mansi,
   XXII. 213 sqq.; Hefele, V. 711; Reuter, III. 418 sqq.

   [147] "Ille Romanus Pontifex habeatur, qui a duabus partibus fuerit
   electus et receptus. Si quis autem de tertiae partis nominatione
   confisus ... sibi nomen Episcopi usurpaverit: tam ipse, quam qui eum
   recepuerint, excommunicationi subjaceant et totius sacri ordinis
   privatione mulctentur," etc. Mansi, XXII. 217.

   [148] Reuter, III. 495-499. A similar insult was offered by the Roman
   populace to Pius IX. when his coffin was transported in the night from
   the Vatican to its last resting-place in the basilica of S. Lorenzo.
   He, too, spent some time in exile after the proclamation of the Roman
   republic in 1849.

   [149] Rahewin, in his Gesta Friderici, IV. 86, gives an animated
   description of Frederick's appearance, habits, dress, achievements,
   etc. He calls him the best of emperors.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 31. Thomas Becket and Henry II of England.

   For the extensive Becket literature, see Robertson, in "The
   Contemporary Review," 1866, I. (Jan.) 270-278, and Ulysse Chevalier, in
   his Répertoire des sources historiques du Moyen Age (Paris, 1886), s.
   v. "Thomas," fol. 2207-2209.

   I. Sources: --

   *Materials for the History of Thomas `a Becket, Archbishop of
   Canterbury. Edited by James Craigie Robertson (Canon of Canterbury, d.
   1882) and J. Brigstocke Sheppard, LL. D. London, 1875-1885, 7 vols.
   This magnificent work is part of a series of Rerum Britannic. Medii
   Aevi Scriptores, or "Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and
   Ireland during the Middle Ages," published under direction of the
   Master of the Rolls and popularly known as the "Rolls Series." It
   embraces all the important contemporary materials for the history of
   Thomas. Vols. I.-IV. contain the contemporary Vitae (by William of
   Canterbury, Benedict of Peterborough, Edward Grim, Roger of Pontigny,
   William Fitz-Stephen, John of Salisbury, Alan of Tewkesbury, and
   Herbert of Bosham, etc.); vols. V.-VII., the Epistolae, i.e. the whole
   correspondence relating to Thomas.

   This collection is much more accurate, complete, and better arranged
   (especially in the Epistles) than the older collection of Dr. Giles
   (Sanctus Thomas Cantuariensis, London, 1845-1846, 8 vols., reprinted in
   Migne's Patrologia, Tom. 190), and the Quadrilogus or Historia
   Quadripartita (Lives by four contemporary writers, composed by order of
   Pope Gregory XI., first published, 1495, then by L. Christian Lupus or
   Wolf, Brussels, 1682, and Venice, 1728).

   Thómas Saga Erkibyskups. A Life of Archb. Th. Becket in Icelandic, with
   Engl. transl., notes, and glossary, ed. by Eiríkr Magnússon. London,
   1875, and 1883, 2 vols. Part of the "Chronicles and Memorials," above
   quoted.

   Garnier of Pont Sainte-Maxence: La Vie de St. Thomas le martir. A
   metrical life, in old French, written between 1172 and 1174, published
   by Hippeau, and more recently by Professor Bekker, Berlin, 1844, and
   Paris, 1859.

   The Life And Martyrdom Of Thomas Becket by Robert of Gloucester. Ed. By
   W. H. Black. London, 1845 (p. 141). A Biography In Alexandrine verse,
   written in the thirteenth century.

   II. Modern Works: --

   Richard Hurrell Froude (one of the originators of the Oxford
   Anglo-Catholic movement, d. 1836): Remains. London, 1838, 4 vols. The
   second vol., part II., contains a history of the contest between Thomas
   à Becket and Henry II., in vindication of the former. He was assisted
   by J. H. (late Cardinal) Newman.

   A. F. Ozanam: Deux Chanceliers d'Angleterre, Bacon de Verulam et Saint
   Thomas de Cantorbéry. Paris, 1836.

   J. A. Giles: The Life And Letters Of Thomas à Becket. London, 1846, 2
   vols.

   F. J. Buss (Rom. Cath.): Der heil. Thomas und sein Kampf für die
   Freiheit der Kirche. Mainz, 1856.

   John Morris (Rom. Cath. Canon of Northampton): The Life and Martyrdom
   of Saint Thomas Becket. London, 1859.

   *James Craigie Robertson: Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury. London,
   1859. Accurate, but unfavorable to Becket.

   *Edw. A. Freeman: St. Thomas of Canterbury and his Biographers. A
   masterly article in the "National Review" for April, 1860, reprinted in
   his "Historical Essays," London, 1871, pp. 99-114. Comp. the summary in
   his History of the Norman Conquest, V. 660 sqq., and his articles
   against Froude, noticed below.

   *James Anthony Froude: Life and Times of Thomas Becket. First published
   in "The Nineteenth Century" for 1877, then in book form, London and New
   York, 1878 (pp. 160). Against the Roman and Anglo-Catholic overestimate
   of St. Thomas. This book is written in brilliant style, but takes a
   very unfavorable view of Becket (opposite to that of his elder brother,
   R. H. Froude), and led to a somewhat personal controversy with
   Professor Freeman, who charged Froude with habitual inaccuracy,
   unfairness, and hostility to the English Church, in, "The Contemporary
   Review" for 1878 (March, April, June, and September). Froude defended
   himself in "The Nineteenth Century" for April, 1879, pp. 618-637, to
   which Freeman replied in Last Words on Mr. Froude, in "The Contemporary
   Review" for May, 1879, pp. 214-236.

   *R. A. Thompson: Thomas Becket, Martyr, London, 1889.--A. S. Huillier:
   St. Thomas de Cantorbèry, 2 vols., Paris, 1892.

   *Edwin A. Abbott: St. Thomas of Canterbury. His Death and Miracles, 2
   vols., London, 1888. This work grew out of studies in preparation of a
   critical commentary of the Four Gospels. It takes the early narratives
   of Thomas à Becket, sets them side by side, and seeks to show which are
   to be accepted upon the basis of disagreements in regard to event or
   verbal expression. It also presents the details in which Dean Stanley
   and Tennyson are alleged to have been misled. The criticism is able,
   stimulating, and marked by self-confidence in determining what events
   really did occur, and how much is to be discarded as unhistoric. The
   discussion has all the merits and demerits of the strict critical
   method.

   III. Becket is more or less fully treated by Milman: Latin
   Christianity, bk. VIII. ch. VIII.--Dean Stanley: Historical Memorials
   of Canterbury, Am. ed., 1889.--Reuter: Alexander III., I. 237 sqq., 530
   sqq. Dean Hook: Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, II. 354-508.
   Greenwood: Cathedra Petri, bk. XII. ch. VII.--William Stubbs: The
   Constitutional Hist. of England, 6th ed., 3 vols., Oxford, 1897, and
   Select Charters and Other Illustrations of the English Constit. Hist.,
   8th ed., Oxford, 1900.--Gee and Hardy: Documents Illustrative of Engl.
   Ch. Hist., London, 1896.--F. W. Maitland: Rom. Canon Late in the Ch. of
   England, London, 1898, 134-147.--W. R. W. Stephens: The English Church
   (1066-1272), London, 1901, 157-190. The Histories of Lingard, Green,
   etc.

   Lord Tennyson has made Becket the subject of a historical drama, 1884.

   During the pontificate of Alexander III., the papal hierarchy achieved
   an earlier and greater triumph over the king of England than over the
   emperor of Germany.

   Thomas Becket, or Thomas à Becket, or St. Thomas of Canterbury, is,
   next to Alexander and Barbarossa, the most prominent historical figure
   in the twelfth century, and fills a chapter of thrilling interest in
   the history of England. He resumed the conflict of Anselm with the
   crown, and by his martyrdom became the most popular saint of the later
   Middle Ages.

   The materials for his history, from his birth in London to his murder
   in his own cathedral by four knights of the royal household, are
   abundant. We have six or seven contemporary biographies, besides
   fragments, legends, and "Passions," state papers, private letters, and
   a correspondence extending over the whole Latin Church. But his life is
   surrounded by a mist of romantic legends and theological controversies.
   He had extravagant admirers, like Herbert of Bosham, and fierce
   opponents, like Gilbert Foliot, in his own day; and modern biographers
   still differ in the estimate of his character, according to their creed
   and their views on the question of Church and State, some regarding him
   as a hero and a saint, others as a hypocrite and a traitor. We must
   judge him from the standpoint of the twelfth century.

   Becket was born in London, Dec. 21, 1118, during the reign of Henry I.
   He was the son of Gilbert Becket, a merchant in Cheapside, originally
   from Rouen, and of Matilda or Rose, a native of Caen in Normandy. [150]

   In the later legend his father appears as a gallant crusader and his
   mother as a Saracen princess, who met in the East and fell in love with
   each other. Matilda helped Gilbert to escape from captivity, and then
   followed him alone to England. Knowing only two English words, "London"
   and "Gilbert," she wandered through the streets of the city, till at
   last she found her beloved in Cheapside as by a miracle, was baptized
   and married to him in St. Paul's with great splendor. She had dreams of
   the future greatness and elevation of her infant son to the see of
   Canterbury.

   Becket was educated at Merton Abbey in Surrey and in the schools of
   London. At a later period he attended the universities of Paris,
   Bologna, and Auxerre, and studied there chiefly civil and canon law,
   without attaining to special eminence in learning. He was not a
   scholar, but a statesman and an ecclesiastic.

   He made his mark in the world and the Church by the magnetism of his
   personality. He was very handsome, of tall, commanding presence,
   accomplished, brilliant, affable, cheerful in discourse, ready and
   eloquent in debate, fond of hunting and hawking, and a proficient in
   all the sports of a mediaeval cavalier. He could storm the strongest
   castle and unhorse the stoutest knight.

   Archbishop Theobald of Canterbury, 1139-1161, took him into his
   service, 1142; sent him to Bologna, where Gratian then taught canon
   law; employed him in delicate missions with the papal court; made him
   archdeacon (1154), and bestowed upon him other profitable benefices, as
   the provostship of Beverly, a number of churches, and several prebends.
   When charged, as archbishop, with ingratitude to the king, who had
   raised him from "poverty," he proudly referred to this accumulation of
   preferments, and made no attempt to abolish the crying evil of
   plurality, which continued till the Reformation. Many a prosperous
   ecclesiastic regarded his parishes simply as sources of income, and
   discharged the duties by proxy through ignorant and ill-paid priests.

   King Henry II., 1154-1189, in the second year of his reign, raised
   Becket, then only thirty-seven years of age, at Theobald's instance, to
   the chancellorship of England. The chancellor was the highest civil
   dignitary, and held the custody of nearly all the royal grants and
   favors, including vacant bishoprics, abbacies, chaplaincies, and other
   ecclesiastical benefices.

   Henry, the first of the proud Plantagenets, was an able, stirring, and
   energetic monarch. He kept on his feet from morning till evening, and
   rarely sat down. He introduced a reign of law and severe justice after
   the lawless violence and anarchy which had disturbed the reign of the
   unfortunate Stephen. [151] nental dominions were more extensive than
   those of the king of France, and embraced Maine and Normandy, Anjou and
   Aquitaine, reaching from Flanders to the foot of the Pyrenees. He
   afterwards (1171) added Ireland by conquest, with the authority of
   Popes Adrian IV. and Alexander III. His marriage to Queen Eleanor of
   Aquitaine, who had been divorced for infidelity from King Louis VII. of
   France, enriched his realm, but involved him in protracted wars with
   France and in domestic troubles. Eleanor was jealous of her rivals,
   [152] afterwards retired to the abbey of Fontevrault, and died about
   1203.

   Becket occupied the chancellorship for seven years (1155-1162). He
   aided the king in the restoration of order and peace. He improved the
   administration of justice. He was vigorous and impartial, and preferred
   the interests of the crown to those of the clergy, yet without being
   hostile to the Church. He was thoroughly loyal to the king, and served
   him as faithfully as he had served Theobald, and as he afterwards
   served the pope. Thorough devotion to official duty characterized him
   in all the stations of his career.

   He gave to his high office a prominence and splendor which it never had
   before. He was as magnificent and omnipotent as Wolsey under Henry
   VIII. He was king in fact, though not in name, and acted as regent
   during Henry's frequent absences on the Continent. He dressed after the
   best fashion, surrounded himself with a brilliant retinue of a hundred
   and forty knights, exercised a prodigal hospitality, and spent enormous
   sums upon his household and public festivities, using in part the
   income of his various ecclesiastical benefices, which he retained
   without a scruple. He presided at royal banquets in Westminster Hall.
   His tables were adorned with vessels of gold, with the most delicate
   and sumptuous food, and with wine of the choicest vintage. He
   superintended the training of English and foreign nobles, and of the
   young Prince Henry. He was the favorite of the king, the army, the
   nobility, the clergy, and the people.

   The chancellor negotiated in person a matrimonial alliance (three years
   before it was consummated) between the heir of the crown (then a boy of
   seven years) and a daughter of the king of France (a little lady of
   three). He took with him on that mission two hundred knights, priests,
   standard-bearers, all festively arrayed in new attire, twenty-four
   changes of raiment, all kinds of dogs and birds for field sports, eight
   wagons, each drawn by five horses, each horse in charge of a stout
   young man dressed in a new tunic. Coffers and chests contained the
   chancellor's money and presents. One horse, which preceded all the
   rest, carried the holy vessels of his chapel, the holy books, and the
   ornaments of the altar. The Frenchmen, seeing this train, exclaimed,
   "How wonderful must be the king of England, whose chancellor travels in
   such state!" In Paris he freely distributed his gold and silver plate
   and changes of raiment,--to one a robe, to another a furred cloak, to a
   third a pelisse, to a fourth a war-horse. He gained his object and
   universal popularity.

   When, notwithstanding his efforts to maintain peace, war broke out
   between France and England, the chancellor was the bravest warrior at
   the head of seven hundred knights, whom he had enlisted at his own
   expense, and he offered to lead the storming party at the siege of
   Toulouse, where King Louis was shut up; but the scruples of Henry
   prevented him from offering violence to the king of France. He
   afterwards took three castles which were deemed impregnable, and
   returned triumphant to England. One of his eulogists, Edward Grim,
   reports to his credit: "Who can recount the carnage, the desolation,
   which he made at the head of a strong body of soldiers? He attacked
   castles, razed towns and cities to the ground, burned down houses and
   farms without a touch of pity, and never showed the slightest mercy to
   any one who rose in insurrection against his master's authority." Such
   cruelty was quite compatible with mediaeval conceptions of piety and
   charity, as the history of the crusades shows.

   Becket was made for the court and the camp. Yet, though his life was
   purely secular, it was not immoral. He joined the king in his
   diversions, but not in his debaucheries. Being in deacon's orders, he
   was debarred from marriage, but preserved his chastity at a profligate
   court. This point is especially mentioned to his credit; for chastity
   was a rare virtue in the Middle Ages.

   All together, his public life as chancellor was honorable and
   brilliant, and secures him a place among the distinguished statesmen of
   England. But a still more important career awaited him. [153]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [150] The Norman descent of Becket rests on contemporary testimony, and
   is accepted by Giles, Lingard, Robertson, Milman, Hook, Freeman,
   Reuter, Hefele. The commercial advantages of London attracted emigrants
   from Normandy. Lord Lyttleton, Thierry, Campbell, and J. A. Froude make
   Becket a Saxon, but without authority. Becket is a surname, and may be
   Norman as well as Saxon. The prefix à seems to be of later date, and to
   have its origin (according to Robertson and Hook) in vulgar colloquial
   usage.

   [151] Tennyson describes Stephen's reign as-- "A reign which was no
   reign, when none could sit By his own hearth in peace; when murder
   common As nature'death, like Egypt's plague, had filled All things with
   blood."

   [152] The tradition ran that she poisoned his favorite concubine,
   Rosamund de Clifford, who, with her labyrinthine bower, figures largely
   in the literature of romance, also in Tennyson's Becket. On her tomb
   were inscribed the lines:-- "Hic jacet in tumba Rosa Mundi, non Rosa
   Munda, Non redolet, sed olet, quae redolere solet." "Here Rose the
   graced, not Rose the chaste, reposes; The smell that rises is no smell
   of roses."

   [153] Freeman, who exalts him as chancellor, thinks that he failed as
   archbishop; but his martyrdom was his greatest triumph.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 32. The Archbishop and the King.

   Compare §§ 22-24 (pp. 80 sqq.).

   A year after the death of Theobald, April 18, 1161, Becket was
   appointed by the king archbishop of Canterbury. He accepted
   reluctantly, and warned the king, with a smile, that he would lose a
   servant and a friend. [154] t of Hereford (afterwards of London)
   remarked sarcastically, perhaps from disappointed ambition, that "the
   king had wrought a miracle in turning a layman into an archbishop, and
   a soldier into a saint."

   Becket was ordained priest on the Saturday after Pentecost, and
   consecrated archbishop on the following day with great magnificence in
   Westminster Abbey, June 3, 1162. His first act was to appoint the
   Sunday after Whitsunday as a festival of the Holy Trinity in the Church
   of England. He acknowledged Alexander III. as the rightful pope, and
   received from him the pallium through his friend, John of Salisbury.

   He was the first native Englishman who occupied the seat of the primate
   since the Norman Conquest; for Lanfranc and Anselm were Italians; Ralph
   of Escures, William Of Corbeuil, and Theobald of Bec were Normans or
   Frenchmen. There is, however, no ground for the misleading theory of
   Thierry that Becket asserted the cause of the Saxon against the Norman.
   His contest with the king was not a contest between two nationalities,
   but between Church and State. He took the same position on this
   question as his Norman predecessors, only with more zeal and energy. He
   was a thorough Englishman. The two nations had at that time, by
   intermarriage, social and commercial intercourse, pretty well
   coalesced, at least among the middle classes, to which he belonged.
   [155]

   With the change of office, Becket underwent a radical and almost sudden
   transformation. The foremost champion of kingcraft became the foremost
   champion of priestcraft; the most devoted friend of the king, his most
   dangerous rival and enemy; the brilliant chancellor, an austere and
   squalid monk. He exchanged the showy court dress for haircloth infested
   with vermin, fed on roots, and drank nauseous water. He daily washed,
   with proud humility and ostentatious charity, the feet of thirteen
   dirty beggars, and gave each of them four pieces of silver. He doubled
   the charities of Theobald, as Theobald had doubled the charities of his
   predecessor. He wandered alone in his cloister, shedding tears of
   repentance for past sins, frequently inflicted stripes on his naked
   back, and spent much time in prayer and reading of the Scriptures. He
   successfully strove to realize the ideal of a mediaeval bishop, which
   combines the loftiest ecclesiastical pretensions with personal
   humility, profuse charity, and ascetic self-mortification. He was no
   hypocrite, but his sanctity, viewed from the biblical and Protestant
   standpoint, was artificial and unnatural.

   His relation to the king was that of the pope to the emperor. Yea, we
   may say, as he had outkinged the king as chancellor, so he outpoped the
   pope as archbishop. He censured the pope for his temporizing policy. He
   wielded the spiritual sword against Henry with the same gallantry with
   which he had wielded the temporal sword for him. He took up the cause
   of Anselm against William Rufus, and of Gregory VII. against Henry IV.,
   but with this great difference, that he was not zealous for a moral
   reformation of the Church and the clergy, like Hildebrand and Anselm,
   but only for the temporal power of the Church and the rights and
   immunities of the clergy. He made no attempt to remove the scandal of
   pluralities of which he had himself been guilty as archdeacon and
   chancellor, and did not rebuke Henry for his many sins against God, but
   only for his sins against the supremacy of the hierarchy.

   The new archbishop was summoned by Pope Alexander III. to a council at
   Tours in France, and was received with unusual distinction (May, 1163).
   The council consisted of seventeen cardinals, a hundred and twenty-four
   bishops, four hundred and fourteen abbots; the pope presided in person;
   Becket sat at his right, Roger of York at his left. Arnolf of Lisieux
   in Normandy preached the opening sermon on the unity and freedom of the
   Church, which were the burning questions of the day. The council
   unanimously acknowledged the claims of Alexander, asserted the rights
   and privileges of the clergy, and severely condemned all encroachments
   on the property of the Church.

   This was the point which kindled the controversy between the sceptre
   and the crozier in England. The dignity of the crown was the sole aim
   of the king; the dignity of the Church was the sole aim of the
   archbishop. The first rupture occurred over the question of secular
   taxation.

   Henry determined to transfer the customary payment of two shillings on
   every hide of land to his own exchequer. Becket opposed the enrolment
   of the decree on the ground that the tax was voluntary, not of right.
   Henry protested, in a fit of passion, "By the eyes of God, it shall be
   enrolled!" Becket replied, "By the eyes of God, by which you swear, it
   shall never be levied on my lands while I live!"

   Another cause of dispute was the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical
   courts. The king demanded that all clerics accused of gross
   misdemeanors be tried by the civil court. A certain clerk, Philip of
   Broi, had been acquitted of murder in the bishop's court. The king was
   indignant, but Philip refused to plead in the civil court. The matter
   was taken up by the archbishop, but a light sentence imposed.

   The king summoned a Parliament at Westminster, and demanded in the name
   of equal justice, and in accordance with "ancient customs" (of the
   Norman kings), that all clerks accused of heinous crimes should be
   immediately degraded, and be dealt with according to law, instead of
   being shielded by their office. This was contrary to the right of the
   priest to be tried only in the court of his bishop, where flagellation,
   imprisonment, and degradation might be awarded, but not capital
   punishment.

   Becket and the bishops agreed that the king's demand was an
   infringement of the canon law and argued the case from Scripture. Joab,
   and Abiathar the priest, were guilty of putting Adonijah to death. Joab
   was punished, but the priest suffered no other punishment than
   deposition from office. Nahum 1:9 was quoted as against a double
   tribunal for clerks. According to the Septuagint version, this passage
   declares that God does not give two judgments in the same case.

   The king hastily broke up the Parliament, deprived Becket of the
   custody of the royal castles, and of the education of his son. The
   bishops advised the archbishop to yield; at first he refused, though an
   angel from heaven should counsel such weakness; but at last he made a
   concession to the king at Woodstock, and promised to obey in good faith
   the customs of the realm. He yielded at the persuasion of the pope's
   almoner, Philip de Eleeomosyna, who was bribed by English gold. [156]

   The king summoned a great council of the realm to Clarendon, a royal
   palace a few miles from Salisbury, for the ratification of the
   concession (Jan. 25, 1164). The two archbishops, twelve bishops, and
   thirty-nine lay-barons were present. Sixteen famous statutes were
   enacted, under the name of The Clarendon Constitutions, as laws of
   England. They are as follows: [157]

   THE CONSTITUTIONS OF CLARENDON.

   I. Of the advowson and presentation (de advocatione et presentatione)
   to churches: if any dispute shall arise between laics, or between
   clerks and laics, or between clerks, let it be tried and decided in the
   court of our lord the king.

   II. Churches in the king's fee (de feudo domini Regis) shall not be
   given in perpetuity without his consent and license.

   III. Clerks accused of any crime shall be summoned by the king's
   justiciaries into the king's court to answer there for whatever the
   king's court shall determine they ought to answer there; and in the
   ecclesiastical court, for whatever it shall be determined that they
   ought to answer there; yet so that the king's justiciaries shall send
   into the court of holy Church to see in what way the matter shall there
   be handled; and if the clerk shall confess or be convicted, the Church
   for the future shall not protect him. [158]

   IV. No archbishop, bishop, or other exalted person shall leave the
   kingdom without the king's license; and if they wish to leave it, the
   king shall be empowered, if he pleases, to take security from them,
   that they will do no harm to the king or kingdom, either in going or
   remaining, or in returning.

   V. Persons excommunicated are not to give bail, ad remanentiam, nor to
   make oath, but only to give bail and pledge that they will stand by the
   judgment of the Church where they are absolved.

   VI. Laics shall not be accused, save by certain and legal accusers and
   witnesses in presence of the bishop, so that the archdeacon may not
   lose his rights, or anything which accrues to him therefrom. And if
   those who are arraigned are such that no one is willing or dares to
   accuse them, the sheriff, on demand from the bishop, shall cause twelve
   loyal men of the village to swear before the bishop that they will
   declare the truth in that matter according to their conscience.

   VII. No one who holds of the king in chief, nor any of his domestic
   servants, shall be excommunicated, nor his lands be put under an
   interdict, until the king shall be consulted, if he is in the kingdom;
   or, if he is abroad, his justiciary, that he may do what is right in
   that matter, and so that whatever belongs to the king's court may
   therein be settled, and the same on the other hand of the
   ecclesiastical court.

   VIII. Appeals, if they arise, must be made from the archdeacon to the
   bishop, and from the bishop to the archbishop; and if the archbishop
   shall fail in administering justice, the parties shall come before our
   lord the king, that by his precept the controversy may be terminated in
   the archbishop's court, so that it may not proceed further without the
   consent of our lord the king.

   IX. If a dispute shall arise between a clerk and a laic, or between a
   laic and a clerk, about a tenement, which the clerk wishes to claim as
   eleemosynary, but the laic claims as lay fee, it shall be settled by
   the declaration of twelve qualified men, through the agency of the
   king's capital judiciary, whether the tenement is eleemosynary or lay
   fee, in presence of the king's judiciaries. And if it shall be declared
   that it is eleemosynary, it shall be pleaded in the ecclesiastical
   court; but, if a lay fee, unless both shall claim the tenement of the
   same bishop or baron, it shall be pleaded in the king's court; but if
   both shall claim of that fee from the same bishop or baron, it shall be
   pleaded in his court, yet so that the same declaration above-named
   shall not deprive of seizing him who before was seized, until he shall
   be divested by the pleadings.

   X. If any man belonging to a city, castle, borough, or king's royal
   manor shall be summoned by the archdeacon or bishop to answer for a
   crime, and shall not comply with the summons, it shall be lawful to
   place him under an interdict, but not to excommunicate him, until the
   king's principal officer of that place be informed thereof, that he may
   justify his appearing to the summons; and if the king's officer shall
   fail in that matter, he shall be at the king's mercy, and the bishop
   shall forthwith coerce the party accused with ecclesiastical
   discipline.

   XI. The archbishops, bishops, and all other persons of the kingdom, who
   hold of the king in chief, shall hold their possessions of the king as
   barony, and answer for the same to the king's justiciaries and
   officers, and follow and observe all the king's customs and rectitudes;
   and be bound to be present, in the judgment of the king's court with
   the barons, like other barons, until the judgment proceeds to
   mutilation or death.

   XII. When an archbishopric, bishopric, abbacy, or priory on the king's
   domain shall be vacant, it shall be in his hand, and he shall receive
   from it all the revenues and proceeds, as of his domains. And when the
   time shall come for providing for that church, our lord the king shall
   recommend the best persons to that church, and the election shall be
   made in the king's chapel, with the king's consent, and the advice of
   the persons of the kingdom whom he shall have summoned for that
   purpose. And the person elected shall there do homage and fealty to our
   lord the king, as to his liege lord, of life and limb, and of his
   earthly honors saving his orders, before he is consecrated.

   XIII. If any of the king's nobles shall have refused to render justice
   to an archbishop or bishop or archdeacon, for himself or any of his
   men, our lord the king shall justice them. And if by chance any one
   shall have deforced our lord the king of his rights, the archbishops,
   bishops, and archdeacons shall justice him that he may render
   satisfaction to the king.

   XIV. The chattels of those who are in forfeiture to the king shall not
   be detained by the Church or the cemetery, in opposition to the king's
   justice, for they belong to the king, whether they are found in the
   Church or without.

   XV. Pleas for debts which are due, whether with the interposition of a
   pledge of faith or not, belong to the king's court.

   XVI. The sons of rustics shall not be ordained without the consent of
   the lord, in whose land they are known to have been born.

   These Constitutions were drawn up in the spirit and language of
   feudalism, under the inspiration of the king, by Archbishop Roger of
   York, Bishop Foliot of London (the chief enemies of Becket), Bishop
   Joceline of Salisbury, Richard de Luci (the king's chief judiciary),
   and Joceline of Baliol. They are restrictions on the immunities of the
   clergy; the last is an invasion of the rights of the people, but is
   based on the canonical exclusion of slaves from the clerical order
   without the consent of their masters. They subject the clergy equally
   with the laity to the crown and the laws of the land. They reduce the
   Church to an imperium in imperio, instead of recognizing her as a
   distinct and independent imperium. They formulate in the shape of legal
   enactments certain "ancient customs" (consuetudines) which date from
   the time of William the Conqueror, and were conceded by Lanfranc; but
   they infringe at many points on the ancient privileges of the Church,
   and are inconsistent with the hierarchical principle of the exemption
   of the clergy from temporal jurisdiction. And this was the chief point
   of the quarrel between the king and the archbishop.

   In the present state of civilization there can be no doubt that the
   clergy should obey the same laws and be subject to the same penalties
   as the laity. But we must not overlook the fact that in the Middle Ages
   the clerical exemption had a humanitarian as well as a hierarchical
   feature, and involved a protest against barbarous punishments by
   mutilation of the human body, man being made in the image of God. It
   prepared the way for a mitigation of the criminal code for the benefit
   of the whole people, the laity as well as the clergy. This explains the
   large amount of popular sympathy with the cause of Becket.

   Becket gave a qualified assent. On his return to Canterbury he changed
   his mind and imposed upon himself severe penances, and sought and
   obtained the pope's absolution from his oath. But Alexander, hard
   pressed by Barbarossa and the anti-pope, and anxious to keep the good
   will of Henry, tried to please both parties. He granted, at the request
   of Henry, legatine commission over all England to Archbishop Roger of
   York, the rival of the primate of Canterbury. He also afterwards
   authorized the coronation of Henry's eldest son by the archbishop of
   York in the Abbey of Westminster (June 18, 1170), although such
   coronation was the exclusive privilege of the archbishop of Canterbury.
   This aggravated the difficulty with the king, and brought on the final
   crisis.

   In the meantime the Clarendon Constitutions were carried out. Clergymen
   convicted of crime in the king's court were condemned and punished like
   laymen.

   Becket attempted to flee to the pope, and sailed for the Continent, but
   was brought back by the sailors on account of adverse winds. This was a
   violation of the law which forbade bishops to leave the country without
   royal permission.

   He was summoned before a great council of bishops and nobles at the
   royal castle of Northampton in the autumn of 1164, and charged with
   misconduct in secular affairs while chancellor and archbishop. But his
   courage rose with the danger. He refused to answer, and appealed to the
   pope. The council ordered him cited to Rome on the charges of perjury
   at Clarendon and of commanding his suffragans to disregard the
   Constitutions. The bishops he met with a haughty refusal when they
   advised him to resign. He was to be arrested, but he threatened the
   peers with excommunication if they pronounced the sentence. He took the
   bold course of making his escape to the Continent in the disguise of a
   monk, at midnight, accompanied by two monks and a servant, and provided
   with his episcopal pall and seal.

   The king seized the revenues of the archbishop, forbade public prayers
   for him, and banished him from the kingdom, ordered the banishment of
   all his kinsmen and friends, including four hundred persons of both
   sexes, and suspended the payment of Peter's pence to the pope.

   Becket spent fully six years in exile, from October, 1164, to December,
   1170. King Louis of France, an enemy of Henry and admirer of Becket,
   received him with distinction and recommended him to the pope, who,
   himself in exile, resided at Sens. Becket met Alexander, laid before
   him the Constitutions of Clarendon, and tendered his resignation. The
   pope condemned ten as a violation of ecclesiastical privileges, and
   tolerated six as less evil than the rest. He tenderly rebuked Becket
   for his weakness in swearing to them, but consoled him with the
   assurance that he had atoned for it by his sufferings. He restored to
   him the archiepiscopal ring, thus ratifying his primacy, promised him
   his protection, and committed him to the hospitable care of the abbot
   of Pontigny, a Cistercian monastery about twelve leagues distant from
   Sens. Here Becket lived till 1166, like a stern monk, on pulse and
   gruel, slept on a bed of straw, and submitted at midnight to the
   flagellation of his chaplain, but occasionally indulged in better diet,
   and retained some of his former magnificence in his surroundings. His
   sober friend, John of Salisbury, remonstrated against the profuse
   expenditure.

   Becket proceeded to the last extremity of pronouncing, in the church of
   Vezelay, on Whitsuntide, 1166, the sentence of excommunication on all
   the authors and defenders of the Constitutions of Clarendon. He spared
   the king, who then was dangerously ill, but in a lower tone, half
   choked with tears, he threatened him with the vengeance of God, and his
   realm with the interdict. He announced the sentence to the pope and all
   the clergy of England, saying to the latter, "Who presumes to doubt
   that the priests of God are the fathers and masters of kings, princes,
   and all the faithful?"

   The wrath of Henry knew no bounds. He closed the ports of England
   against the bearers of the instrument of excommunication, threatening
   them with shameful mutilation, hanging, and burning. He procured the
   expulsion of Becket from Pontigny, who withdrew to a monastery near the
   archiepiscopal city of Sens. He secured through his ambassadors several
   concessions from Alexander, who was then in exile at Benevento. The
   pope was anxious to retain the support of the king, and yet he wrote
   soothing letters to Becket, assuring him that the concessions were to
   be only temporary. Becket answered with indignation, and denounced the
   papal court for its venality and rapacity. "Your gold and silver," he
   wrote to the cardinals, "will not deliver you in the day of the wrath
   of the Lord."

   The king now determined to use the permission received from the pope
   several years before, but afterwards revoked, [159] tion. Like Gregory
   VII., he applied the words, "Cursed is he that refraineth his sword
   from blood," to the spiritual weapon. He even commanded the bishops of
   England to lay the whole kingdom under interdict and to suspend the
   offices of religion (except baptism, penance, and extreme unction),
   unless the king should give full satisfaction before the feast of
   purification, Nov. 2, 1170. [160]

   These extreme measures were not without effect. Several bishops began
   to waver and change from the king's cause to that of the archbishop.
   The king himself was alarmed at the menace of the interdict. The pope
   pursued his temporizing policy, and counselled concessions by both
   parties.

   The king and the archbishop suddenly made peace in a respectful
   personal interview at Fretteville (Freteval), a castle between Tours
   and Chartres, July 22, 1170. Henry said nothing about the Clarendon
   Constitutions, but made the offer that Becket should crown his
   daughter-in-law (the daughter of the king of France), and should on
   that occasion repeat the coronation of his son. Becket laid the blame
   on the shoulders of Henry's counsellors, and showed moderation and
   prudence. The king did not offer the kiss of peace, nor did the
   archbishop demand it.

   But while Becket was willing to pardon the king, he meant to exercise
   his spiritual authority over his evil counsellors, and especially over
   the archbishop of York and the bishops of London and Salisbury. These
   prelates had recently officiated at the coronation of Henry's son. And
   it was this coronation, even more than the original and more important
   dispute about the immunity of the clergy, that led to the catastrophe.

   After prolonged negotiations with the papal court and the king, Becket
   returned to his long-neglected flock, Dec. 1, 1170. On landing at
   Sandwich (instead of Dover, where he was expected), he was surprised by
   enemies, who searched his baggage, and demanded that he should withdraw
   his excommunication of the bishops who were then at Dover. He refused.
   On his way to Canterbury the country clergy and people met him, cast
   down their garments, chanting, "Blessed is he that cometh in the name
   of the Lord." He rode to the cathedral with a vast procession, amid the
   ringing of the bells, and preached on the text, "Here we have no
   abiding city."

   The excommunicated prelates of York, London, and Salisbury sought the
   protection of the king, who was then at a castle near Bayeux in
   Normandy. He said: "If all are to be excommunicated who officiated at
   my son's coronation, by the eyes of God, I am equally guilty." One of
   the prelates (perhaps Roger of York) remarked, "As long as Thomas
   lives, you will never be at peace." Henry broke out into one of his
   constitutional fits of passion, and dropped the fatal words: "A fellow
   that has eaten my bread, has lifted up his heel against me; a fellow
   that I loaded with benefits, dares insult the king; a fellow that came
   to court on a lame horse, with a cloak for a saddle, sits without
   hindrance on the throne itself. By the eyes of God, is there none of my
   thankless and cowardly courtiers who will deliver me from the insults
   of this low-born and turbulent priest?" With these words he rushed out
   of the room.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [154] Tennyson ingeniously introduces his drama with a game of chess
   between Henry and Becket, during which the king informs the chancellor
   of the fatal illness of Theobald, and speaks of the need of a mightier
   successor, who would punish guilty clerks; while the chancellor quietly
   moves his bishop and checkmates the king; whereupon Henry kicks over
   the board, saying-- "Why, there then--down go bishop and king
   together."

   [155] "Though of Norman blood, his whole feeling, his whole character
   is English, and it is clear that no man looked on him as a stranger."
   Freeman (l.c., pp. 101 sq.).

   [156] Tennyson makes Becket say:-- "This Almoner hath tasted Henry's
   gold. The cardinals have fingered Henry's gold. And Rome is venal even
   to rottenness."

   [157] They are found in Matthew Paris, ad ann. 1164; Mansi, XXI. 1187;
   Wilkins, Concilia M. Britanniae, vol. I. Gieseler, II. 89 sqq. (Am. ed.
   II. 289 sq.); Reuter, I. 371-375, 573-577; Hefele-Knöpfler, V. 623-628
   (in German); Stubbs, 135-140 (in Latin); Gee and Hardy, 68-73.

   [158] Maitland, p. 135 sqq., has thrown light upon this article, and
   interprets it to mean that a clerk is first to be accused and plead in
   the temporal court, then to be taken to the ecclesiastical court, and
   if found guilty and degraded he is to be returned to the temporal court
   and receive sentence to the layman's punishment. This procedure was for
   civil crimes, such as robbery, rape, murder.

   [159] See the pope's letter to the archbishop of York in the
   "Materials," vol. VI. 206 sq., and Robertson's note; also Reuter, II.
   683 sq. The letter is not in the Vatican, but in other MSS., and is
   admitted as genuine by Jaffé. It was probably written in the beginning
   of 1170, when Alexander was hard pressed by Barbarossa in the siege of
   Rome. See the other letters on the subject in "Materials," VII. 257,
   305 sqq., 399.

   [160] In 1169 Henry proposed to marry one of his daughters to the young
   king of Sicily, and to give a sum of money to the cities of the Lombard
   League for the erection of fortifications, provided they would
   influence Alexander to depose or transfer Becket. See Stubbs, ed. of
   Hoveden, II. xci sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 33. The Martyrdom of Thomas Becket. Dec. 29, 1170.

   On the murder of Becket we have the reports of five eye-witnesses,
   Edward Grim (a Saxon monk of Cambridge), William Fitz-Stephen (Becket's
   chaplain), John of Salisbury (his faithful friend), William of
   Canterbury, and the anonymous author of a Lambeth MS. Two other
   biographers, Herbert of Bosham and Roger of Pontigny, though absent
   from England at that time, were on intimate terms with Becket, and took
   great pains to ascertain the facts to the minutest details.

   Four warlike knights of high birth and large estate, chamberlains to
   the king, [161] royal blood), Hugh de Moreville (judiciary of
   Northumberland and Cumberland), and Sir Richard le Bret or Breton
   (commonly known as Brito [162] ir own risk, as best they could, by
   imprisonment, or exile, or, if necessary, by murder. They seem to have
   had no premeditated plan except that of signal vengeance. Without
   waiting for instructions, they at once departed on separate routes for
   England, and met at the castle of Saltwood, which belonged to the see
   of Canterbury, but was then occupied by Randulf of Broc. They collected
   a band of about a dozen armed men, and reached St. Augustine's abbey
   outside of the walls of Canterbury, early on the 29th of December,
   which was a Tuesday.

   On the morning of that fatal day, Becket had forebodings of his death,
   and advised the clergy to escape to Sandwich before daylight. He
   attended mass in the cathedral, confessed to two monks, and received
   three scourgings, as was his custom. At the banquet he drank more
   freely than usual, and said to the cupbearer, "He who has much blood to
   shed, must drink much." After dinner he retired to his private room and
   sat on his bed, talking to his friends, John of Salisbury, William
   Fitz-Stephen, and Edward Grim. He was then still in full vigor, being
   in the fifty-third year of his age, retaining his dignified aspect and
   the lustre of his large eyes.

   At about four that afternoon, the knights went to the archbishop's
   palace, leaving their weapons behind, and concealing their coats of
   mail by the ordinary cloak and gown. They demanded from him, in the
   name of the king, the absolution of the excommunicated bishops and
   courtiers. He refused, and referred them to the pope, who alone could
   absolve them. He declared: "I will never spare a man who violates the
   canons of Rome or the rights of the Church. My spirituals I hold from
   God and the pope; my temporals, from the king. Render unto Caesar the
   things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's." The
   knights said, "You speak in peril of your life." Becket replied: "Come
   ye to murder me in my own house? You cannot be more ready to kill me
   than I am to die. You threaten me in vain; were all the swords in
   England hanging over my head, you could not terrify me from my
   obedience to God and my lord the pope. I defy you, and will meet you
   foot to foot in the battle of the Lord." During the altercation, Becket
   lost command over his fiery temper. His friend, John of Salisbury,
   gently censured him for his exasperating tone. The knights quitted the
   room and called their men to arms.

   A few minutes before five the bell tolled for vespers. Urged by his
   friends, the archbishop, with his cross carried before him, went
   through the cloisters to the cathedral. The service had begun, the
   monks were chanting the psalms in the choir, the church was filled with
   people, when two boys rushed up the nave and created a panic by
   announcing that armed men were breaking into the cloister. The
   attendants of Becket, who had entered the church, shut the door and
   urged him to move into the choir for safety. "Away, you cowards!" he
   said, "by virtue of your obedience, I command you not to shut the door;
   the church must not be turned into a fortress." He was evidently
   prepared and eager for martyrdom. He himself reopened the door, and
   dragged the excluded monks into the building, exclaiming, "Come in,
   come in--faster, faster!" The monks and priests were terror-stricken
   and fled in every direction, to the recesses and side-chapels, to the
   roof above, and the crypt below. Three only remained faithful,--Canon
   Robert of Merton, Chaplain William Fitz-Stephen, and the clerk Edward
   Grim. [163] t would carry him.

   Becket proceeded to the high altar and archiepiscopal chair, in which
   he and all his predecessors from time immemorial had been enthroned.
   There, no doubt, he wished to gain the crown of martyrdom. It was now
   about five in the winter evening; the shades of night were gathering,
   and the lamps on the altars shed only a dim light in the dark
   cathedral. The tragedy which followed was finished in a few minutes.

   In the meantime the knights, clad in mail which covered their faces up
   to their eyes, and with drawn swords, followed by a motley group of
   ruffians, provided with hatchets, rushed into the cathedral and
   shouted: "Where is the traitor? Where is the archbishop?" [164] Behold
   me, no traitor, but a priest of God!" They again demanded the
   absolution of the bishops and his surrender to the king's justice. "I
   cannot do otherwise than I have done," he said, and turning to
   Fitz-Urse, who was armed with a sword and an axe, he added; "Reginald,
   you have received many favors at my hands: come you to me and into my
   church armed!" The knights tried to drag him out of the sanctuary, not
   intending to kill him there; but he braced himself against the pillar
   between the altars of the Virgin, his special patroness, and St.
   Benedict, whose rule he followed, and said: "I am ready to die. May the
   Church through my blood obtain peace and liberty! I charge you in the
   name of God Almighty that you hurt no one here but me." In the
   struggle, he grappled with De Tracy and threw him to the pavement. He
   called Fitz-Urse (who had seized him by the collar of his long cloak) a
   miserable wretch, and wrenched the cloak from his grasp, saying, "Off,
   thou pander, thou!" [165] epithet, waving the sword over his head,
   struck the first blow, and dashed off his cap. Tracy, rising from the
   pavement, aimed at his head; but Edward Grim, standing by, interposed
   his arm, which was almost severed, and then he sank back against the
   wall. Becket received blow after blow in an attitude of prayer. As he
   felt the blood trickling down his face, he bowed his neck for the
   death-blow, clasped his hands, and said in a low voice: "I commend my
   cause and the cause of the Church to God, to St. Denis, the martyr of
   France, to St. Alfege, and to the saints of the Church. [166]

   These were his last words. The next blow felled him to his knees, the
   last laid him on the floor at the foot of the altar of St. Benedict.
   His hands were still joined as if in prayer. Richard the Breton cut off
   the upper part of his skull, which had received the sacred oil. Hugh of
   Horsea, the subdeacon, trampled upon his neck, thrust his sword into
   the ghastly wound, and scattered the blood and the brains over the
   pavement. [167]

   The murderers rushed from the church through the cloisters into the
   palace for plunder; while a violent thunder-storm broke over the
   cathedral. They stole about two thousand marks in gold and silver, and
   rode off on Becket's fine horses in the thick darkness of the night.

   The body of Thomas was buried in the crypt. The remains of his blood
   and brains were sacredly kept. His monkish admirers discovered, to
   their amazement and delight, that the martyr, who had once been arrayed
   in purple and fine linen, wore on his skin under his many garments the
   coarsest haircloth abounding with vermin. This seemed to betray the
   perfection of ascetic sanctity according to mediaeval notions. [168]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [161] Cubicularii, gentlemen of the bed-chamber.

   [162] The biographers say he was more fit to be called "the Brute."

   [163] Modern writers are in the habit of calling him a monk, and so he
   may have been. In the contemporary narratives he is called simply
   "clerk." Abbott, I. 42 sq.

   [164] See Abbott, I. 89 sqq., on the words used, and Becket's reply.

   [165] "Lenonem appellans." Becket was wont to use violent language. He
   called Geoffrey Riddell, the archdeacon of Canterbury, "archdevil."
   Three years after Becket's death, Riddell was made bishop of Ely.

   [166] Abbott, I. 147, holds that these words must have been spoken
   before the blow was struck which dislodged the cap from Becket's head.
   The blow cut off a piece of the prelate's skull.

   [167] All the authorities relate this brutal sacrilege.

   [168] Grim, with whom the other original authorities agree, says that
   those who saw this haircloth suit, covering the upper and lower parts
   of Becket's body, put aside all their doubts and acknowledged him as a
   martyr.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 34. The Effects of Becket's Murder.

   The atrocious murder sent a thrill of horror throughout the Christian
   world. The moment of Becket's death was his triumph. His exalted
   station, his personal virtues, the sacrilege,--all contributed to
   deepen the impression. At first opinion was divided, as he had strong
   enemies, even at Canterbury. A monk declared that Becket paid a just
   penalty for his obstinacy others said, "He wished to be king and more
   than king; the archbishop of York dared to preach that Becket
   "perished, like Pharaoh, in his pride."

   But the torrent of public admiration soon silenced all opposition.
   Miracles took place at his tomb, and sealed his claim to the worship of
   a saint and martyr. "The blind see, the deaf hear, the dumb speak, the
   lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the devils are cast out, even the
   dead are raised to life." Thus wrote John of Salisbury, his friend.
   [169] ew years after the murder, two collections of his miracles were
   published, one by Benedict, prior of Canterbury (afterwards abbot of
   Peterborough), and one by William, monk of Canterbury. [170] night of
   the archbishop's death. His blood had miraculous efficacy for those who
   drank it. [171]

   Two years after his death, Feb. 21, 1173, Becket was solemnly canonized
   by Alexander III., who had given him only a lukewarm support in his
   contest with the king. There is scarcely another example of such an
   early recognition of saintship; but public sentiment had anticipated
   it. At a council in Westminster the papal letters of canonization were
   read. All the bishops who had opposed Becket were present, begged
   pardon for their offence, and acquiesced in the pope's decision. The
   29th of December was set apart as the feast of "St. Thomas of
   Canterbury."

   King Henry II., as the supposed author of the monstrous crime, was
   branded with a popular excommunication. On the first news, he shut
   himself up for three days in his chamber, rolled himself in sackcloth
   and ashes, and obstinately refused food and comfort. He lived secluded
   for five weeks, exclaiming again and again, "Alas, alas that it ever
   happened!" He issued orders for the apprehension of the murderers, and
   despatched envoys to the pope to exculpate, himself and to avert the
   calamity of excommunication and, an interdict. After long delay a
   reconciliation took place in the cathedral of Avranches in Normandy,
   before the papal legates, the archbishop of Rouen, and many bishops and
   noblemen, May 22, 1172. [172] r, and that he was ready to make full
   satisfaction. He pledged himself to abrogate the Statutes of Clarendon;
   to restore the church of Canterbury to all its rights and possessions;
   to undertake, if the pope should require it, a three years' crusade to
   Jerusalem or Spain, and to support two hundred knights in the Holy
   Land. After these pledges he said aloud: "Behold, my lord legates, my
   body is in your hands; be assured that whatever you order, whether to
   go to Jerusalem or to Rome or to St. James [at Compostella in Spain], I
   am ready to obey." He was led by the bishops into the church and
   reconciled. His son, who was present, promised Cardinal Albert to make
   good his father's pledges. This penance was followed by a deepest
   humiliation at Canterbury.

   Two years later, July 12, 1174, the king, depressed by disasters and
   the rebellion of his wife and his sons, even made a pilgrimage to the
   tomb of Becket. He dismounted from his horse as he came in sight of the
   towers of Canterbury, walked as a penitent pilgrim in a woollen shirt,
   with bare and bleeding feet, through the streets, knelt in the porch of
   the cathedral, kissed the sacred stone on which the archbishop had
   fallen, threw himself prostrate before the tomb in the crypt, and
   confessed to the bishops with groans and tears his deep remorse for the
   hasty words which had led to the murder. Gilbert Foliot, bishop of
   London, once Becket's rival and enemy, announced to the monks and
   bystanders the king's penitence and intention to restore the rights and
   property of the Church, and to bestow forty marks yearly on the
   monastery to keep lamps burning at the martyr's tomb. The king, placing
   his head and shoulders on the tomb, submitted to the degrading
   punishment of scourging, and received five stripes from each bishop and
   abbot, and three stripes from each of the eighty monks. Fully absolved,
   he spent the whole night on the bare ground of the crypt in tears and
   prayers, imploring the forgiveness of the canonized saint in heaven
   whom he had persecuted on earth.

   No deeper humiliation of king before priest is recorded in history. It
   throws into the shade the submission of Theodosius to Ambrose, of Edgar
   to Dunstan, of Barbarossa to Alexander, and even the scene at Canossa.

   Fifty years after the martyrdom, Becket's relics were translated with
   extraordinary solemnity from the tomb in the crypt to the costly shrine
   of Becket, which blazed with gold and jewels, in the reconstructed
   Canterbury cathedral (1220). And now began on the largest scale that
   long succession of pilgrimages, which for more than three hundred years
   made Canterbury the greatest sacred resort of Western Christendom, next
   to Jerusalem and Rome. It was more frequented than Loreto in Italy and
   Einsiedeln in Switzerland. No less than a hundred thousand pilgrims
   were registered at Canterbury in 1420. From all parts of England,
   Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, from France and the far north, men and
   women flocked to the shrine: priests, monks, princes, knights,
   scholars, lawyers, merchants, mechanics, peasants. There was scarcely
   an English king, from Henry II. to Henry VIII., who did not from
   motives of piety or policy pay homage to the memory of the saint. Among
   the last distinguished visitors were John Colet, dean of St. Paul's,
   and Erasmus, who visited the shrine together between the years 1511 and
   1513, and King Henry VIII. and Emperor Charles V., who attended the
   last jubilee in 1520. Plenary indulgences were granted to the pilgrims.
   Some went in December, the month of his martyrdom; a larger number in
   July, the month of the translation of his relics. Every fiftieth year a
   jubilee lasting fifteen days was celebrated in his honor. Six such
   jubilees were celebrated,--1270, 1320, 1370, 1420, 1470, 1520. The
   offerings to St. Thomas exceeded those given to any other saint, even
   to the holy Virgin.

   Geoffrey Chaucer, the father of English poetry, who lived two centuries
   after Becket' martyrdom, has immortalized these pilgrimages in his
   Canterbury Tales, and given us the best description of English society
   at that time.

   The pilgrimages promoted piety, social intercourse, superstition,
   idleness, levity, and immorality, and aroused moral indignation among
   many serious and spiritually minded men.

   The superstitious idolatry of St. Thomas was continued down to the time
   of the Reformation, when it was rudely but forever crushed out. Henry
   VIII. cited Becket to appear in court to answer to the charges of
   treason and rebellion. The case was formally argued at Westminster. His
   guilt was proved, and on the 10th of June, 1538, St. Thomas was
   condemned as a "rebel and a traitor to his prince." The rich shrine at
   Canterbury was pillaged; the gold and jewels were carried off in two
   strong coffers, and the rest of the treasure in twenty-six carts. The
   jewels went into the hands of Henry VIII., who wore the most precious
   of them, a diamond, the "Regale of France," in the ring on his thumb;
   afterwards it glittered in the golden, "collar" of his daughter, the
   bigoted Queen Mary. A royal proclamation explained the cause and mode
   of Becket's death, and the reasons for his degradation. All festivals,
   offices, and prayers in his name were forbidden. The site of his shrine
   has remained vacant to this day.

   The Reformation prepared the way for a more spiritual worship of God
   and a more just appreciation of the virtues and faults of Thomas Becket
   than was possible in the age in which he lived and died,--a hero and a
   martyr of the papal hierarchy, but not of pure Christianity, as
   recorded in the New Testament. To the most of his countrymen, as to the
   English-speaking people at large, his name has remained the synonym for
   priestly pride and pretension, for an arrogant invasion of the rights
   of the civil estate. To a certain class of English High Churchmen he
   remains, like Laud of a later age, the martyr of sacerdotal privilege,
   the unselfish champion of the dowered rights of the Church. The
   atrocity of his taking-off no one will choose to deny. But the haughty
   assumption of the high prelate had afforded pretext enough for vehement
   indignation and severe treatment. Priestly robes may for a time conceal
   and even protect pride from violence, but sooner or later it meets its
   just reward. The prelate's superiority involved in Becket's favorite
   expression, "saving the honor of my order," was more than a king of
   free blood could be expected to bear.

   This dramatic chapter of English history may be fitly closed with a
   scene from Lord Tennyson's tragedy which presents the personal quality
   that brought about Thomas à Becket's fall. [173]

   John of Salisbury.


   Thomas, I would thou hadst returned to England

   Like some wise prince of this world from his wars,

   With more of olive-branch and amnesty

   For foes at home--thou hast raised the world against thee.

   Becket.


   Why, John, my kingdom is not of this world.

   John of Salisbury.


   If it were more of this world it might be

   More of the next. A policy of wise pardon

   Wins here as well as there. To bless thine enemies --

   Becket.


   Ay, mine, not Heaven's.

   John of Salisbury.


   And may there not be something

   Of this world's leaven in thee too, when crying

   On Holy Church to thunder out her rights

   And thine own wrong so piteously. Ah, Thomas,

   The lightnings that we think are only Heaven's

   Flash sometimes out of earth against the heavens.

   The soldier, when he lets his whole self go

   Lost in the common good, the common wrong,

   Strikes truest ev'n for his own self. I crave

   Thy pardon--I have still thy leave to speak.

   Thou hast waged God's war against the King; and yet

   We are self-uncertain creatures, and we may,

   Yea, even when we know not, mix our spites

   And private hates with our defence of Heaven.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [169] See his Vita S.Th. in the "Materials," etc., II. 322: In loco
   passionis eius ...paralytici curantur, caeci vident, surdi audiunt,
   loquuntur muti, claudi ambulant, leprosi mundantur ...et quod a diebus
   patrum nostrorum non est auditum, mortui resurgunt.

   [170] William's long Vita et Passio S. Th. is printed in the
   "Materials," vol. I. 173-546. The credulous Alban Butler, in his Lives
   of the Saints, quotes from an old English MS. of a pretended
   eye-witness, who records two hundred and sixty-three miracles wrought
   by the intercession of St. Thomas,--many more than are found in the
   whole Bible.

   [171] Dr. Abbott devotes the main part of his work, I: 224 sqq., II. to
   a detailed description and discussion of the miracles. His closing
   chapter, II. 307-314, draws a parallel between these miracles and the
   miraculous works of Christ. He makes a distinction between mighty works
   wrought on human nature, such as the cure of diseases and the mighty
   works wrought on "nonhuman nature," as on bread, water, trees. The
   reality of the former he accepts, though he denies their supernatural
   character. The latter "are not to be accepted as historical, but as
   legends explicable from poetry taken as prose or from linguistic error
   or from these two combined." He goes on to say the distinction between
   Christ and Thomas is that "the spirit of St. Thomas had no power to
   pass into the hearts of men with a permanent vivifying message of its
   own. The Spirit of him whom we worship has both that power and that
   message." This is not the place to make an argument for the miracles of
   the New Testament, but two considerations place them and the miracles
   of Thomas of Canterbury in different categories. Christ's miracles had
   the purpose and worth of attesting his mission as the Saviour of the
   world, and they were original. It was quite easy for the mediaeval mind
   in its fear and love of the wonderful to associate miracles with its
   saints, Christ's example being before them; but where it was original,
   the miracles it believed were for the most part grotesque.

   [172] A granite pillar in the Norman cathedral at Avranches bears an
   inscription in memory of the event. It is given by Stanley, p. 136.

   [173] Sir Henry Irving, the distinguished English actor, died Oct. 20,
   1905, seven days after a performance of this drama, the last time he
   appeared on the stage.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER V.

   INNOCENT III. AND HIS AGE. A.D. 1198-1216.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 35. Literature.

   Sources: Innocentii III. Opp. omnia, in Migne, 4 vols. 214-217; three
   vols. contain Innocent's official letters; a 4th, his sermons, the de
   contemptu mundi, and other works.--S. Baluzius: Epistolarum Inn. III.
   libri undecim, 2 vols. Paris, 1682.--Böhmer: Regesta imperii 1198-1254,
   new ed. by J. Ficker, Innsbruck, 1881.--Potthast: Regesta, pp. 1-467,
   2041-2056--Gesta Innoc. III. auctore anonymo sed coaevo (a contemporary
   Life, about 1220), in Migne, 214, pp. xvii-ccxxviii, and
   Baluzius.--Mansi, XXII.--Mirbt: Quellen, 125-136, gives some of the
   characteristic passages. For the older edd. of Inn.'s letters and other
   works, see Potthast, Bibliotheca med. aevi, I. 520, 650.

   Modern Works: Friedrich von Hurter (1787-1886): Geschichte Papst
   Innocenz des Dritten und seiner Zeitgenossen, 2 vols. Hamburg,
   1833-1835; 3d ed. 4 vols. 1841-1844 (trans. into French and Italian).
   The last two volumes are devoted to the monastic orders and the Eccles.
   and social conditions of the thirteenth century. An exhaustive work
   full of enthusiastic admiration for Innocent and his age. Hurter wrote
   it while antistes or pastor of the Reformed Church in Schaffhausen,
   Switzerland, and was led by his studies to enter, with his family, the
   Roman Catholic communion in 1844 and became imperial counsellor and
   historiographer of Austria. Gfrörer, likewise a Protestant, dazzled by
   the splendor of the Gregorian papacy in the preparation of his Life of
   Gregory VII., was also led to join the Roman communion.--Jorry: Hist.
   du pape Inn. III.; Paris, 1853.--F. F. Reinlein: Papst Inn. III. und
   seine Schrift de contemptu mundi, Erlangen, 1871; also Inn. III nach s.
   Beziehung zur Unfehlbarkeitsfrage, Erlangen, 1872.--H. Elkan: Die Gesta
   Inn. III. im Verhältniss zu d. Regesten desselben Papstes, Heidelberg,
   1876.--Fr. Deutsch: Papst Inn. III. und s. Einfluss auf d. Kirche,
   Bresl., 1876.--Leop. Delisle: Mémoire sur les actes d'Inn. III, suivi
   de l'itinéraire de ce pontife, Paris, 1877.--J. N. Brischar, Roman
   Catholic: Papst Inn. III. und s. Zeit, Freib. im Br. 1883.--J. Langen:
   Gesch. d. röm. Kirche von Gregor. VII. bis Inn. III., Bonn, 1893; also
   Hefele-Knöpfler, vol. V.--the Works on the Hohenstaufen and the
   Crusades.--Ranke: Weltgesch., VIII. 274 sqq.--the Histories of Rome by
   Reumont, Bryce, and Gregorovius,--Hauck: Kirchengeschichte
   Deutschlands, IV. 658-745.--T. F. Tout: The Empire and the Papacy,
   918-1272, N. Y. 1898.--H. Fisher: The Med. Empire, 2 vols. London,
   1898.--For fuller lit., see Chevalier; Répertoire, pp. 1114 sq. and
   Suppl. 2659, and art. Inn. III., by Zöpffel-Mirbt, in Herzog, IX.
   112-122.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 36. Innocent's Training and Election.

   The brilliant pontificate of Innocent III., 1198-1216, lasted as long
   as the combined and uneventful reigns of his five predecessors: Lucius
   III., 1181-1185; Urban III., 1185-1187; Gregory VIII. less than two
   months, 1187; Clement III., 1187-1191; Coelestin III., 1191-1198. It
   marks the golden age of the mediaeval papacy and one of the most
   important eras in the history of the Catholic Church. No other mortal
   has before or since wielded such extensive power. As the spiritual
   sovereign of Latin Christendom, he had no rival. At the same time he
   was the acknowledged arbiter of the political destinies of Europe from
   Constantinople to Scotland. He successfully carried into execution the
   highest theory of the papal theocracy and anticipated the Vatican
   dogmas of papal absolutism and infallibility. To the papal title "vicar
   of Christ," Innocent added for the first time the title "vicar of God."
   He set aside the decisions of bishops and provincial councils, and
   lifted up and cast down kings. He summoned and guided one of the most
   important of the councils of the Western Church, the Fourth Lateran,
   1215, whose acts established the Inquisition and fixed
   transubstantiation as a dogma. He set on foot the Fourth Crusade, and
   died making preparation for another. On the other hand he set Christian
   against Christian, and by undertaking to extirpate religious dissent by
   force drenched parts of Europe in Christian blood.

   Lothario, Innocent's baptismal name, was born about 1160 at Anagni, a
   favorite summer resort of the popes. He was the son of Count Trasmondo
   of the house of the Conti de Segni, one of the ruling families of the
   Latium. [174] dinals, he was rapidly promoted, and in 1190, at the age
   of twenty-nine, was appointed cardinal-deacon by one of them, Pope
   Clement III. Though the youngest member of the curia, he was at once
   assigned a place of responsibility.

   During the pontificate of Coelestin III., a member of the house of the
   Orsini which was unfriendly to the Conti, Lothario withdrew into
   retirement and devoted himself to literature. The chief fruit of this
   seclusion is the work entitled The Contempt of the World or the Misery
   of the Mortal Estate. [175] [176] t composed an Exposition of the Seven
   Penitential Psalms. While pope he preached often both in Rome and on
   his journeys. His sermons abound in mystical and allegorical figures.
   Of his letters more than five hundred are preserved.

   The Contempt of the World is an ascetic plaint over the sinfulness and
   woes of this present life. It proceeds upon the basis of Augustine's
   theory of total depravity. The misery of man is described from the
   helplessness of infancy to the decrepitude of age and the sufferings of
   the future estate. Pessimistic passages are quoted from Jeremiah,
   Ecclesiastes, and Job, and also from Horace, Ovid, and Juvenal. Three
   master passions are constantly tormenting man,--avarice, lust, and
   ambition,--to which are added the innumerable ailments of the body and
   troubles of the soul. The author deplores the fate of masters and
   servants, of the married and the unmarried, of the good and the bad,
   the rich and the poor. "It is just and natural that the wicked should
   suffer; but are the righteous one whit better off? Here below is their
   prison, not their home or their final destiny. As soon as a man rises
   to a station of dignity, cares and trouble increase, fasting is
   abridged, night watches are prolonged, nature's constitution is
   undermined, sleep and appetite flee, the vigor of the body gives way to
   weakness, and a sorrowful end is the close of a sorrowful life." [177]
   e reader of the solemn cadences of the Dies Irae of Thomas of Celano
   and Dante's Inferno. [178]

   Called forth from retirement to the chief office in Christendom,
   Innocent had an opportunity to show his contempt of the world by ruling
   it with a strong and iron hand. The careers of the best of the popes of
   the Middle Ages, as well as of ecclesiastics like Bernard of Clairvaux
   and Thomas of Canterbury, reveal the intimate connection between the
   hierarchical and ascetic tendencies. Innocent likewise displayed these
   two tendencies. In his treatise on the mass he anticipated the haughty
   assumption of the papacy, based on the rock-foundation of Peter's
   primacy, which as pope he afterwards displayed.

   On the very day of Coelestin's burial, the college of cardinals
   unanimously chose Lothario pope. Like Gregory I., Gregory VII.,
   Alexander III., and other popes, he made a show of yielding reluctantly
   to the election. He was ordained priest, and the next day, February 22,
   was consecrated bishop and formally ascended the throne in St. Peter's.

   The coronation ceremonies were on a splendid scale. But the size of
   Rome, whose population at this time may not have exceeded thirty-five
   thousand, must be taken into account when we compare them with the
   pageants of the ancient city. [179] At the enthronization in St.
   Peter's, the tiara was used which Constantine is said to have presented
   to Sylvester, and the words were said, "Take the tiara and know that
   thou art the father of princes and kings, the ruler of the world, the
   vicar on earth of our Saviour Jesus Christ, whose honor and glory shall
   endure throughout all eternity." Then followed the procession through
   the city to the Lateran. The pope sat on a white palfrey and was
   accompanied by the prefect of the city, the senators and other
   municipal officials, the nobility, the cardinals, archbishops, and
   other church dignitaries, the lesser clergy and the popular throng--all
   amidst the ringing of bells, the chanting of psalms, and the
   acclamations of the people. Along the route a singular scene was
   presented at the Ghetto by a group of Jews, the rabbi at their head
   carrying a roll of the Pentateuch, who bowed low as they saluted their
   new ruler upon whose favor or frown depended their protection from the
   populace, yea, their very life. Arrived at the Lateran, the pope threw
   out handfuls of copper coins among the people with the words, "Silver
   and gold have I none, but such as I have give I thee." The silver key
   of the palace and the golden key of the basilica were then put into his
   hands, and the senate did him homage. A banquet followed, the pope
   sitting at a table alone. [180] chief personality in the Christian
   world.

   When he ascended the fisherman's throne, Innocent was only thirty-seven
   years old, the youngest in the line of popes up to that time. Walter
   von der Vogelweide gave expression to the fear which his youth awakened
   when he wrote, O wê der bâbest ist ze june, hilf hêrre diner
   kristenheit. "Alas! the pope is so young. Help, Lord, thy Christian
   world." The new pontiff was well formed, medium in stature, [181] nd
   fearless in action. He was a born ruler of men, a keen judge of human
   nature, demanding unconditional submission to his will, yet considerate
   in the use of power after submission was once given,--an imperial
   personality towering high above the contemporary sovereigns in moral
   force and in magnificent aims of world-wide dominion.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [174] Like Hildebrand, Innocent may have combined Germanic with Italian
   blood. Upon the basis of such family names among the Conti as Lothaire
   and Richard, Gregorovius finds evidence of Lombard origin.

   [175] The de contemptu mundi sive de miseria conditionis humanae was
   first printed at Ulm, 1448, then at Lyons, 1473, Nürnberg, 1477, etc.
   See Migne's ed. 217, 701-746.

   [176] Mysterium evangelicae legis et sacramentum eucharistiae or de
   missarum mysteriis.

   [177] II. 29.

   [178] The Dies Irae has been ascribed to Innocent. Here are the
   concluding words of this famous treatise. "Ibi erit fletus et stridor
   dentium (Matthew xiii.),gemitus et ululatus, luctus et cruciatus,
   stridor et clamor, timor et tremor, dolor et labor, ardor et faetor,
   obscuritas et anxietas, acerbitas et asperitas, calamitas et egestas,
   angustia et tristitia, oblivio et confusio, torsiones et punctiones,
   amaritudines et terrores, fames et sitis, frigus et cauma, sulphur et
   ignis ardens in saecula saeculorum. Unde liberet nos Deus, qui est
   benedictus in saecula saeculorum. Amen." III. 17; Migne, 217, 746.

   [179] See Gregorovius, V. 7.

   [180] Elaborate descriptions of the ceremonies are given by Hurter, I.
   92 sqq., and Gregorovius, V. 7-15.

   [181] Statura mediocris, etc. See Gesta, Migne, 214, XVII. The portrait
   prefixed in Hurter has no historic value. For Innocent's personal
   habits and methods of conducting business, see Hurter, II 743 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 37. Innocent's Theory of the Papacy.

   The pope with whom Innocent is naturally brought into comparison is
   Hildebrand. They were equally distinguished for moral force,
   intellectual energy, and proud assertion of prelatic prerogative.
   Innocent was Hildebrand's superior in learning, diplomatic tact, and
   success of administration, but in creative genius and heroic character
   he was below his predecessor. He stands related to his great
   predecessor as Augustus to Julius. He was heir to the astounding
   programme of Hildebrand's scheme and enjoyed the fruits of his
   struggles. Their personal fortunes were widely different. Gregory was
   driven from Rome and died in exile. To Innocent's good fortune there
   seemed to be no end, and he closed his pontificate in undisputed
   possession of authority.

   Innocent no sooner ascended the papal chair than he began to give
   expression to his conception of the papal dignity. Throughout his
   pontificate he forcibly and clearly expounded it in a tone of mingled
   official pride and personal humility. At his coronation he preached on
   the faithful and wise servant. "Ye see," he said, "what manner of
   servant it is whom the Lord hath set over his people, no other than the
   viceregent of Christ, the successor of Peter. He stands in the midst
   between God and man; below God, above man; less than God, more than
   man. He judges all and is judged by none. But he, whom the pre-eminence
   of dignity exalts, is humbled by his vocation as a servant, that so
   humility may be exalted and pride be cast down; for God is against the
   high-minded, and to the lowly He shows mercy; and whoso exalteth
   himself shall be abased."

   Indeed, the papal theocracy was Innocent's all-absorbing idea. He was
   fully convinced that it was established of God for the good of the
   Church and the salvation of the world. As God gave to Christ all power
   in heaven and on earth, so Christ delegated to Peter and his successors
   the same authority. Not man but God founded the Apostolic see. [182]
   [183] and had been given, "Feed my sheep." On him alone it had been
   declared, "I will build my church." The pope is the vicar of Christ,
   yea of God himself. [184] ike Melchizedek, he is at once king and
   priest. All things in heaven and earth and in hell are subject to
   Christ. So are they also to his vicar. He can depose princes and
   absolve subjects from the oath of allegiance. He may enforce submission
   by placing whole nations under the interdict. Peter alone went to Jesus
   on the water and by so doing he gave illustration of the unique
   privilege of the papacy to govern the whole earth. For the other
   disciples stayed in the ship and so to them was given rule only over
   single provinces. And as the waters were many on which Peter walked, so
   over the many congregations and nations, which the waters represent,
   was Peter given authority--yea over all nations whatsoever (universos
   populos). [185] eaches papal infallibility and declares that Peter's
   successor can never in any way depart from the Catholic faith.

   Gregory VII.'s illustration, likening the priestly estate (sacerdotium)
   to the sun, and the civil estate (regnum or imperium) to the moon,
   Innocent amplified and emphasized. Two great lights, Innocent said,
   were placed by God in the firmament of heaven, and to these correspond
   the "pontifical authority and the regal authority," the one to rule
   over souls as the sun rules over the day, the other to rule over the
   bodies of men as the moon rules over the night. And as the moon gets
   its light from the sun, and as it is also less than the sun both in
   quality and in size, and in the effect produced, so the regal power
   gets its dignity and splendor from the pontifical authority which has
   in it more inherent virtue. [186] [187] ood came by divine creation;
   the kingly power by man's manipulation and violence. [188] of the pope,
   are lodged the terrible power of destruction and the genial mildness of
   grace." Innocent reminded John that if he did not lift his foot from
   off the Church, nothing would check his punishment and fall. [189]
   Innocent's exposition and obeyed. His correspondence abounds with
   letters to the emperor, the kings of Hungary, Bohemia, Sicily, France,
   England, the Danes, Aragon, and to other princes, teaching them their
   duty and demanding their submission.

   Under Innocent's rule, the subjection of the entire Christian world to
   the Roman pontiff seemed to be near realization. But the measures of
   force which were employed in the Latin conquest of Constantinople,
   1204, had the opposite effect from what was intended. The overthrow of
   the Byzantine empire and the establishment of a Latin empire in its
   stead and the creation of a new hierarchy of Constantinople only
   completed the final alienation of the Greek and Latin churches. To
   Innocent III. may not be denied deep concern in the extension of
   Christendom. But the rigorous system of the Inquisition which he set on
   foot begat bitterness and war of churchman against Christian dissenter
   and of Christian against Mohammedan. More blood was shed at the hand of
   the Church during the pontificate of Innocent, and under his immediate
   successors carrying out his policy, than in any other age except during
   the papal counter-Reformation in the sixteenth and seventeenth
   centuries. The audacious papal claim to imperialism corrected itself by
   the policy employed by Innocent and his successors to establish the
   claim over the souls and bodies of men and the governments of the
   earth. [190]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [182] Apostolicae sedis primatus quem non homo sed Deus, imo verius
   Deus homo constituit.

   [183] Reg. II. 209; Migne, 214, 758-765.

   [184] Cum non humana sed divina fiat auctoritate quod in hac parte per
   summum pontificem adimpletur, qui non hominis puri sed veri Dei vere
   vicarius appellatur. I. 326; Migne, 214, 292.

   [185] Nam cum aquae multae sint, populi multi, congregationesque
   aquarum sunt maria, per hoc quod Petrus super aquas maris incessit,
   super universos populos se potestatem accepisse monstravit. II. 209;
   Migne, 214, 760; Potthast, 82. In this letter Innocent quotes no less
   than twenty-five passages of Scripture.

   [186] Sicut luna lumen suum a sole sortitur, quae re vera minor est
   isto quantitate simul et qualitate, situ pariter et effectu, sic
   regalis potestas ab auctoritate pontificali suae sortitur dignitatis
   splendorem, etc. See Mirbt, Quellen, 130.

   [187] Minor est qui unguitur quam qui ungit, et dignior est unguens
   quam unctus. Migne, 216, 1012, 1179; Potthast, 98.

   [188] Sacerdotium per ordinationem divinam, regnum autem per
   extorsionem humanam. He also speaks of the unity of the Church as the
   product of grace and the divisions of the empire as the product of or
   judgment of sin. Ecclesia per Dei gratiam in unitate consistit, et
   imperium peccatis exigentibus est divisum. Migne, 216, 1179; Potthast,
   98.

   [189] Migne, 217, 922. Gregorovius pronounces this "probably the most
   imperious document of the papal power." V. 104.

   [190] Hauck, IV. 743, acknowledging the genius of Innocent, expresses
   the somewhat disparaging judgment that "he was more of a rhetorician
   than a theologian, and more of a jurist and administrator than a
   statesman." Many Protestant writers of Germany show their national
   feeling by a disposition to disparage Gregory VII. and Innocent III.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 38. Innocent and the German Empire.

   Additional Literature.--Ed. Winkelmann: Philip von Schwaben und Otto
   IV. von Braunschweig, 2 vols. Leipzig, 1873-1878.--R. Schwemer:
   Innocent III. und d. deutsche Kirche während des Thronstreites von
   1198-1208, Strassburg, 1882.

   The political condition of Europe was favorable to Innocent's assertion
   of power. With the sudden death of Henry VI., Sept. 28, 1197, at the
   early age of thirty-two, the German empire was left without a ruler.
   Frederick, the Emperor's only son, was a helpless child. Throughout
   Italy a reaction set in against Henry's hard and oppressive rule. The
   spirit of national freedom was showing itself, and a general effort was
   begun to expel the German princes and counts from Italian soil.

   Innocent III. has been called by Ranke Henry's real successor. [191] e
   began his reign by abolishing the last vestiges of the authority of the
   empire in the city of Rome. The city prefect, who had represented the
   emperor, took the oath of allegiance to the pope, and Innocent invested
   him with a mantle and silver cup. The senator likewise acknowledged
   Innocent's authority and swore to protect the Roman see and the regalia
   of St. Peter.

   The pope quickly pushed his authority beyond the walls of Rome.
   Spoleto, which for six centuries had been ruled by a line of German
   dukes, Assisi, Perugia, and other cities, submitted. Mark of Anweiler,
   the fierce soldier of Henry VI., could not withstand the fortunate
   diplomacy and arms of Innocent, and the Romagna, with Ravenna as its
   centre, yielded. A Tuscan league was formed which was favorably
   disposed to the papal authority. Florence, Siena, Pisa, and other
   cities, while refusing to renounce their civic freedom, granted
   privileges to the pope. Everywhere Innocent had his legates. Such full
   exercise of papal power over the State of the Church had not before
   been known.

   To confirm her son Frederick's title to the crown of Sicily, his mother
   delivered the kingdom over to the pope as a papal fief. She survived
   her imperial consort only a year, and left a will appointing Innocent
   the guardian of her child. The intellectual training and political
   destinies of the heir of the Hohenstaufen were thus intrusted to the
   hereditary foe of that august house. Innocent was left a free hand to
   prosecute his trust as he chose. [192]

   In Germany, Innocent became the umpire of the imperial election. The
   electors were divided between two aspirants to the throne, Philip of
   Swabia, the brother of Henry VI., who was crowned at Mainz, and Otto,
   the son of Henry the Lion, who was crowned at Aachen by Adolf,
   archbishop of Cologne. Otto was the nephew of Richard Coeur de Lion and
   John of England, who supported his claims with their gold and
   diplomacy. Both parties made their appeal to Rome, and it is not a
   matter of surprise that Innocent's sympathies were with the Guelf,
   Otto, rather than with the Hohenstaufen. Moreover, Philip had given
   offence by occupying, as duke of Tuscany, the estates of Matilda.

   Innocent made the high claim that the German throne depended for its
   occupant "from the beginning and ultimately" upon the decision of the
   papal see. Had not the Church transferred the empire from the East to
   the West? And had not the Church itself conferred the imperial crown,
   [193] n 1201 in favor of Otto, "his dearest son in Christ who was
   himself devoted to the Church and on both sides was descended from
   devout stock." The decision inured to Rome's advantage. By the
   stipulation of Neuss, subsequently repeated at Spires, 1209, Otto
   promised obedience to the pope and renounced all claim to dominion in
   the State of the Church and also to Naples and Sicily. This written
   document was a dangerous ratification of the real or pretended
   territorial rights and privileges of the papacy from Constantine and
   Pepin down.

   Civil war broke out, and when the tide of success turned in Philip's
   favor, the pope released him from the sentence of excommunication and
   was about to acknowledge him as emperor [194] in 1208, brought Philip's
   career to a tragic end. The year following Otto was crowned in St.
   Peter's, but he forgot his promises and proceeded to act out the
   independent policy of the rival house of the Hohenstaufen. [195] ly,
   distributing rich estates and provinces among his vassals and
   sequestrating the revenues of the clergy. He then marched to Southern
   Italy, the territory of Frederick, and received the surrender of
   Naples.

   All that Innocent had gained seemed in danger of being lost. Prompt
   measures showed him equal to the emergency. He wrote that the stone he
   had erected to be the head of the corner had become a rock of offence.
   Like Rachel he mourned over his son whom he lamented to have made king.
   Otto was excommunicated and a meeting of magnates at Nürnberg, 1211,
   declared him deposed, and, pronouncing in favor of Frederick, sent
   envoys to Palermo to convey to him the intelligence. Otto crossed the
   Alps to reclaim his power, but it was too late. Frederick started
   north, stopping at Rome, where Innocent saw him for the first and last
   time, April, 1212. He was elected and crowned king at Frankfurt,
   December, 1212, and was recognized by nearly all the princes at Eger
   the year following. Before setting out from Italy he had again
   recognized Sicily as a fief of Rome. At Eger he disavowed all imperial
   right to the State of the Church. [196]

   Otto joined in league with John of England and the Flemish princes
   against Philip Augustus of France; but his hopes were dashed to the
   ground on the battlefield of Bouvines, Belgium, 1415. His authority was
   thenceforth confined to his ancestral estate. He died 1218. Innocent
   had gained the day. His successors were to be defied by the young king,
   Frederick, for nearly half a century.

   With equal spirit and decision, Innocent mingled in the affairs of the
   other states of Europe. In France, the controversy was over the
   sanctity of the marriage vow. Philip Augustus put away his second wife,
   [197] e, and took the fair Agnes of Meran in her stead. The French
   bishops, on the plea of remote consanguinity, justified the divorce.
   But Innocent, listening to the appeals of Ingeborg, and placing France
   under the interdict, forced the king to take her back. [198]

   The Christian states of the Spanish peninsula felt the pontiff's strong
   hand. The kingdom of Leon was kept under the interdict five years till
   Alfonso IX. consented to dismiss his wife on account of blood
   relationship. Pedro, king of Aragon, a model of Spanish chivalry,
   received his crown at Rome in 1204 and made his realm a fief of the
   Apostolic see. Sancho, king of the newly risen kingdom of Portugal, was
   defeated in his effort to break away from the pope's suzerainty.

   In the North, Sweden accepted Innocent's decision in favor of the house
   of Schwerker, and the Danish king, who was attempting to reduce the
   tribes along the Baltic to Christianity, was protected by the pope's
   threat of interdict upon all molesting his realm. The king of England
   was humbled to the dust by Innocent's word. To the king of Scotland a
   legate was sent and a valuable sword. Even Iceland is said to have been
   the subject of Innocent's thought and action.

   In the Southeast, Johannitius of Bulgaria received from Innocent his
   crown after bowing before his rebuke for having ventured to accept it
   from Philip of Swabia. Ottoker, prince of Bohemia, was anointed by the
   papal legate, and Emmeric of Hungary made a vow to lead a crusade,
   which his brother Andrew executed. Thus all the states of Europe west
   of Russia were made to feel the supremacy of the papal power. The
   conquest of Constantinople and the Holy Land, as we shall see, occupied
   an equal share of attention from this tireless and masterful ruler, and
   the establishment of the Latin Empire of Constantinople, 1205, was
   regarded as a signal triumph for the papal policy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [191] Weltgeschichte, VIII. 274. Matthews, 105 sq. gives Henry VI.'s
   Testament.

   [192] One of Frederick's first acts was to release a portion of his
   patrimony to the pope's brother, Count Richard. At a later period,
   under Honorius, Frederick recalled his gift.

   [193] Imperium principaliter et finaliter dignoscitur pertinere,
   principaliter quia ipsa transtulit imperium ab Oriente ad Occidentem;
   finaliter quia ipsa concedit coronam imperii. Migne, 216, 1182;
   Potthast, 98; also Migne, 216, 1048; Potthast, 119.

   [194] The very archbishop of Cologne who had crowned Otto now put the
   crown on Philip's head.

   [195] Otto had sought to join the fortunes of the two houses by
   marrying Philip's daughter, Beatrice, who died soon after the nuptials.

   [196] This was the so-called Golden Bull of Eger, July 12, 1213.
   Frederick calls himself in it, "King of the Romans and of Sicily." He
   promised to defend Sicily for the Roman Church as a "devoted son and
   Catholic prince,"devotus filius et Catholicus princeps. Mirbt, Quellen,
   131 sqq.; Matthews, 115 sqq.

   [197] Migne, 215, 1493, etc.

   [198] The pope legitimatized the children of Agnes, who died in 1201.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 39. Innocent and King John of England.


   "This royal throne of kings, this sceptr'd isle,

   This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars,

   This other Eden, demi-paradise;

   This fortress, built by nature for herself,

   Against infection, and the hand of war;

   This happy breed of men, this little world,

   This precious stone set in the silver sea,

   Which serves it in the office of a wall,

   Or as a moat defensive to a house,

   Against the envy of less happier lands;

   This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England,

   This nurse, this teeming womb of royal kings,

   Fear'd by their breed, and famous by their birth."

   --Shakespeare, Richard II., Act II. Sc. 1.

   Additional Literature.--The Chronicle of Roger of Wendover (the first
   of the St. Alban annalists) and the revision and continuation of the
   same by Matthew Paris (a monk of St. Alban's, the last and greatest of
   the monastic historians of England), ed. by H. R. Luard in Rolls
   Series, 7 vols. London, 1872-1883, vol. II. Engl. vol. II. trans. of
   Wendover by J. A. Giles, Bohn's Lib. 2 vols. London, 1849; of M. Paris
   by Giles, 3 vols. London, 1852-1854.--Memorials of Walter of Coventry,
   ed. by Stubbs, 2 vols. 1872 sq.--Radulph of Coggeshall: Chronicon
   Anglicanum, ed. by J. Stevenson, 1875. The Annals of Waverley,
   Dunstable, and Burton, all in the Rolls Series.--W. Stubbs: The
   Constitutional Hist. of England, 6th ed. 3 vols. Oxford, 1897, and
   Select Charters, etc., 8th ed. Oxford, 1900, pp. 270-306.--Gee and
   Hardy: Documents, London, 1896.--R. Gneist: Hist. of the Engl. Court,
   Engl. trans. 2 vols. London, 1886, vol. I. 294-332.--E. Gütschow:
   Innocent III. und England, Munich, 1904, pp. 198.--The Histories of
   Lingard (R. C.), Green, Milman, Freeman (Norman Conquest, vol.
   V.).--For Stephen Langton, Dean Hook: Lives of the Abp. of Canterbury,
   and art. Langton, in Dict. of Natl. Biog.--Also W. Hunt, art. John, in
   Dict. of Natl. Biog. XXIX. 402-417.--Sir James H. Ramsey: The Angevin
   Empire, 1154-1216, London, 1903. He calls John a brutal tyrant,
   hopelessly depraved, without ability in war or politics.

   Under Innocent, England comes, if possible, into greater prominence in
   the history of the papacy than during the controversy in the reign of
   Alexander III., a generation before. Then the English actors were Henry
   II. and Thomas à Becket. Now they are Henry's son John and Becket's
   successor Stephen Langton. The pope was victorious, inflicting the
   deepest humiliation upon the English king; but he afterwards lost the
   advantage he had gained by supporting John against his barons and
   denouncing the Magna Charta of English popular rights. The controversy
   forms one of the most interesting episodes of English history.

   John, surnamed Sansterre or Lackland, 1167-1216, succeeded his brother
   Richard I. on the throne, 1199. A man of decided ability and rapid in
   action but of ignoble spirit, low morals, and despotic temper, he
   brought upon his realm such disgrace as England before or since has not
   suffered. His reign was a succession of wrongs and insults to the
   English people and the English church.

   John had joined Richard in a revolt against their father, sought to
   displace his brother on the throne during his captivity after the Third
   Crusade, and was generally believed by contemporaries to have put to
   death his brother Geoffrey's son, Arthur of Brittany, who would have
   been Richard's successor if the law of primogeniture had been followed.
   He lost Normandy, Anjou, Maine, and Aquitaine to the English. Perjury
   was no barrier to the accomplishment of his plans. He set aside one
   wife and was faithless to another. No woman was too well born to be
   safe against his advances. He plundered churches and convents to pay
   his debts and satisfy his avarice, and yet he never undertook a journey
   without hanging charms around his neck. [199]

   Innocent came into collision with John over the selection of a
   successor to Archbishop Hubert of Canterbury, who died 1205. [200] The
   monks of Canterbury, exercising an ancient privilege, chose Reginald
   one of their number. With the king's support, a minority proceeded to
   another election and chose the king's nominee, John de Grey, bishop of
   Norwich. John was recognized by the suffragan-bishops and put into
   possession by the king.

   An appeal was made by both parties to Rome, Reginald appearing there in
   person. After a delay of a year, Innocent set aside both elections and
   ordered the Canterbury monks, present in Rome, to proceed to the choice
   of another candidate. The choice fell upon Stephen Langton, cardinal of
   Chrysogonus. Born on English soil, Stephen was a man of indisputable
   learning and moral worth. He had studied in Paris and won by his merits
   prebends in the cathedral churches of Paris and York. The metropolitan
   dignity could have been intrusted to no shoulders more worthy of
   wearing it. [201] most of England's primates as a faithful
   administrator and the advocate of English popular liberties.

   The new archbishop received consecration at the pope's own hand, June
   17, 1207, and held his office till his death, 1228. [202] fication with
   fierce resistance, confiscated the property of the Canterbury chapter,
   and expelled the monks as guilty of treason. Innocent replied with the
   threat of the interdict. The king swore by God's teeth [203] the
   mutilation of every Italian in the realm appointed by Innocent, and the
   expulsion of all the prelates and clergy. The sentence was published by
   the bishops of London, Ely, and Worcester, March 22, 1208. [204]

   The interdict at once took effect, casting a deep gloom over the
   nation. The church bells remained unrung. The church buildings were
   closed. The usual ministrations of the priesthood remained unperformed.
   The great doors of the monasteries were left unopened, and worshippers
   were only admitted by secret passages. Penance was inflicted upon the
   innocent as well as the erring. Women, after childbirth, presented
   themselves for purification outside the church walls. The dead were
   refused burial in consecrated ground, and the service of the priest was
   withheld.

   John, although he had seen Philip Augustus bend under a similar
   censure, affected unconcern, and retaliated by confiscating the
   property of the higher clergy and convents and turning the inmates out
   of doors with little more than the clothes on their backs. The
   concubines of the priests were forcibly removed and purchased their
   ransom at heavy expense. A Welshman accused of murdering a priest was
   ordered by the king dismissed with the words, "Let him go, he has
   killed my enemy." The relatives of the fugitive bishops were thrown
   into prison.

   In 1209 Innocent added to the interdict the solemn sentence of the
   personal anathema against the king. [205] dogs not daring to bark."
   [206] rwich, who had been in his service and now felt he could no
   longer so remain, was thrown into prison and there allowed to languish
   to death, covered from shoulders to feet with a cope of lead. [207]

   One more weapon lay in the pope's power. In 1212 John was declared
   unworthy of his throne, and deposed. His subjects were absolved from
   the obligation of allegiance, and Christian princes were summoned to
   execute the sentence and take the crown. Gregory VII. had resorted to
   the same precarious measure with Henry IV. and been defeated. The bull
   was published at Soissons by Langton and the exiled bishops. Philip of
   France was quick to respond to the summons and collected an army. But
   the success of the English fleet checked the fear of an immediate
   invasion of the realm.

   The nation's suspense, however, was taxed almost beyond the point of
   endurance. The king's arbitrary taxes and his amours with the wives and
   daughters of the barons aroused their determined hatred. Pressed from
   different sides, John suddenly had a meeting at Dover with the pope's
   special envoy, the subdeacon Pandulf. [208] checkmate the plans of the
   French monarch, John gave in his submission, and on May 15, 1213, on
   bended knee, delivered up to Pandulf his kingdom and consented to
   receive it back again as a papal fief. Five months later the act was
   renewed in the presence of Nicolas, cardinal-archbishop of Tusculum,
   who had been sent to England with legatine authority. In the document
   which John signed and swore to keep, he blasphemously represented
   himself as imitating him "who humbled himself for us even unto death."
   This notorious paper ran as follows: --

   "We do freely offer and grant to God and the holy Apostles Peter and
   Paul and the holy Roman Church, our mother, and to our Lord the pope
   Innocent and his Catholic successors, the whole realm of England and
   the whole realm of Ireland with all their rights and appurtenances for
   the remission of our sins and those of all our race, as well quick as
   dead; and from now receiving back and holding these, as a feudal
   dependent, from God and the Roman Church, do and swear fealty for them
   to our Lord the pope Innocent and his Catholic successors and the Roman
   Church." [209]

   John bound himself and England for all time to pay, in addition to the
   usual Peter's pence, 1000 marks annually to the Apostolic see, 700 for
   England and 300 for Ireland. The king's signature was witnessed by the
   archbishop of Dublin, the bishop of Norwich, and eleven noblemen. John
   also promised to reimburse the outlawed bishops, the amount finally
   settled upon being 40,000 marks.

   Rightly does Matthew Paris call this the "detestable and lamentable
   charter." [210] [211] As a political measure it succeeded, bringing as
   it did keen disappointment to the warlike king of France. The interdict
   was revoked in 1214, after having been in force more than six years.

   The victory of Innocent was complete. But in after years the
   remembrance of the dishonorable transaction encouraged steadfast
   resistance to the papal rule in England. The voice of Robert
   Grosseteste was lifted up against it, and Wyclif became champion of the
   king who refused to be bound by John's pledge. Writing to one of John's
   successors, the emperor Frederick II. called upon him to remember the
   humiliation of his predecessor John and with other Christian princes
   resist the intolerable encroachments of the Apostolic see.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [199] The contemporary annalists know no words too black to describe
   John's character. Lingard says, "John stands before us polluted with
   meanness, cruelty, perjury, murder, and unbridled licentiousness."
   Green, after quoting the words "foul as hell is, hell itself is defiled
   with the foul presence of John," says, "In his inner soul John was the
   worst outcome of the Angevins ... . But with the wickedness of his race
   he inherited its profound abilities." III. chap. I. Hunt, in Dict. of
   Nat'l. Biog., XXIX. 406, uses these words, "He was mean, false,
   vindictive, abominably cruel, and scandalously immoral."

   [200] He had before come into collision with John over the harsh
   treatment of the archbishop of Dublin. Works of Innocent III., Reg.,
   VI. 63; Migne, 215, 61; Potthast, 167.

   [201] His scholarly tastes are attested by his sermons, poems, and
   comments on books of the Bible which still exist in manuscript in the
   libraries of Oxford, Cambridge, Lambeth, and of France. He is falsely
   credited by some with having been the first to divide the entire Bible
   into chapters. See Hook, Archbishops of Canterbury, II. 678.

   [202] Innocent, in his letter to John of May 26, 1207, declared he
   would turn neither to the right nor to the left in confirming the
   election. Potthast, 264.

   [203] This and the expression "by God's feet" were John's favorite
   forms of objurgation.

   [204] See Migne, 217, 190; Potthast, 286.

   [205] Potthast, 316.

   [206] A favorite expression of Matthew Paris.

   [207] Another example of John's unspeakable cruelty was his treatment
   of a rich Jew of Bristol upon whom he had made a demand for 10,000
   marks. On his refusing, John ordered ten teeth to be taken out, one
   each day. The executioner dentist began with the molars. The sufferer
   held out till he had been served this way seven times. He then yielded,
   giving up the money, which, as Matthew Paris says, he might have done
   seven days before, thus saving himself all his agony. Luard's ed., II.
   528.

   [208] Shakespeare is responsible for the popular mistake which makes
   Pandulf a cardinal. King John, Act III. Sc. 1. He served as legate in
   England, 1217-1221. The official documents call him "subdeacon and
   familiar to our lord the pope Innocent."

   [209] Potthast, 416. The Latin in Matthew Paris, Luard's ed. II.
   541-546; a translation is given by Gee and Hardy, 75-79.

   [210] IV. 479, carta detestabilis quam lacrimabilis memoriae Johannes
   infeliciter confecit

   [211] Henry II. had become the feudatory of Alexander III., and Richard
   I., after resigning his crown to the emperor, had held it for the
   payment of a yearly rent. Lingard offers extenuating considerations for
   John's surrender, which, however, he denominates "certainly a
   disgraceful act."
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 40. Innocent and Magna Charta.

   An original manuscript of the Magna Charta, shrivelled with age and
   fire, but still showing the royal seal, is preserved in the British
   Museum. A facsimile is given in the official edition of the Statutes of
   the Realm. Stubbs gives the Latin text in Select Charters, etc.,
   296-306.

   In his treatment of the Great Charter, the venerable instrument of
   English popular rights, Innocent, with monarchical instinct, turned to
   the side of John and against the cause of popular liberty. Stephen
   Langton, who had released John from the ban of excommunication,
   espoused the popular cause, thereby incurring the condemnation of the
   pope. The agreement into which the barons entered to resist the king's
   despotism was treated by him with delay and subterfuge. Rebellion and
   civil war followed. As he had before been unscrupulous in his treatment
   of the Church, so now to win support he made fulsome religious promises
   he probably had no intention of keeping. To the clergy he granted
   freedom of election in the case of all prelates, greater and less. He
   also made a vow to lead a crusade. After the battle of Bouvines, John
   found himself forced to return to England, and was compelled by the
   organized strength of the barons to meet them at Runnymede, an island
   in the Thames near Windsor, where he signed and swore to keep the Magna
   Charta, June 15, 1215.

   This document, with the Declaration of Independence, the most important
   contract in the civil history of the English-speaking peoples, meant
   defined law as against uncertain tradition and the arbitrary will of
   the monarch. It was the first act of the people, nobles, and Church in
   combination, a compact of Englishmen with the king. By it the sovereign
   agreed that justice should be denied or delayed to no one, and that
   trial should be by the peers of the accused. No taxes were to be levied
   without the vote of the common council of the realm, whose meetings
   were fixed by rule. The single clause bearing directly upon the Church
   confirmed the freedom of ecclesiastical elections.

   After his first paroxysms of rage, when he gnawed sticks and straw like
   a madman, [212] e barons with no intention of keeping his oath. The
   pope made the fatal mistake of taking sides with perjured royalty
   against the reasonable demands of the nation. In two bulls [213] man
   race had, by his crafty arts, excited the barons against him." He
   asserted that the "wicked audacity of the barons tended to the contempt
   of the Apostolic see, the detriment of kingly prerogative, the disgrace
   of the English nation, and the endangering of the cross." He praised
   John for his Christian submission to the will of the supreme head of
   Christendom, and the pledge of annual tribute, and for his vow to lead
   a crusade. As for the document itself, he "utterly reprobated and
   condemned it" as "a low and base instrument, yea, truly wicked and
   deserving to be reprobated by all, especially because the king's assent
   was secured by force." [214] " [215]

   The sentence of excommunication which Innocent fulminated against the
   refractory barons, Langton refused to publish. For his disobedience the
   pope suspended him from his office, Nov. 4, 1215, and he was not
   allowed to resume it till 1219, when Innocent had been in his grave
   three years. London, which supported the popular cause, was placed
   under the interdict, and the prelates of England who took the popular
   side Innocent denounced, as worse than Saracens, worse than those open
   enemies of the cross." [216]

   The barons, in self-defence, called upon the Dauphin of France to
   accept the crown. He landed in England, but was met by the papal ban.
   [217] , John died at Newark, after suffering the loss of his goods in
   crossing the Wash. He was thrown into a fever, but the probable cause
   of his death was excess in eating and drinking. [218] ments he received
   the sacrament and commended his children to the protection of the pope,
   who had stood by him in his last conflict.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [212] M. Paris, Luard's ed. II. 611.

   [213] Aug. 24, 1215, Potthast, 435.

   [214] Compositionen hujusmodi reprobamus penitus et damnamus compositio
   non solum sit vilis et turpis, verum etiam illicita et iniqua ut merito
   sit abomnibus reprobanda. M. Paris, Luard's ed., II. 619 sq. Another
   ground given by Innocent for annulling the document was that he as
   England's overlord had not been consulted before the king's signature
   was attached.

   [215] The language is the strongest: tam cartam quam obligationes
   irritantes penitus et cassantes, ut nullo unquam tempore aliquam
   habeant firmitatem. M. Paris, Luard's ed. II. 619. See Hurter, II. 656
   sq. Some excuse has been found by advocates of papal infallibility for
   this fierce sentence upon the ground that Innocent was condemning the
   mode by which the king's consent was obtained. Innocent adduces three
   considerations, the conspiracy of the barons to force the king, their
   disregard of his Crusading vow, and the neglect of all parties to
   consult the pope as overlord. He condemns, it is true, the document as
   a document, and it has been said the contents were not aimed at
   Innocent's mistake and official offence were that, passing by entirely,
   the merits of the Charter, he should have espoused the despotism of the
   iniquitous king.

   [216] Potthast, 437; M. Paris, in Luard, II. 627. About the same time
   at John's request, Innocent annulled the election of Simon Langton,
   Stephen's brother, to the see of York.

   [217] Thomas Fuller remarks that "the commonness of these curses caused
   them to be contemned, so that they were a fright to few, a mock to
   many, and a hurt to none."

   [218] Roger of Wendover says he surfeited himself with peaches and new
   cider. M. Paris, Luard's ed., II. 667. Shakespeare, following a later
   tradition, represents him as dying of poison administered by a monk:--
   "The king, I fear is poisoned by a monk, * * * * * * * * It is too
   late; the life of all his blood Is touched corruptibly; and his pure
   brain Which some suppose the soul's frail dwelling-house) Doth, by the
   idle comments that it makes, Foretell the ending of mortality." --King
   John, Act V. Sc. 6 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 41. The Fourth Lateran Council, 1215.

   Literature.--Works of Innocent, Migne, 217.--Mansi, xxii.--Labbaeus,
   xi.--Potthast, Regesta, I. 437 sqq., gives a summary of the canons of
   the council.--Hefele-Knöpfler, V. 872 sqq.--Hurter, II. 538 sqq.--Lea:
   Hist. of the Inquisition, passim.

   The Fourth Lateran, otherwise known as the Twelfth Oecumenical Council,
   was the closing act of Innocent's pontificate, and marks the zenith of
   the papal theocracy. In his letter of convocation, [219] and the
   betterment of the Church. The council was held in the Lateran and had
   three sittings, Nov. 11, 20, 30, 1215. It was the most largely attended
   of the synods held up to that time in the west. The attendance included
   412 bishops, 800 abbots and priors, and a large number of delegates
   representing absent prelates. There were also present representatives
   of the emperor Frederick II., the emperor Henry of Constantinople, and
   the kings of England, France, Aragon, Hungary, Jerusalem, and other
   crowned heads. [220]

   The sessions were opened with a sermon by the pope on Luke 22:15, "With
   desire have I desired to eat this passover with you before I suffer."
   It was a fanciful interpretation of the word "Passover," to which a
   threefold sense was given: a physical sense referring to the passage of
   Jerusalem from a state of captivity to a state of liberty, a spiritual
   sense referring to the passage of the Church from one state to a better
   one, and a heavenly sense referring to the transition from the present
   life to the eternal glory. The deliverances are grouped under seventy
   beads, and a special decree bearing upon the recovery of Jerusalem. The
   headings concern matters of doctrine and ecclesiastical and moral
   practice. The council's two most notable acts were the definition of
   the dogma of transubstantiation and the establishment of the
   institution of the Inquisition against heretics.

   The doctrinal decisions, contained in the first two chapters, give a
   comprehensive statement of the orthodox faith as it concerns the nature
   of God, the Incarnation, the unity of the Church, and the two greater
   sacraments. Here transubstantiation is defined as the doctrine of the
   eucharist in the universal Church, "outside of which there is no
   possibility of salvation." [221]

   The council expressly condemned the doctrine of Joachim of Flore, that
   the substance of the Father, Son, and Spirit is not a real entity, but
   a collective entity in the sense that a collection of men is called one
   people, and a collection of believers one Church. It approved the view
   of Peter the Lombard whom Joachim had opposed on the ground that his
   definition would substitute a quaternity for the trinity in the
   Godhead. [222]

   Amaury of Bena, a teacher in Paris accused of pantheistic teachings,
   was also condemned by name. He had been accused and appeared before the
   pope at Rome in 1204, and recalled his alleged heresy. [223] and cannot
   sin.

   The treatment of heretics received elaborate consideration in the
   important third decree. [224] place. [225] monastic rules, the
   establishment of monastic orders was thenceforth forbidden. [226]

   The clergy are warned against intemperance and incontinence and
   forbidden the chase, hunting dogs and falcons, attendance upon
   theatrical entertainments, and executions, duelling, and frequenting
   inns. Prescriptions are given for their dress. Confession is made
   compulsory at least once a year, and imprisonment fixed as the
   punishment of priests revealing the secrets of the confessional. The
   tenure of more than one benefice is forbidden except by the pope's
   dispensation. New relics are forbidden as objects of worship, except as
   they might receive the approbation of the pope. Physicians are bidden,
   upon threat of excommunication, to urge their patients first of all to
   summon a priest, as the well-being of the soul is of more value than
   the health of the body. Jews and Saracens are enjoined to wear a
   different dress from the Christians, lest unawares carnal intercourse
   be had between them. The Jews are bidden to keep within doors during
   passion week and excluded from holding civil office. [227]

   The appointment of a new crusade was the council's last act, and it was
   set to start in 1217. Christians were commanded to refrain from all
   commercial dealings with the Saracens for four years. To all
   contributing to the crusade, as well as to those participating in it,
   full indulgence was promised, and added eternal bliss. [228] , count of
   Toulouse, for redress from the rapacity of Simon de Montfort, the
   fierce leader of the crusade against the Albigenses in Southern France.

   The doctrinal statements and ecclesiastical rules bear witness to the
   new conditions upon which the Church had entered, the Latin patriarchs
   being in possession in the East, and heresy threatening its unity in
   Southern France and other parts of the West.

   Innocent III. survived the great council only a few months and died
   scarcely fifty-six years old, without having outlived his authority or
   his fame. He had been fortunate in all his undertakings. The acts of
   statecraft, which brought Europe to his feet, were crowned in the last
   scene at the Lateran Council by the pious concern of the priest. To his
   successors he bequeathed a continent united in allegiance to the Holy
   See and a Church strengthened in its doctrinal unity. Notwithstanding
   his great achievements combining mental force and moral purpose, the
   Church has found no place for Innocent among its canonized saints.

   The following are a few testimonies to his greatness:--

   Gregorovius declares [229]

   "Not a creative genius like Gregory I. and Gregory VII., he was one of
   the most important figures of the Middle Ages, a man of earnest,
   sterling, austere intellect, a consummate ruler, a statesman of
   penetrating judgment, a high-minded priest filled with religious
   fervor, and at the same time with an unbounded ambition and appalling
   force of will, a true idealist on the papal throne, yet an entirely
   practical monarch and a cool-headed lawyer .... No pope has ever had so
   lofty and yet so real consciousness of his power as Innocent III., the
   creator and destroyer of emperors and kings."

   Ranke says: [230]

   "A superstitious reverence such as Friedrich Hurter renders to him in
   his remarkable book I am not at all able to accord. Thus much, however,
   is certain. He stands in the foremost rank of popes, having world-wide
   significance. The task which he placed before himself he was thoroughly
   equal to. Leaving out a few dialectic subtleties, one will not find in
   him anything that is really small. In him was fulfilled the transition
   of the times."

   Baur gives this opinion: [231]

   "With Innocent III. the papacy reached its height and in no other
   period of its long history did it enjoy such an undisturbed peace and
   such a glorious development of its power and splendor. He was
   distinguished as no other in this high place not only by all the
   qualities of the ruler but by personal virtues, by high birth and also
   by mind, culture, and learning." [232]

   Hagenbach: [233]

   "Measured by the standard of the papacy, Innocent is beyond controversy
   the greatest of all the popes. Measured by the eternal law of the
   Gospel of Jesus Christ, that which here seems great and mighty in the
   eyes of the world, seems little in the kingdom of heaven, and amongst
   those things which call forth wonder and admiration, only that will
   stand which the Spirit of God, who never wholly withdraws from the
   Church, wrought in his soul. How far such operation went on, and with
   what result, who but God can know? He alone is judge."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [219] April 19, 1213.

   [220] The invitation included the prelates of the East and West,
   Christian emperors and kings, the grand-masters of the Military Orders,
   and the heads of monastic establishments.

   [221] In qua idem ipse sacerdos et sacrificium Jesus Christus, cujus
   corpus et sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis et vini
   veraciter continentur, transubstantiatis pane in corpus, et vino in
   sanguinem, etc. Mansi, XXII. 982; Mirbt, Quellen. 133.

   [222] The Lombard had defined the substance of the three persons as a
   real entity, quaedam summa res.

   [223] See Hauck, art. Amalrich, in Herzog, I. 432 sq.

   [224] See chapters on the Inquisition and the Cathari.

   [225] The patriarchs of Jerusalem and Constantinople, of the Latin
   succession, were conspicuous at the council, and also Antioch by a
   representative, the Melchisite patriarch of Alexandria, and the
   Maronite patriarch.

   [226] Chapter XIII.

   [227] A repetition of the decrees of the synod of Toledo, 681.

   [228] Plenam suorum peccaminum de quibus fuerint corde contriti et ore
   confessi veniam indulgemus et in retributione justorum salutis eternae
   pollicemur augmentum.

   [229] V: 102 sq. Gibbon, ch. LIX, after acknowledging Innocent's
   talents and virtues, has this criticism of two of the most far-reaching
   acts of his reign: "Innocent may boast of the two most signal triumphs
   over sense and humanity, the establishment of transubstantiation, and
   the origin of the Inquisition."

   [230] Weltgeschichte, viii: 334.

   [231] Geschichte des Mittelalters, p. 220.

   [232] For judgments of mediaeval authors, see Potthast, Regesta, 461.
   The contemporaneous author of the Gesta Innocentii, Migne, 214, p.
   xviii., thus describes Innocent: "Fuit vir perspicacis ingenii et
   tenacis memoriae, in divinis et humanis litteris eruditus, sermone tam
   vulgari quam litterali disertus, exercitatus in cantilena et psalmodia,
   statura mediocris et decorus aspectu, medius inter prodigalitatem et
   avaritiam, sed in eleemosynis et victualibus magis largus, et in aliis
   magis parcus, nisi cum necessitatis articulus exigebat severus contra
   rebelles et contumaces, sed benignus erga humiles et devotos; fortis et
   stabilis, magnanimus et astutus; fidei defensor, et haeresis
   expugnator; in justitia rigidus, sed in misericordia pius; humilis in
   prosperis, et patiens in adversis; naturae tamen aliquantulum
   indignantis, sed facile ignoscentis."

   [233] Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, ch. XIX.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER VI.

   THE PAPACY FROM THE DEATH OF INNOCENT III. TO BONIFACE VIII. 1216-1294.

   Literature: The Chronicles of this period, e.g. M. Paris, ed. by Luard
   the Franciscan Salimbene, ed. by A. Bertani, Parma, 1857; Engl. trans.
   by Coulton, Lond., 1906.--Richard a St. Germano: chronicon rerum per
   orbem gestarum, 1189-1243; the chronicon Placentinum and Chron. de
   rebus in Italia gestis, ed. by Huillard-Bréholles, Paris, 1856. For
   Honorius III., Opera omnia, ed. by Horay in Medii aevi bibliotheca
   patristica, I.-V., Paris, 1879-1883, and Regesta, ed. by the order of
   Leo XIII., by P. Presutti, Rome, 1888, 1 vol. For Gregory IX., Opera
   omnia, Antwerp, 1572. Fifteen volumes of Gregory's letters are in MS.
   in the Vatican: Les Registres de Grégoire IX., 1227-1235, Recueil des
   bulles publiées d'après les MSS. originaux du Vatican par L. Auvray,
   Paris, 1896. For Innocent IV., Registres d'Innocent IV., ed. by E.
   Berger, 3 vols. Paris, 1884-1897.--The Regesta of Potthast and
   Böhmer.--Lives of the Popes, in Muratori (two), and by Platina.--Mansi:
   Councils, XXIII.

   C. Höfler: Kaiser Friedrich II., Munich, 1844.--Ed. Winkelmann: Gesch.
   Kaisers Friedrichs II., etc., 2 vols., Berlin and Reval, 1863-1865.--T.
   L. Kington: Hist. of Fred. II., Emp. of the Romans, 2 vols., London,
   1862.--F. W. Schirrmacher: Kaiser Fried. II., 3 vols. Götting.,
   1859-1865.--Huillard-Bréholles: Historia diplomatica Friderici II,
   etc., 6 vols., two parts each, Paris, 1852-1861. A great work. Vol. I.
   gives the life of Frederick, the other volumes
   documents.--Huillard-Bréholles: Vie et correspondance de la Vigne,
   ministre de l'empéreur Fred. II., Paris, 1866.--E. Winkelmann: Kaiser
   Friedrich II., 2 vols. Leipzig, 1896 sq.--P. Balan: Storia di Gregorio
   IX. e di suoi tempi, 3 vols., Modena, 1872 sq.--Chambrier: Die letzten
   Hohenstaufen u. das Papstthum, Basel, 1876.--Raumer: Gesch. der
   Hohenstaufen, 5th ed., Leipzig, 1878. Vol. V.--J. Zeller: L'emp. Fred.
   II. et la chute de l'emp. Germ. du moyen âge, Paris, 1885.--J. Felten:
   Papst Gregor IX., Freib. im Br., 1886.--Ugo Balzani: The Popes and the
   Hohenstaufen, London, 1888.--C. Köhler: D. Verhältniss Fried. II. zu
   den Päpsten seiner Zeit., Breslau, 1888.--J. Clausen: Papst Honorius
   III., Bonn, 1895.--H. Fisher: The Mediaeval Empire, 2 vols. London,
   1898.--F. Fehling: Fried. II. und die römischen Kardinäle, Berlin,
   1901.--H. Krabbo: Die Besetzung der deutschen Bisthümer unter der
   Regierung Kaiser Fried. II., 1212-1250, Berlin, 1901.--Th. Franz: Der
   grosse Kampf zwischen Kaiserthum und Papstthum zur Zeit des
   Hohenstaufen, Fried. II., Berlin, 1903. Not important.--W. Knebel:
   Kaiser Fried. II. und Papst Honorius III., 1220-1227, Münster, 1905,
   pp. 151.--Hefele, V.--Wattenbach, 196-211.--Gregorovius, V.--Ranke,
   VIII.--Freeman: The Emp. Fred. II. in his Hist. Essays, 1st series, pp.
   283-313, London, 1871.--Art. Fred. II., by Funk, in Wetzer-Welte, IV.
   2029-2035, and arts. in Herzog, Gregory IX., by Mirbt, and Honorius
   III., and Innocent IV., by Schulz, with the copious Lit. there given.
   Also, Das Briefbuch des Thomas von Gasta, Justitiars Fried. II. in
   Quellen u. Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken,
   Rome, 1895.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 42. The Papal Conflict with Frederick II Begun.

   Between the death of Innocent III. and the election of Boniface VIII.,
   a period of eighty years, sixteen popes sat on the throne, several of
   whom were worthy successors of the greatest of the pontiffs. The
   earlier half of the period, 1216-1250, was filled with the gigantic
   struggle between the papacy and Frederick II., emperor of Germany and
   king of Sicily. The latter half, 1250-1294, was marked by the
   establishment of peace between the papacy and empire, and the dominance
   of the French, or Norman, influence over the papacy.

   Scarcely was Innocent in his grave when Frederick II. began to play his
   distinguished rôle, and to engage the papacy in its last great struggle
   with the empire--a desperate struggle, as it proved to be, in which the
   empire was at last completely humbled. The struggle kept Europe in
   turmoil for nearly forty years, and was waged with three
   popes,--Honorius III., Gregory IX., and Innocent IV., the last two, men
   of notable ability. During all this time Frederick was the most
   conspicuous figure in Christendom. The struggle was carried on not only
   in the usual ways of diplomacy and arms, but by written appeals to the
   court of European opinion.

   Frederick II., the grandson of Frederick Barbarossa, was born near
   Ancona, 1194. His father, Henry VI., had joined Sicily to the empire by
   his marriage with the Norman princess Constance, through whom Frederick
   inherited the warm blood of the south. By preference and training, as
   well as birth, he was a thorough Italian. He tarried on German soil
   only long enough to insure his crown and to put down the rebellion of
   his son. [234] child of Apulia," as Frederick was called, a boy then in
   his fourth year, passed under the guardian care of Innocent III. After
   Otto's star had set, he was crowned king at Frankfurt, 1212, and at
   Aachen, 1215. Frederick was not twenty when Innocent's career came to
   an end.

   Honorius III., 1216-1227, was without the ambition or genius of his
   predecessor Innocent III. He confirmed the rules and witnessed the
   extraordinary growth of the two great mendicant orders of St. Francis
   and St. Dominic. He crowned Peter of Courtenay, emperor of Byzantium,
   the only Byzantine emperor to receive his crown in Rome. [235]
   coronation, in 1215, to lead a crusade, was the main effort of his
   pontificate. The year 1217, the date set for the crusade to start,
   passed by. Honorius fixed date after date with Frederick, but the
   emperor had other plans and found excuses for delay. In 1220 he and his
   wife Constantia received the imperial crown at the hands of the pope in
   Rome. [236] suppress heresy, and exempting all churches and clerics
   from taxation. In the meantime his son Henry had been elected king of
   the Romans, and by that act and the pope's subsequent ratification the
   very thing was accomplished which it had been Innocent's shrewd policy
   to prevent; namely, the renewal of the union of the empire and the
   kingdom of Sicily in one hand. Frederick was pursuing his own course,
   but to appease Honorius he renewed the pledge whereby Sicily was to
   remain a fief of the papal see.

   The fall of Damietta, [237] ng his zeal and hastening the departure of
   the crusade, Honorius encouraged the emperor's marriage with Iolanthe,
   daughter of John of Brienne, king of Jerusalem, and heiress of the
   crown. [238] title of king of Jerusalem; but he continued to show no
   sign of making haste. His aggravating delays were enough to wear out a
   more amiable disposition than even Honorius possessed. A final
   agreement was made between them in 1225, which gave the emperor a
   respite of two years more, and he swore upon penalty of excommunication
   to set forth October, 1227. Four months before the date appointed for
   the crusade Honorius died.

   The last year of Honorius's reign, Frederick entered openly upon the
   policy which involved him in repeated wars with the papacy and the
   towns of Northern Italy. He renewed the imperial claims to the Lombard
   cities. Upon these claims the Apostolic see could not look with
   complacency, for, if realized, they would have made Frederick the
   sovereign of Italy and cramped the temporal power of the papacy within
   a limited and at best an uncertain area.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [234] Ranke, VIII. 337, calls him a foreigner on German soil.

   [235] The coronation took place outside the walls of the city. Peter
   died in prison on his way to Constantinople.

   [236] The coronation ceremonies passed off amidst the general good will
   of the Roman populace and were interrupted by a single disturbance, a
   dispute over a dog between the ambassadors of Florence and Pisa which
   ultimately involved the cities in war. Villani, VI. 2.

   [237] Damietta, an important harbor in Egypt, had been chosen by the
   crusaders as their base of operations against Jerusalem and the point
   from which Jerusalem was to be reached.

   [238] On the ground that Iolanthe was immediate heir to the crown
   through her mother.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 43. Gregory IX. and Frederick II. 1227-1241.

   An antagonist of different metal was Gregory IX., 1227-1241. Innocent
   III., whose nephew he was, seemed to have risen again from the grave in
   him. Although in years he was more than twice as old as the emperor,
   [239] untless bravery, and greatly his superior in moral purpose. In
   asserting the exorbitant claims of the papacy he was not excelled by
   any of the popes. He was famed for eloquence and was an expert in the
   canon law.

   Setting aside Frederick's spurious pretexts for delaying the crusade,
   Gregory in the first days of his pontificate insisted upon his
   fulfilling his double pledge made at his coronation in 1215 and his
   coronation as emperor in Rome, 1220. [240] sembled at Brindisi, and
   Frederick actually set off to sea accompanied by the pope's prayers.
   Within three days of leaving port the expedition returned, driven back
   by an epidemic, as Frederick asserted, or by Frederick's love of
   pleasure, as Gregory maintained.

   The pope's disappointment knew no bounds. He pronounced against
   Frederick the excommunication threatened by Honorius. [241] ror's going
   out into darkness. Gregory justified his action in a letter to the
   Christian princes, and spoke of Frederick as "one whom the Holy See had
   educated with much care, suckled at its breast, carried on its
   shoulders, and whom it has frequently rescued from the hands of those
   seeking his life, whom it has brought up to perfect manhood at much
   trouble and expense, exalted to the honors of kingly dignity, and
   finally advanced to the summit of the imperial station, trusting to
   have him as a wand of defence and the staff of our old age." He
   declared the plea of the epidemic a frivolous pretence and charged
   Frederick with evading his promises, casting aside all fear of God,
   having no respect for Jesus Christ. Heedless of the censures of the
   Church, and enticed away to the usual pleasures of his kingdom, he had
   abandoned the Christian army and left the Holy Land exposed to the
   infidels. [242]

   In a vigorous counter appeal to Christendom, Frederick made a bold
   protest against the unbearable assumption of the papacy, and pointed to
   the case of John of England as a warning to princes of what they might
   expect. "She who calls herself my mother," he wrote, "treats me like a
   stepmother." He denounced the secularization of the Church, and called
   upon the bishops and clergy to cultivate the self-denial of the
   Apostles.

   In 1228 the excommunication was repeated and places put under the
   interdict where the emperor might be. Gregory was not without his own
   troubles at Rome, from which he was compelled to flee and seek refuse
   at Perugia.

   The same year, as if to show his independence of papal dictation and at
   the same time the sincerity of his crusading purpose, the emperor
   actually started upon a crusade, usually called the Fifth Crusade. On
   being informed of the expedition, the pope excommunicated, him for the
   third time and inhibited the patriarch of Jerusalem and the Military
   Orders from giving him aid. The expedition was successful in spite of
   the papal malediction, and entering Jerusalem Frederick crowned himself
   king in the church of the Holy Sepulchre. Thus we have the singular
   spectacle of the chief monarch of Christendom conducting a crusade in
   fulfillment of a vow to two popes while resting under the solemn ban of
   a third. Yea, the second crusader who entered the Holy City as a
   conqueror, and the last one to do so, was at the time not only resting
   under a triple ban, but was excommunicated a fourth time on his return
   from his expedition to Europe. He was excommunicated for not going, he
   was excommunicated for going, and he was excommunicated on coming back,
   though it was not in disgrace but in triumph.

   The emperor's troops bearing the cross were met on their return to
   Europe by the papal army whose banners were inscribed with the keys.
   Frederick's army was victorious. Diplomacy, however, prevailed, and
   emperor and pope dined together at Anagni (Sept. 1, 1230) and arranged
   a treaty.

   The truce lasted four years, Gregory in the meantime composing, with
   the emperor's help, his difficulties with the municipality of Rome.
   Again he addressed Frederick as "his beloved son in Christ." But formal
   terms of endearment did not prevent the renewal of the conflict, this
   time over Frederick's resolution to force his authority upon the
   Lombard cities. This struggle engaged him in war with the papacy from
   this time forward to his death, 1235-1250. After crushing the rebellion
   of his son Henry in the North, and seeing his second son Conrad
   crowned, the emperor hastened south to subdue Lombardy. [243] ests,
   1236, "Italy is my heritage, as all the world well knows." His arms
   seemed to be completely successful by the battle of Cortenuova, 1237.
   But Gregory abated none of his opposition. "Priests are fathers and
   masters of kings and princes," he wrote, "and to them is given
   authority over men's bodies as well as over their souls." It was his
   policy to thwart at all hazards Frederick's designs upon upper Italy,
   which he wanted to keep independent of Sicily as a protection to the
   papal state. The accession of the emperor's favorite son Enzio to the
   throne of Sardinia, through his marriage with the princess Adelasia,
   was a new cause of offence to Gregory. [244] ng to the marriage. And so
   for the fifth time, in 1239, Gregory pronounced upon the emperor the
   anathema. [245] he Ghibelline and Guelf parties, with seizing territory
   belonging to the Holy See, and with violence towards prelates and
   benefices. [246]

   A conflict with the pen followed which has a unique place in the
   history of the papacy. Both parties made appeal to public opinion, a
   thing which was novel up to that time. The pope compared [247] other
   parts, opens its mouth in blasphemies against God's name, his dwelling
   place, and the saints in heaven. This beast strives to grind everything
   to pieces with his claws and teeth of iron and to trample with his feet
   on the universal world." He accused Frederick of lies and perjuries,
   and called him "the son of lies, heaping falsehood on falsehood,
   robber, blasphemer, a wolf in sheep's clothing, the dragon emitting
   waters of persecution from his mouth like a river." He made the famous
   declaration that "as the king of pestilence, Frederick had openly
   asserted that the world had been deceived by three impostors, [248]
   ibility of God's becoming incarnate of a virgin." [249]

   This extensive document is, no doubt, one of the most vehement personal
   fulminations which has ever proceeded from Rome. Epithets could go no
   further. It is a proof of the great influence of Frederick's
   personality and the growing spirit of democracy in the Italian cities
   that the emperor was not wholly shunned by all men and crushed under
   the dead weight of such fearful condemnations.

   In his retort, [250] nd his antagonist in Scripture quotations,
   Frederick compared Gregory to the rider on the red horse who destroyed
   peace on the earth. As the pope had called him a beast, bestia, so he
   would call him a wild beast, belua, antichrist, a second Balaam, who
   used the prerogative of blessing and cursing for money. He declared
   that, as God had placed the greater and lesser lights in the heavens,
   so he had placed the priesthood, sacerdotium, and the empire, imperium,
   on the earth. But the pope had sought to put the second light into
   eclipse by denying the purity of Frederick's faith and comparing him to
   the beast rising out of the sea. Indignantly denying the accusation of
   the three impostors, he declared his faith in the "only Son of God as
   coequal with the Father and the Holy Spirit, begotten from the
   beginning of all worlds. Mohammed's body is suspended in the air, but
   his soul is given over to the torments of hell."

   Gregory went further than words and offered to the count of Artois the
   imperial crown, which at the instance of his brother, Louis IX. of
   France, the count declined. The German bishops espoused Frederick's
   cause. On the other hand, the mendicant friars proved true allies of
   the pope. The emperor drove the papal army behind the walls of Rome. In
   spite of enemies within the city, the aged pontiff went forth from the
   Lateran in solemn procession, supplicating deliverance and accompanied
   by all the clergy, carrying the heads of the Apostles Peter and Paul.
   [251] y had been delivered by a miracle. However untenable we may
   regard the assumptions of the Apostolic see, we cannot withhold
   admiration from the brave old pope.

   Only one source of possible relief was left to Gregory, a council of
   the whole Church, and this he summoned to meet in Rome in 1241.
   Frederick was equal to the emergency, and with the aid of his son Enzio
   checkmated the pope by a manoeuvre which, serious as it was for
   Gregory, cannot fail to appeal to the sense of the ludicrous. The
   Genoese fleet conveying the prelates to Rome, most of them from France,
   Northern Italy, and Spain, was captured by Enzio, and the would-be
   councillors, numbering nearly one hundred and including Cardinal Otto,
   a papal legate, were taken to Naples and held in prison. [252] his
   letter of condolence to the imprisoned dignitaries the pope represents
   them as awaiting their sentence from the new Pharaoh. [253] upon the
   prelates was at a later time made a chief charge against him.

   Gregory died in the summer of 1241, at an age greater than the age of
   Leo XIII. at that pope's death. But he died, as it were, with his armor
   on and with his face turned towards his imperial antagonist, whose army
   at the time lay within a few hours of the city. He had fought one of
   the most strenuous conflicts of the Middle Ages. To the last moment his
   intrepid courage remained unabated. A few weeks before his death he
   wrote, in sublime confidence in the papal prerogative: "Ye faithful,
   have trust in God and hear his dispensations with patience. The ship of
   Peter will for a while be driven through storms and between rocks, but
   soon, and at a time unexpected, it will rise again above the foaming
   billows and sail on unharmed, over the placid surface."

   The Roman communion owes to Gregory IX. the collection of decretals
   which became a part of its statute book. [254] f Rome. He accorded the
   honors of canonization to the founders of the mendicant orders, St.
   Francis of Assisi and Dominic of Spain.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [239] His exact age is not known. M. Paris, Luard's ed., IV. 162;
   Giles's trans., I. 383, says that at the time of his death he was
   almost a centenarian (fere centenarius).

   [240] Frederick had received the cross at his coronation in Rome from
   the hand of Gregory, then Cardinal Ugolino.

   [241] "The English chronicler," speaking of the pope's act, uses his
   favorite expression, "that he might not be like a dog unable to bark"
   (ne canis videretur non valens latrare). Luard's ed., M. Paris, III.
   145; Giles's trans. of Roger of Wendover, II. 499.

   [242] Luard's ed., M. Paris, III. 145 sq. See Registres, p. 107.

   [243] Henry died in an Italian prison. Conrad, whose mother was
   Iolanthe, was nine years old at the time of his coronation. In 1235
   Frederick married for the third time Isabella, sister of Henry III. of
   England. This marriage explains Frederick's repeated appeals to the
   clergy and people of England.

   [244] Potthast, p. 952; Huillard-Bréholles, VI. 1, 136.

   [245] In view of these repeated fulminations it is no wonder that the
   papal legate, Albert of Bohemia., wrote from Bavaria that the clergy
   did not care a bean (faba) for the sentence of excommunication.
   Huillard-Bréholles, V. 1032; Potthast, 908.

   [246] The document is given in full in M. Paris, Luard's ed., III. 553
   sq.

   [247] Bréholles, V. 327-340; Paris, III. 590-608.

   [248] The charge is made in an encyclical of Gregory sent forth between
   May 21 and July 1, 1239.

   [249] Iste rex pestilentiae a tribus barotoribus, ut ejus verbis
   utamur, scilicet Christo Jesu, Moyse et Mohameto totum mundum fuisse
   deceptum, et duobus eorum in gloria mortuis, ipsum Jesum in ligno
   suspensum manifeste proponens, etc.

   [250] Bréholles, V. 348 sqq.

   [251] Bréholles, V. 777 sqq.

   [252] M. Paris with his usual vivacity says, "They were heaped together
   like pigs."

   [253] Bréholles, V. 1120-1138; G. C. Macaulay gives a lively account of
   the proceeding in art. Capture of a General Council, Engl. Hist. Rev.,
   1891, pp. l-17

   [254] See section on The Canon Law.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 44. The First Council of Lyons and the Close of Frederick's Career.
   1241-1250.

   Additional Literature.--Mansi, XXIII. 605 sqq.; Hefele, V. 105 sqq.--
   C. Rodenberg: Inn. IV. und das Königreich Sicilien, Halle, 1892.--H.
   Weber: Der Kampf zwischen Inn. IV. und Fried. II. Berlin, 1900.--P.
   Aldinger: Die Neubesetzung der deutschen Bisthümer unter Papst Inn.
   IV., Leipzig, 1900.--J. Maulbach: Die Kardinäle und ihre Politikum die
   Mitte des XIII. Jahrhunderts, 1243-1268, Bonn, 1902.

   Gregory's successor, Coelestin IV., survived his election less than
   three weeks. A papal vacancy followed, lasting the unprecedented period
   of twenty months. The next pope, Innocent IV., a Genoese, was an expert
   in the canon law and proved himself to be more than the equal of
   Frederick in shrewdness and quickness of action. At his election the
   emperor is reported to have exclaimed that among the cardinals he had
   lost a friend and in the pope gained an enemy. Frederick refused to
   enter into negotiations looking to an agreement of peace until he
   should be released from the ban. Innocent was prepared to take up
   Gregory's conflict with great energy. All the weapons at the command of
   the papacy were brought into requisition: excommunication, the decree
   of a general council, deposition, the election of a rival emperor, and
   the active fomenting of rebellion in Frederick's dominions. Under this
   accumulation of burdens Frederick, like a giant, attempted to bear up,
   but in vain. [255] cent's first move was to out-general his antagonist
   by secretly leaving Rome. Alexander III. had set the precedent of
   delivering himself by flight. In the garb of a knight he reached Civita
   Vecchia, and there met by a Genoese galley proceeded to Genoa, where he
   was received with the ringing of bells and the acclamation, "Our soul
   is escaped like a bird out of the snare of the fowler." Joined by
   cardinals, he continued his journey to Lyons, which, though nominally a
   city of the empire, was by reason of its proximity to France a place of
   safe retreat.

   The pope's policy proved to be a master stroke. A deep impression in
   his favor was made upon the Christian world by the sight of the supreme
   pontiff in exile. [256] method which a priest of Paris resorted to in
   publishing Innocent's sentence of excommunication against the emperor.
   "I am not ignorant," he said, "of the serious controversy and
   unquenchable hatred that has arisen between the emperor and the pope. I
   also know that one has done harm to the other, but which is the
   offender I do not know. Him, however, as far as my authority goes, I
   denounce and excommunicate, that is, the one who harms the other,
   whichever of the two it be, and I absolve the one which suffers under
   the injury which is so hurtful to the cause of Christendom."

   Innocent was now free to convoke again the council which Frederick's
   forcible measures had prevented from assembling in Rome. It is known as
   the First Council of Lyons, or the Thirteenth Oecumenical Council, and
   met in Lyons, 1245. The measures the papal letter mentioned as calling
   for action were the provision of relief for the Holy Land and of
   resistance to the Mongols whose ravages had extended to Hungary, and
   the settlement of matters in dispute between the Apostolic see and the
   emperor. One hundred and forty prelates were present. With the
   exception of a few representatives from England and one or two bishops
   from Germany, the attendance was confined to ecclesiastics from
   Southern Europe. [257]

   Thaddeus promised for his master to restore Greece to the Roman
   communion and proceed to the Holy Land in person. Innocent rejected the
   promises as intended to deceive and to break up the council. The axe,
   he said, was laid at the root, and the stroke was not to be delayed.
   When Thaddeus offered the kings of England and France as sureties that
   the emperor would keep his promise, the pope sagaciously replied that
   in that case he would be in danger of having three princes to
   antagonize. Innocent was plainly master of the situation. The council
   was in sympathy with him. Many of its members had a grudge against
   Frederick for having been subjected to the outrage of capture and
   imprisonment by him.

   At one of the first sessions the pope delivered a sermon from the text,
   "See, ye who pass this way, was ever sorrow like unto my sorrow?" He
   dwelt upon five sorrows of the Church corresponding to the five wounds
   of Christ: the savage cruelty of the Mongols or Tartars, the schism of
   the Greeks, the growth of heresy, the desolation of Jerusalem, and the
   active persecution of the Church by the emperor. The charges against
   Frederick were sacrilege and heresy. As for the charge of heresy,
   Thaddeus maintained that it could be answered only by Frederick in
   person, and a delay of two weeks was granted that he might have time to
   appear. When he failed to appear, Innocent pronounced upon him the ban
   and declared him deposed from his throne. The deliverance set forth
   four grave offences; namely, the violation of his oath to keep peace
   with the Church, sacrilege in seizing the prelates on their way to the
   council, heresy, and withholding the tribute due from Sicily, a papal
   fief. Among the grounds for the charge of heresy were Frederick's
   contempt of the pope's prerogative of the keys, his treaty with the
   Sultan on his crusade, allowing the name of Mohammed to be publicly
   proclaimed day and night in the temple, having intercourse with
   Saracens, keeping eunuchs over his women, and giving his daughter in
   marriage to Battacius, an excommunicated prince. The words of the fell
   sentence ran as follows: --

   "Seeing that we, unworthy as we are, hold on earth the authority of our
   Lord Jesus Christ, who said to us in the person of St. Peter,
   'whatsoever ye shall bind on earth,' etc., do hereby declare Frederick,
   who has rendered himself unworthy of the honors of sovereignty and for
   his crimes has been deposed from his throne by God, to be bound by his
   sins and cast off by the Lord and we do hereby sentence and depose him;
   and all who are in any way bound to him by an oath of allegiance we
   forever release and absolve from that oath; and by our apostolic
   authority, we strictly forbid any one obeying him. We decree that any
   who gives aid to him as emperor or king shall be excommunicated; and
   those in the empire on whom the selection of an emperor devolves, have
   full liberty to elect a successor in his place." [258]

   Thaddeus appealed from the decision to another council. [259] ake a
   plea for the emperor, finding, as the English chronicler said, "but
   very little of that humility which he had hoped for in that servant of
   the servants of God." Frederick's manifesto in reply to the council's
   act was addressed to the king of England and other princes, and
   reminded them of the low birth of the prelates who set themselves up
   against lawful sovereigns, and denied the pope's temporal authority. He
   warned them that his fate was likely to be theirs and announced it as
   his purpose to fight against his oppressors. It had been his aim to
   recall the clergy from lives of luxury and the use of arms to apostolic
   simplicity of manners. When this summons was heeded, the world might
   expect again to see miracles as of old. True as these principles were,
   and bold and powerful as was their advocate, the time had not yet come
   for Europe to espouse them, and the character of Frederick was
   altogether too vulnerable to give moral weight to his words. [260]

   The council's discussions of measures looking to a new crusade did not
   have any immediate result. The clergy, besides being called upon to
   give a twentieth for three years, were instructed to see to it that
   wills contained bequests for the holy enterprise.

   One of the interesting figures at the council was Robert Grosseteste,
   bishop of Lincoln, who protected against ecclesiastical abuses in
   England, such as the appointment of unworthy foreigners to benefices,
   and the exorbitant exactions for the papal exchequer. The pope gave no
   relief, and the English bishops were commanded to affix their seals
   confirming King John's charter of tribute. [261] ssertion of the most
   extravagant claims. The bishop of Rome was intrusted with authority to
   judge kings. If, in the Old Testament, priests deposed unworthy
   monarchs, how much more right had the vicar of Christ so to do.
   Innocent stirred up the flames of rebellion in Sicily and through the
   mendicant orders fanned the fires of discontent in Germany. Papal
   legates practically usurped the government of the German Church from
   1246 to 1254. In the conflict over the election of bishops to German
   dioceses, Innocent usually gained his point, and in the year 1247-1248
   thirteen of his nominees were elected. [262] .

   In Italy civil war broke out. Here the mendicant orders were also
   against him. He met the elements of revolt in the South and subdued
   them. Turning to the North, success was at first on his side but soon
   left him. One fatality followed another. Thaddeus of Suessa fell, 1248.
   Peter de Vinea, another shrewd counsellor, had abandoned his master.
   Enzio, the emperor's favorite son, was in prison. [263] s enough,
   Innocent, in 1247, had once more launched the anathema against him.
   Frederick's career was at an end. He retired to Southern Italy, a
   broken man, and died near Lucera, an old Samnite town, Dec. 13, 1250.
   His tomb is at the side of the tomb of his parents in the cathedral of
   Palermo. He died absolved by the archbishop of Palermo and clothed in
   the garb of the Cistercians. [264]

   Stupor mundi, the Wonder of the World--this is the title which Matthew
   Paris applies to Frederick II. [265] is equal as a ruler since the days
   of Charlemagne. For his wide outlook, the diversity of his gifts, and
   the vigor and versatility of his statecraft he is justly compared to
   the great rulers. [266] k surpassed him in intellectual breadth and
   culture. He is the most conspicuous political figure of his own age and
   the most cosmopolitan of the Middle Ages. He was warrior, legislator,
   statesman, man of letters. He won concessions in the East and was the
   last Christian king of Jerusalem to enter his realm. He brought order
   out of confusion in Sicily and Southern Italy and substituted the
   uniform legislation of the Sicilian Constitutions for the irresponsible
   jurisdiction of ecclesiastical court and baron. It has been said he
   founded the system of centralized government [267] and Mohammedan.

   In his conflict with the pope, he was governed, not by animosity to the
   spiritual power, but by the determination to keep it within its own
   realm. In genuine ideal opposition to the hierarchy he went farther
   than any of his predecessors. [268] Döllinger pronounced him the
   greatest and most dangerous foe the papacy ever had. [269] n anti-pope.
   [270]

   It has been surmised that Frederick was not a Christian. Gregory
   charged him specifically with blasphemy. But Frederick as specifically
   disavowed the charge of making Christ an impostor, and swore fealty to
   the orthodox faith. [271] [272] losser withholds from him all religious
   and moral faith. Ranke and Freeman leave the question of his religious
   faith an open one. Hergenröther makes the distinction that as a man he
   was an unbeliever, as a monarch a strict Catholic. Gregorovius holds
   that he cherished convictions as sincerely catholic as those professed
   by the Ghibelline Dante. Fisher emphasizes his singular detachment from
   the current superstitious of his day. [273] to usurp the sovereign
   pontificate and found a lay papacy and to combine in himself royalty
   and papal functions.

   Frederick was highly educated, a friend of art and learning. He was
   familiar with Greek, Latin, German, French, and Arabic, as well as
   Italian. He founded the University of Naples. He was a precursor of the
   Renaissance and was himself given to rhyming. He wrote a book on
   falconry. [274] concerning his forests and household concerns, thus
   reminding us of Napoleon and his care for his capital while on his
   Russian and other campaigns. Like other men of the age, he cultivated
   astrology. Michael Scott was his favorite astrologer. To these worthy
   traits, Frederick added the luxurious habits and apparently the cruelty
   of an Oriental despot. Inheriting the island of which the Saracens had
   once been masters, he showed them favor and did not hesitate to
   appropriate some of their customs. He surrounded himself with a
   Saracenic bodyguard [275] [276]

   Freeman's judgment must be regarded as extravagant when he says that
   "in mere genius, in mere accomplishments, Frederick was surely the
   greatest prince that ever wore a crown." [277] es him "one of the
   greatest personages in history." [278] . When the news of his death
   reached Innocent IV., that pontiff wrote to the Sicilians that heaven
   and hell rejoiced at it. A juster feeling was expressed by the
   Freiburger Chronicle when it said, "If he had loved his soul, who would
   have been his equal?" [279]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [255] M. Paris says he had never heard of such bitter hatred as the
   hatred between Innocent IV. and Frederick. Luard's ed., V. 193

   [256] M. Paris, heretofore inclining to the side of Frederick, at this
   point distinctly changes his tone. See, for example, Luard's ed., IV.
   478.

   [257] Two German bishops seem to have been present. Hefele, V. 982 sq.
   Catholic historians have been concerned to increase the number of
   attending prelates from the north.

   [258] Mansi, XXIII. 612 sqq., 638; Luard's ed. of M. Paris, IV.
   445-456. Gregorovius calls this decree "one of the most ominous events
   in universal history," V. 244.

   [259] Bréholles, VI. 318.

   [260] Too much credit must not be given to Frederick for a far-seeing
   policy based upon a love of truth or a perception of permanent
   principles. The rights of conscience he nowhere hints at, and probably
   did not dream of.

   [261] M. Paris, Luard's ed., IV. 478.

   [262] See Aldinger.

   [263] The tragic career of this gifted man and consummate flower of
   chivalry is deeply engraven in the romance and architecture of Bologna.

   [264] This is the, more credible narrative. Villani, an. 1250, tells
   the story that Manfred bribed Frederick's chamberlain, and stifled the
   dying man with a wet cloth.

   [265] Principum mundi maximus, stupor quoque mundi et immutator
   mirabilis, "greatest of the princes of the earth, the wonder of the
   world and the marvellous regulating genius [innovator] in its affairs."
   Luard's M. Paris, V. 190, 196. In his letters Frederick styled himself
   Fredericus Dei gratia Romanorum imperator et semper augustus, Jerusalem
   et Siciliae rex.

   [266] Kington, I. 475 sqq.

   [267] Gregorovius, V. 271. This view is not discredited by the
   decentralizing charters Frederick gave to German cities on which
   Fisher, Mediaeval Empire, lays so much stress. See his good chapter on
   "Imperial Legislation in Italy" (XI).

   [268] Ranke, VIII. 369 sqq.

   [269] Akademische Vorträge, III. 213.

   [270] Cardinal Rainer's letter as given by M. Paris, Luard's ed., V.
   61-67; Giles's trans., II. 298 sqq. Peter the Lombard, writing to one
   of his presbyters, says ecclesia Romana totis viribus contra
   imperatorem et ad ejus destructionem, Bréholles, V. 1226.

   [271] For the charge, that he denied the incarnation by the Virgin Mary
   and other charges, see above and Bréholles, V. 459 sq.; M. Paris,
   Luard's ed., III. 521.

   [272] The statement was floating about in the air. It is traced to
   Simon Tornacensis, a professor of theology in Paris, d. 1201, as well
   as to Frederick. A book under the title De tribus impostoribus can be
   traced into the sixteenth century. It produced the extermination of the
   Canaanites and other arguments against the revealed character of the
   Bible and relegated the incarnation to the category of the myths of the
   gods. See Herzog, Enc. IX. 72-75; and F. W. Genthe,De impostura
   religionum, etc., Leipzig, 1833; Benrath's art. in Herzog, IX. 72-75;
   Reuter. Gesch. der Aufklärung im M. A., II. 275 sqq.

   [273] Med. Emp., II. 163.

   [274] Ranke calls it one of the best treatments of the Middle Ages on
   the subject. For Frederick's influence on culture and literature, see
   Bréholles, I. ch. 9. Also Fisher's Med. Emp., II. ch. 14, "The Empire
   and Culture."

   [275] This bodyguard was with him on his last campaign and before
   Parma.

   [276] Of his cruelty and unrestrained morals, priestly chroniclers
   could not say enough. See Kington, II. 474 sqq. He was legally married
   four times; Amari, in his History of the Mohammedans in Sicily, calls
   him a "baptized sultan." For Frederick's relation to the Mohammedans,
   see Bréholles, I. 325-375.

   [277] Hist. Essays, I. 286. He says again, p. 283, "It is probable
   there never lived a human being endowed with greater natural gifts." We
   may agree with Freeman's statement that in Frederick's career "are
   found some of the most wonderful chapters in European history," p. 313.

   [278] Holy Rom. Emp., ch. XIII.

   [279] Herbert Fisher says, "Of all the mediaeval emperors, Frederick
   II. alone seems to have the true temper of the legislator."Med. Emp.,
   II. 167. Equal to his best generalizations is Gibbon's characterization
   of Frederick's career, as "successively the pupil, the enemy, and the
   victim of the Church," ch. LIX.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 45. The Last of the Hohenstaufen.

   Additional Literature.--Letters of Urban IV. in Mansi, vol. XXIII.
   Potthast: Regesta, 1161-1650.--Les Registres of Alexander IV., Recueil
   des bulles de ce pape d'après les MSS. originaux des archives du
   Vatican, Paris, 1886, of Urban IV., Paris, 1892, of Clement IV., Paris,
   1893-1904.--*Döllinger: Der Uebergang des Papstthums an die Franzosen,
   in Akademische Vorträge, III. pp. 212-222, Munich, 1891. Lives of the
   popes in Muratori and Platina.

   The death of Frederick did not satisfy the papacy. It had decreed the
   ruin of the house of the Hohenstaufen. The popes denounced its
   surviving representatives as "the viperous brood" and, "the poisonous
   brood of a dragon of poisonous race."

   In his will, Frederick bade his son Conrad accord to the Church her
   just rights and to restore any he himself might have unjustly seized
   but on condition that she, as a merciful and pious mother, acknowledge
   the rights of the empire. His illegitimate son, the brilliant and
   princely Manfred, he appointed his representative in Italy during
   Conrad's absence.

   Innocent broke up from Lyons in 1251, little dreaming that, a half
   century later, the papacy would remove there to pass an exile of
   seventy years. [280] ad descended to Italy and entered Naples, making
   good his claim to his ancestral crown. But the pope met him with the
   sentence of excommunication. Death, which seemed to be in league with
   the papacy against the ill-fated German house, claimed Conrad in 1254
   at the age of 26. He left an only son, Conradin, then two years old.
   [281]

   Conrad was soon followed by Innocent to the grave, 1254. Innocent lies
   buried in Naples. He was the last of the great popes of an era that was
   hastening to its end. During the reign, perhaps, of no other pope had
   the exactions of Rome upon England been so exorbitant and brazen.
   Matthew Paris charged him with making the Church a slave and turning
   the papal court into a money changer's table. To his relatives, weeping
   around his death-bed, he is reported to have exclaimed. "Why do you
   weep, wretched creatures? Do I not leave you all rich?"

   Under the mild reign of Alexander IV., 1254-1261, Manfred made himself
   master of Sicily and was crowned king at Palermo, 1258.

   Urban IV., 1261-1264, was consecrated at Viterbo and did not enter Rome
   during his pontificate. He was a shoemaker's son and the first
   Frenchman for one hundred and sixty years to occupy the papal throne.
   With him the papacy came under French control, where it remained, with
   brief intervals, for more than a century. Urban displayed his strong
   national partisanship by his appointment of seven French cardinals in a
   conclave of seventeen. The French influence was greatly strengthened by
   his invitation to Charles of Anjou, youngest brother of Louis IX. of
   France, to occupy the Sicilian throne, claiming the right to do so on
   the basis of the inherent authority of the papacy and on the ground
   that Sicily was a papal fief. For centuries the house of Anjou, with
   Naples as its capital, was destined to be a disturbing element in the
   affairs, not only of Italy, but of all Europe. [282] apacy, Charles of
   Anjou became dictator of its policy and master of the political
   situation in Italy.

   Clement IV., 1265-1268, one of the French cardinals appointed by Urban,
   had a family before he entered a Carthusian convent and upon a clerical
   career. He preached a crusade against Manfred, who had dared to usurp
   the Sicilian throne, and crowned Charles of Anjou in Rome, 1266.
   Charles promised to pay yearly tribute to the Apostolic see. A month
   later, Feb. 26, 1266, the possession of the crown of Sicily was decided
   by the arbitrament of arms on the battlefield of Benevento, where
   Manfred fell.

   On the youthful Conradin, grandson of Frederick II., the hopes of the
   proud German house now hung. His title to the imperial throne was
   contested from the first. William of Holland had been succeeded, by the
   rival emperors, the rich Duke Richard of Cornwall, brother of Henry
   III., elected in 1257 by four of the electors, and Alfonso of Castile,
   elected by the remaining three. [283] rights, 1267, was met by the
   papal ban, and, although received by popular enthusiasm even in Rome,
   he was no match for the tried skill of Charles of Anjou. His fortunes
   were shattered on the battlefield of Tagliacozzo, Aug. 23, 1268. Taken
   prisoner, he was given a mock trial. The Bolognese lawyer, Guido of
   Suzarra, made an ineffective plea that the young prince had come to
   Italy, not as a robber but to claim his inheritance. The majority of
   the judges were against the death penalty, but the spirit of Charles
   knew no clemency, and at his instance Conradin was executed at Naples,
   Oct. 29, 1268. The last words that fell from his lips, as he kneeled
   for the fatal stroke, were words of attachment to his mother, "O
   mother, what pain of heart do I make for you!"

   With Conradin the male line of the Hohenstaufen became extinct. Its
   tragic end was enacted on the soil which had always been so fatal to
   the German rulers. Barbarossa again and again met defeat there; and in
   Southern Italy Henry VI., Frederick II., Conrad, Manfred, and Conradin
   were all laid in premature graves.

   At Conradin's burial Charles accorded military honors, but not
   religious rites. The Roman crozier had triumphed over the German eagle.
   The Swabian hill, on which the proud castle of the Hohenstaufen once
   stood, looks down in solemn silence upon the peaceful fields of
   Württemberg and preaches the eloquent sermon that "all flesh is as
   grass and all the glory of man is as the flower of grass." The colossal
   claims of the papacy survived the blows struck again and again by this
   imperial family, through a century. Italy had been exposed for three
   generations and more to the sword, rapine, and urban strife. Europe was
   weary of the conflict. The German minnesingers and the chroniclers of
   England and the Continent were giving expression to the deep unrest.
   Partly as a result of the distraction bordering on anarchy, the Mongols
   were threatening to burst through the gates of Eastern Germany. It was
   an eventful time. Antioch, one of the last relics of the Crusaders in
   Asia Minor, fell back to the Mohammedans in 1268. Seven years earlier
   the Latin empire of Constantinople finally reverted to its rightful
   owners, the Greeks.

   In the mighty duel which has been called by the last great Roman
   historian [284] tacle of the ages, the empire had been humbled to the
   dust. But ideas survive, and the principle of the sovereign right of
   the civil power within its own sphere has won its way in one form or
   another among European peoples and their descendants. And the fate of
   young Conradin was not forgotten. Three centuries later it played its
   part in the memories of the German nation, and through the pictures of
   his execution distributed in Martin Luther's writings contributed to
   strengthen the hand of the Protestant Reformer in his struggle with the
   papacy, which did not fail.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [280] M. Paris reports that a cardinal, after delivering a farewell
   sermon in Innocent's name, said, "Since our arrival in the city, we
   have done much good and bestowed alms. On our arrival we found three or
   four brothels, but now, at our departure, we leave only one behind, but
   that extends from the eastern to the western gate of the city." Luard's
   ed., V. 237.

   [281] A few months before, Henry, Frederick's son by Isabella of
   England, had died. His son Enzio languished to his death in a Bologna
   prison, 1272.

   [282] See the pages on the last popes of this period and of the last
   period of the Middle Ages, especially under Alexander VI. and Julius
   II.

   [283] Alfonso never visited Germany. Richard spent part of his time
   there, but was destitute of political power. The threat of
   excommunication deterred the electors from electing Conradin. For the
   imperial electoral college, see Fisher, Med. Emp., I. 225 sq., and for
   Richard, see Richard v. Cornwall seit sr. Wahl z. deutschen König.,
   1905.

   [284] Gregorovius.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 46. The Empire and Papacy at Peace. 1271-1294.

   Popes.--Gregory X., 1271-1276; Innocent V., Jan. 21-June 22, 1276;
   Adrian V., July 12-Aug. 16, 1276; John XXI., 1276-1277; Nicolas III.,
   1277-1280; Martin IV., 1281-1285; Honorius IV., 1285-1287; Nicolas IV.,
   1288-1292; Coelestin V., July 5-Dec. 13, 1294.

   Literature.--Potthast: Regest., pp. 1651-1922. Les Registres de
   Grégoire X. et Jean XXI., 3 vols., Paris, 1892-1898, de Nicolas III.,
   Paris, 1904, d'Honorius IV., Paris, 1886, de Nicolas IV., Paris, 1880.
   Lives of the above popes in Muratori: Rer. Ital. scr., vol.
   III.--Mansi: Councils, XXIV.--Hefele, VI. 125 sqq.--Turinaaz, La patrie
   et la famille de Pierre de Tarantaise, pape sous le nom d'Innocent V.,
   Nancy, 1882.--H. Otto: Die Beziehungen Rudolfs von Hapsburg zu Papst
   Gregor X., Innsbruck, 1895.--A. Demski: Papst Nicolas III., Münster,
   1903, pp. 364.--R. Sternfeld: Der Kardinal Johann Gaëtan Orsini, Papst
   Nic. III., 1244-1277, Berlin, 1905, pp. 376. Reviewed at length by
   Haller in "Theol. Literaturzeitung," 1906, pp. 173-178.--H. Finke:
   Concilienstudien zur Gesch. des 13ten Jahrhunderts, Münster, 1891.--For
   Coelestin V., Finke: Aus den Tagen Bonifaz VIII., Münster, 1902; H.
   Schulz, Peter von Murrhone, 1894; and Celidonio, Vita di S. Pietro del
   Morrone, 1896.--The articles on the above popes in Wetzer-Welte and
   Herzog (Gregory X, by Mirbt, Coelestin V., Innocent V., Honorius IV.,
   etc., by Hans Schulz).--The Histories of Gregorovius, Ranke, etc.

   The death of Clement IV. was followed by the longest interregnum the
   papacy has known, lasting thirty-three months, Nov. 29, 1268, to Sept.
   1, 1271. It was due largely to the conflict between the French and
   Italian parties in the conclave and was prolonged in spite of the stern
   measures taken by the municipality of Viterbo, where the election
   occurred. Cardinals were even imprisoned. The new pope, Gregory X.,
   archdeacon of Liège, was not an ordained priest. The news reached him
   at Acre while he was engaged in a pilgrimage. A man of peaceful and
   conciliatory spirit, he is one of the two popes of the thirteenth
   century who have received canonization. Pursuing the policy of keeping
   the empire and the kingdom of Southern Italy apart, and setting aside
   the pretensions of Alfonso of Castile, [285]

   The elevation of Rudolf inaugurated a period of peace in the relations
   of the papacy and the empire. Gregory X. had gained a brilliant
   victory. The emperor was crowned at Aachen, Oct. 24, 1273. The place of
   the Hohenstaufen was thus taken by the Austrian house of Hapsburg,
   which has continued to this day to be a reigning dynasty and loyal to
   the Catholic hierarchy. In the present century its power has been
   eclipsed by the Hohenzollern, whose original birth seat in Württemberg
   is a short distance from that of the Hohenstaufen. [286] ction is
   celebrated by Schiller in the famous lines: [287]


   "Then was ended the long, the direful strife,

   That time of terror, with no imperial lord."

   Rudolf was a man of decided religious temper, was not ambitious to
   extend his power, and became a just and safe ruler. He satisfied the
   claims of the papacy by granting freedom to the chapters in the choice
   of bishops, by promising to protect the Church in her rights, and by
   renouncing all claim to Sicily and the State of the Church. In a tone
   of moderation Gregory wrote: "It is incumbent on princes to protect the
   liberties and rights of the Church and not to deprive her of her
   temporal property. It is also the duty of the spiritual ruler to
   maintain kings in the full integrity of their authority."

   The emperor remained on good terms with Gregory's successors, Innocent
   V., a Frenchman, Adrian V., a Genoese, who did not live to be
   consecrated, and John XXI., the only priest from Portugal who has worn
   the tiara. Their combined reigns lasted only eighteen months. John died
   from the falling of a ceiling in his palace in Viterbo.

   The second Council of Lyons, known also as the Fourteenth Oecumenical
   Council, was called by Gregory and opened by him with a sermon. It is
   famous for the attempt made to unite the Greek and Western Churches and
   the presence of Greek delegates, among them Germanus, formerly
   patriarch of Constantinople. His successor had temporarily been placed
   in confinement for expressing himself as opposed to ecclesiastical
   union. A termination of the schism seemed to be at hand. The delegates
   announced the Greek emperor's full acceptance of the Latin creed,
   including the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Son and the
   primacy of the bishop of Rome. The Apostles' Creed was sung in Greek
   and Latin. Papal delegates were sent to Constantinople to consummate
   the union; but the agreement was rejected by the Greek clergy. It is
   more than surmised that the Greek emperor, Michael Palaeologus, was
   more concerned for the permanency of the Greek occupation of
   Constantinople than for the ecclesiastical union of the East and the
   West upon which the hearts of popes had been set so long.

   Other important matters before the council were the rule for electing a
   pope, and the reception of a delegation of Mongols who sought to effect
   a union against the Mohammedans. Several members of the delegation
   received baptism. The decree of the Fourth Lateran, prohibiting new
   religious orders, was reaffirmed.

   The firm and statesmanlike administration of Nicolas III. checked the
   ambition of Charles of Anjou, who was plotting for the Greek crown. He
   was obliged to abjure the senatorship of Rome, which he had held for
   ten years, and to renounce the vicariate of Tuscany. Bologna for the
   first time acknowledged the papal supremacy. Nicolas has been called
   the father of papal nepotism, [288] [289]


   "To enrich my whelps, I laid my schemes aside

   My wealth I've stowed,--my person here."

   Again, in 1281, the tiara passed to a Frenchman, a man of humble birth,
   Martin IV. Charles was present at Viterbo when the election took place
   and was active in securing it. [290] igns of the Angevin house and
   Charles was once more elected to the Roman senatorship. Seldom had a
   pope been so fully the tool of a monarch. [291] e a memorable rebuke.

   In resentment at the hated French régime, the Sicilians rose up, during
   Easter week, 1282, and enacted the bloody massacre known as the
   Sicilian Vespers. All the Normans on the island, together with the
   Sicilian wives of Normans, were victims of the merciless vengeance. The
   number that fell is estimated at from eight to twenty thousand. The
   tragedy gets its name from the tradition that the Sicilians fell to
   their work at the ringing of the vesper bell. [292] rd at an end on the
   Panormic isle. Peter of Aragon, who married Constance, the daughter of
   Manfred and the granddaughter of Frederick II., was crowned king. For
   nearly two hundred years thereafter the crowns of Sicily and Naples
   were kept distinct.

   Not to be untrue to Charles, Martin hurled the anathema at the rebels,
   placed Aragon and Sicily under the interdict, and laid Christendom
   under a tribute of one-tenth for a crusade against Peter. The measures
   were in vain, and Charles's galleys met with defeat off the coast of
   Calabria. Charles and Martin died the same year, 1285, the latter, like
   Gregory X., at Perugia.

   After an interregnum of ten months, Nicolas IV. ascended the papal
   throne, the first Franciscan to be elevated to the office. His reign
   witnessed the evacuation of Ptolemais or Acre, the last possession of
   the Crusaders in Syria. Nicolas died in the midst of futile plans to
   recover the Holy Places.

   Another interregnum of twenty-seven months followed, April 4, 1292 to
   July 5, 1294, when the hermit Peter de Murrhone, Coelestin V., was
   raised to the papal throne, largely at the dictation of Charles II. of
   Naples. His short reign forms a curious episode in the annals of the
   papacy. His career shows the extremes of station from the solitude of
   the mountain cell to the chief dignity of Europe. He enjoyed the fame
   of sanctity and founded the order of St. Damian, which subsequently
   honored him by taking the name of Coelestines. The story ran that he
   had accomplished the unprecedented feat of hanging his cowl on a
   sunbeam. At the time of his elevation to the papal throne Coelestin was
   seventy-nine.

   An eye-witness, Stefaneschi, has described the journey to the hermit's
   retreat by three bishops who were appointed to notify him of his
   election. They found him in a rude hut in the mountains, furnished with
   a single barred window, his hair unkempt, his face pale, and his body
   infirm. After announcing their errand they bent low and kissed his
   sandals. Had Peter been able to go forth from his anchoret solitude,
   like Anthony of old, on his visits to Alexandria, and preach repentance
   and humility, he would have presented an exhilarating spectacle to
   after generations. As it is, his career arouses pity for his frail and
   unsophisticated incompetency to meet the demands which his high office
   involved.

   Clad in his monkish habit and riding on an ass, the bridle held by
   Charles II. and his son, Peter proceeded to Aquila, where he was
   crowned, only three cardinals being present. Completely under the
   dominance of the king, Coelestin took up his residence in Naples.
   Little was he able to battle with the world, to cope with the intrigues
   of factions, and to resist the greedy scramble for office which besets
   the path of those high in position. In simple confidence Coelestin gave
   his ear to this counsellor and to that, and yielded easily to all
   applicants for favors. His complaisancy to Charles is seen in his
   appointment of cardinals. Out of twelve whom he created, seven were
   Frenchmen, and three Neapolitans. It would seem as if he fell into
   despair at the self-seeking and worldliness of the papal court, and he
   exclaimed, "O God, while I rule over other men's souls, I am losing the
   salvation of my own." He was clearly not equal to the duties of the
   tiara. In vain did the Neapolitans seek by processions to dissuade him
   from resigning. Clement I. had abjured his office, as had also Gregory
   VI. though at the mandate of an, emperor. Peter issued a bull declaring
   it to be the pope's right to abdicate. His own abdication he placed on
   the ground "of his humbleness, the quest of a better life and an easy
   conscience, on account of his frailty of body and want of knowledge,
   the badness of men, and a desire to return to the quietness of his
   former state." The real reason for his resigning is obscure. The story
   went that the ambitious Cardinal Gaëtani, soon to become Coelestin's
   successor, was responsible for it. He played upon the hermit's
   credulity by speaking through a reed, inserted through the wall of the
   hermit's chamber, and declared it to be heaven's will that his reign
   should come to an end. [293]

   In abandoning the papacy the departing pontiff forfeited all freedom of
   movement. He attempted to flee across the Adriatic, but in vain. He was
   kept in confinement by Boniface VIII. in the castle of Fumone, near
   Anagni, until his death, May 19, 1296. What a world-wide contrast the
   simplicity of the hermit's reign presents to the violent assertion and
   ambitious designs of Boniface, the first pope of a new period!

   Coelestin's sixth centenary was observed by pious admirers in Italy.
   [294] owardice, the one who made the great renunciation.


   "Behold! that abject one appeared in view

   Who, mean of soul, the great refusal made." [295]


   Vidi e cenobbi la ombra di colui

   Che fece per viltate il gran rifuto.

   A new era for the papacy was at hand.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [285] Richard, duke of Cornwall, had died April 2, 1272.

   [286] The ancient seat of the Hapsburgs was in Aarpu, Switzerland,
   scarcely one hundred miles away from Zollern.

   [287] "Dann geendigt nach langem verderblichen Streit, War die
   kaiserlose, die schreckliche Zeit." --Der Graf von Hapsburg.

   [288] See the elaborate art. Nepotismus in Wetzer-Welte, IX. 109 sqq.;
   and Haller in Literaturzeitung, see above.

   [289] Inferno, XIX. 72 sqq. The term "whelps" refers to the Orsini or
   bear clan, to which Nicolas belonged.

   [290] See the art. Martin by Knöpfler in Wetzer-Welte, VIII. 919 sq.

   [291] "He was led about by the nose by Charles," Muratori, XI. 492. So
   Hergenröther, Kirchengesch., II. 310.

   [292] See Ranke, VIII. 531 sqq.

   [293] The author of the suggestion that Coelestin should abdicate has
   given rise to a good deal of controversy in recent years. Was Benedict
   Gaëtani (Boniface VIII.) the author, or did the suggestion come from
   the senile old pope himself. Hans Schulz, a Protestant, has recently
   called in question the old view that laid the blame on Benedict, and
   regards it as probable that Coelestin was the first to propose
   abdication, and that Benedict being called in gave the plan his
   sanction. He says, however, that in the whole matter "Benedict's eye
   was directed to the papal crown as his own prize." See Herzog's Enc.,
   IV. 203. Hergenröther-Kirsch, Kirchengesch., II. 312, and Finke, Aus
   den Tagen Bonifaz VIII., p. 39 sqq., both Roman Catholic historians,
   have adopted the same position, as does also Scholz, Publizistik zur
   Zeit Philipp IV. und Bonifaz VIII., p. 3. The contemporary historians
   differ about the matter, but upon the whole are against the cardinal.
   The charge that he was at the bottom of the abdication and the main
   promoter of it was one of the chief charges brought against him by his
   enemy, Philip the Fair of France. One of the measures for humiliating
   Boniface proposed by the king was the canonization of Coelestin as one
   whom Boniface had abused. See Document of the year 1305, printed for
   the first time by Finke, p, xcviii. A tract issued by one of Boniface's
   party attempted to parry this suggestion by declaring that Boniface,
   who was then dead, had merits which entitled him to canonization above
   Coelestin. The author said, "si canonizatio Celestini petitur, multo
   magis canonizacio sanctissimi patris domini Bonifacii, postulari debet
   et approbari." He continues, "Coelestin's canonization is asked because
   he profited himself and died in sua simplicitate; Boniface's ought to
   be asked for because he profited others and died for the freedom of the
   Church." See the document printed for the first time in Finke, p.
   lxxxv, and which Finke puts in 1308. Coelestin was canonized 1313 by
   Clement V.

   [294] A memorial volume was published under the title Celestin V ed il
   vi Centenario della sua incoronazione, Aquila, 1894.

   [295] Inferno, III. 58 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER VII.

   THE CRUSADES.


   "No idle fancy was it when of yore
   Pilgrims in countless numbers braved the seas,
   And legions battled on the farthest shore,


   Only to pray at Thy sepulchral bed,
   Only in pious gratitude to kiss
   The sacred earth on which Thy feet did tread."

   Uhland, An den Unsichtbaren.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 47. Literature on the Crusades as a Whole.

   Sources.--First printed collection of writers on the Crusades by Jac.
   Bongars: Gesta Dei (and it might be added, et diaboli) per Francos,
   sive orientalium expeditionum, etc., 2 vols. Hanover, 1611. Mostly
   reports of the First Crusade and superseded.--The most complete
   collection, edited at great expense and in magnificent style, Recueil
   des Historiens des Croisades publié par l'Académie des Inscriptions et
   Belles-Lettres, viz. Historiens Occidentaux, 5 vols. Paris, 1841-1895;
   Histt. Orientaux, 4 vols. 1872-1898; Histt. Grecs, 2 vols. 1875-1881;
   Documents Arméniens, 1869. The first series contains, in vols. I., II.,
   the Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum of William of Tyre
   and the free reproduction in French entitled L'Estoire de Eracles
   Empéreur et la Conqueste de la terre d' Outremer. Vol. III. contains
   the Gesta Francorum; the Historia de Hierolosymitano itinere of Peter
   Tudebodus, Hist. Francorum qui ceperunt Jherusalem of Raymund of
   Aguilers or Argiles; Hist. Jherusolymitana or Gesta Francorum
   Jherusalem perigrinantium 1095-1127, of Fulcher of Chartres; Hist.
   Jherusol. of Robert the Monk, etc. Vol. IV. contains Hist. Jherusolem.
   of Baldric of Dol (Ranke, VIII 82, speaks highly of Baldric as an
   authority); Gesta Del per Francos of Guibert of Nogent; Hist. Hier. of
   Albert of Aachen, etc. Vol. V. contains Ekkehardi Hierosolymita and a
   number of other documents. Migne's Latin Patrology gives a number of
   these authors, e.g., Fulcher and Petrus Tudebodus, vol. 155; Guibert,
   vol. 156; Albert of Aachen and Baldric, vol. 166; William of Tyre, vol.
   201.--Contemporary Chronicles of Ordericus Vitalis, Roger of Hoveden,
   Roger of Wendover, M. Paris, etc.--Reports of Pilgrimages, e.g., Count
   Riant: Expéditions et pèlerinages des Scandinaves en Terre Sainte au
   temps des Croisades, Paris, 1865, 1867; R. Röhricht: Die Pilgerfahrten
   nach d. heil. Lande vor den Kreuzzügen, 1875; Deutsche Pilgerreisen
   nach dem heil. Lande, new ed. Innsbruck, 1900; H. Schrader: D.
   Pilgerfahrten nach. d. heil. Lande im Zeitalter vor den Kreuzzügen,
   Merzig, 1897. Jaffé: Regesta.--Mansi: Concilia.--For criticism of the
   contemporary writers see Sybel, Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzugs, 2d ed.
   1881, pp. 1-143.--H. Prutz (Prof. in Nancy, France): Quellenbeiträge
   zur Gesch. der Kreuzzüge, Danzig, 1876.--R. Röhricht: Regesta regni
   Hierosolymitani 1097-1291, Innsbruck, 1904, an analysis of 900
   documents.

   Modern Works.--*Friedrich Wilken (Libr. and Prof. in Berlin, d. 1840):
   Gesch. der Kreuzzüge, 7 vols. Leipzig, 1807-1832.--J. F. Michaud: Hist.
   des croisades, 3 vols. Paris, 1812, 7th ed. 4 vols. 1862. Engl. trans.
   by W. Robson, 3 vols., London, 1854, New York, 1880.--*Röhricht
   (teacher in one of the Gymnasia of Berlin, d. 1905; he published eight
   larger works on the Crusades): Beitäge zur Gesch. der Kreuzzüge, 2
   vols. Berlin, 1874-1878; D. Deutschen im heil. lande, Innsbruck, 1894;
   Gesch. d. Kreuzzüge, Innsbruck, 1898.--B. Kugler (Prof. in Tübingen):
   Gesch. der Kreuzzüge, illustrated, Berlin, 1880, 2d ed. 1891.--A. De
   Laporte: Les croisades et le pays latin de Jérusalem, Paris,
   1881.--*Prutz: Kulturgesch. der Kreuzzüge, Berlin, 1883.--Ed. Heyck:
   Die Kreuzzüge und das heilige Land, Leipzig, 1900.--Histories in
   English by Mills, London, 1822, 4th ed. 2 vols. 1828; Keightley,
   London. 1847; Proctor, London, 1858; Edgar, London, 1860; W. E. Dutton,
   London, 1877; G. W. Cox, London, 1878; J. I. Mombert, New York, 1891;
   *Archer and Kingsford: Story of the Crus., New York, 1895; J. M.
   Ludlow: Age of the Crusades, New York, 1896; Art. Kreuzzüge by Funk in
   Wetzer-Welte, VII. 1142-1177.--Ph. Schaff in "Ref. Quarterly Rev."
   1893, pp. 438-459.--J. L. Hahn: Ursachen und Folgen der Kreuzzüge,
   Greifswald, 1859.--Chalandon: Essai sur le régne d'Alexis Comnène,
   Paris, 1900.--*A. Gottlob: D. päpstlichen Kreuzzugs-Steuren des 13.
   Jahrhunderts, Heiligenstadt, 1892, pp. 278; Kreuzablass und
   Almosenablass, Stuttgart, 1906, pp. 314.--Essays on the Crusades by
   Munro, Prutz, Diehl, Burlington, 1903.--H. C. Lea: Hist. of Auric.
   Confession and Indulgences, vol. III.--See also *Gibbon, LVIII-LIX;
   Milman; Giesebrecht: Gesch. d. deutschen Kaiserzeit; Ranke: Weltgesch.,
   VIII. pp. 88-111, 150-161, 223-262, 280-307; IX. 93-98; Finlay: Hist.
   of the Byznt. and Gr. Empires, 1057-1453; Hopf: Gesch. Griechenlands
   vom Beginn des Mittelalters, etc., Leipzig, 1868; Besant And Palmer:
   Hist. of Jerusalem, London, 1890; Guy Le Strange: Palestine under the
   Moslems, London, 1890.

   The Poetry of the Crusades is represented chiefly by Raoul De Caen in
   Gestes de Tancrède; Torquato Tasso, the Homer of the Crusades, in La
   Jerusalemme liberata; Walter Scott: Tales of the Crusades, Talisman,
   Quentin Durward, etc. The older literature is given in full by Michaud;
   Bibliographie des Croisades, 2 vols. Paris, 1822, which form vols. VI.,
   VII, of his Histoire des Croisades.

   The First Crusade.

   Sources.--See Literature above. Gesta Francorum et aliorum
   Hierosolymitorum by an anonymous writer who took part in the First
   Crusade, in Bongars and Recueil des Croisades. See above. Also
   Hagenmeyer's critical edition, Anonymi Gesta Francorum, Heidelberg,
   1890.--Robertus, a monk of Rheims: Hist. Hierosolymitana, in Bongars,
   Rec., and Migne, vol. 155.--Baldrich, abp. of Dol: Hist. Hierosol., in
   Bongars, and Rec.--Raymund de Aguilers, chaplain to the count of
   Toulouse: Hist. Francorum, 1095-1099, in Bongars, Rec., and Migne, vol.
   155. See Clem. Klein: Raimund von Aguilers, Berlin, 1892.--Fulcher,
   chaplain to the count of Chartres and then to Baldwin, second king of
   Jerusalem: Gesta Francorum Jerusalem perigrinantium to 1125, in
   Bongars, Rec., and Migne, vol. 155.--Guibert, abbot of Nogent: Gesta
   Dei per Francos, to 1110, in Bongars, Rec., Migne, vol. 156.--Albertus
   of Aachen (Aquensis): Hist. Hierosol. expeditionis, to 1121, in
   Bongars, Rec., Migne, vol. 166. See B. Kugler: Albert von Aachen,
   Stuttgart, 1885.--William of Tyre, abp. of Tyre, d. after 1184: Hist.
   rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum, Basel, 1549, under the title
   of belli sacri historia, in Bongars, Rec., Migne, vol. 201, Engl.
   trans. by Wm. Caxton, ed. by Mary N. Colvin, London, 1893.--Anna
   Comnena (1083-1148): Alexias, a biogr. of her father, the Greek
   emperor, Alexis I., in Rec., Migne, Pat. Graeca, vol. 131; also 2 vols.
   Leipzig, 1884, ed. by Reifferscheid; also in part in Hagenmeyer, Peter
   der Eremite, pp. 303-314.--Ekkehard of Urach: Hierosolymita seu
   libellus de oppressione, liberatione ac restauratione sanctae
   Hierosol., 1095-1187, in Rec., and Migne, vol. 154, and Hagenmeyer:
   Ekkehard's Hierosolymita, Tübingen, 1877, also Das Verhältniss der
   Gesta Francorum zu der Hiersol. Ekkehards in "Forschungen zur deutschen
   Gesch.," Göttingen, 1876, pp. 21-42.--Petrus Tudebodus, of the diocese
   of Poitiers: Hist. de Hierosolymitano itinere, 1095-1099, largely
   copied from the Gesta Francorum, in Migne, vol. 155, and
   Recueil.--Radulphus Cadomensis (Raoul of Caen): Gesta Tancredi,
   1099-1108, Migne, vol. 155, and Recueil.--Riant: Inventaire critique
   des lettres Hist. des croisades, I., II., Paris, 1880.--H. Hagenmeyer:
   Epistulae et chartae ad historiam primi belli sacri spectantes quae
   supersunt, etc., 1088-1100, Innsbruck, 1901. See the translation of
   contemporary documents in Trans. and Reprints, etc., published by
   Department of History of Univ. of Penn., 1894.

   The Poetry of the First Crusade: La Chanson d'Antioche, ed. by Paulin
   Paris, 2 vols. Paris, 1848. He dates the poem 1125-1138, and Nouvelle
   Étude sur la Chanson d'Antioche, Paris, 1878.--La Conquête de
   Jérusalem, ed. by C. Hippeau, Paris, 1868. -- Roman du Chevalier au
   Cygne et Godefroi de Bouillon.

   Modern Works.--*H. Von Sybel: Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzugs, Düsseldorf,
   1841, 3d ed. Leipzig, 1900. The Introduction contains a valuable
   critical estimate of the contemporary accounts. Engl. trans. of the
   Introd. and four lectures by Sybel in 1858, under the title, The Hist.
   and Lit. of Crusades, by Lady Duff Gordon, London, 1861.--J. F. A.
   Peyre: Hist. de la première croisade, Paris, 1859.--*Hagenmeyer: Peter
   der Eremite, Leipzig, 1879; Chron. de la premiére croisade, 1094-1100,
   Paris, 1901.--Röhricht: Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzuges, Innsbruck,
   1901.--F. Chalandon: Essai sur le règne d'Alexis I. Comnène, 1081-1118,
   Paris, 1900.--Paulot: Un pape Français, Urbain II., Paris, 1902.--D. C.
   Munro: The Speech of Urban at Clermont. "Am. Hist. Rev." 1906, pp.
   231-242.--Art. in Wetzer-Welte, by Funk, Petrus von Amiens, Vol. IX.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 48. Character and Causes of the Crusades.


   "'O, holy Palmer!' she began, --

   For sure he must be sainted man

   Whose blessed feet have trod the ground

   Where the Redeemer's tomb is found."

   Marmion, V. 21.

   The Crusades were armed pilgrimages to Jerusalem under the banner of
   the cross. They form one of the most characteristic chapters of the
   Middle Ages and have a romantic and sentimental, as well as a religious
   and military, interest. They were a sublime product of the Christian
   imagination, and constitute a chapter of rare interest in the history
   of humanity. They exhibit the muscular Christianity of the new nations
   of the West which were just emerging from barbarism and heathenism.
   They made religion subservient to war and war subservient to religion.
   They were a succession of tournaments between two continents and two
   religions, struggling for supremacy,--Europe and Asia, Christianity and
   Mohammedanism. Such a spectacle the world has never seen before nor
   since, and may never see again. [296]

   These expeditions occupied the attention of Europe for more than two
   centuries, beginning with 1095. Yea, they continued to be the concern
   of the popes until the beginning of the sixteenth century. Columbus
   signed an agreement April 17, 1492, to devote the proceeds of his
   undertaking beyond the Western seas to the recovery of the holy
   sepulchre. Before his fourth and last journey to America he wrote to
   Alexander VI., renewing his vow to furnish troops for the rescue of
   that sacred locality. [297] ns, and of these not the least worthy of
   attention were the tragic Crusades of the children.

   The most famous men of their age were identified with these movements.
   Emperors and kings went at the head of the armies,--Konrad III.,
   Frederick Barbarossa, Frederick II., Richard I. of England, Louis VII.,
   Philip Augustus and Louis IX. of France, Andrew of Hungary. Fair women
   of high station accompanied their husbands or went alone to the seats
   of war, such as Alice of Antioch, Queen Eleanor of France, Ida of
   Austria, Berengaria, wife of Richard, and Margaret, queen of Louis IX.
   Kings' sons shared the same risks, as Frederick of Swabia, Sigurd, and
   Edward, son of Henry III., accompanied by Eleanor, his wife. Priests,
   abbots, and higher ecclesiastics fought manfully in the ranks and at
   the head of troops. [298] Hermit, St. Bernard, and Fulke of Neuilly,
   stirred the flames of enthusiasm by their eloquence. But if some of the
   best men of Europe and those most eminent in station went on the
   Crusades, so also did the lowest elements of European
   society,--thieves, murderers, perjurers, vagabonds, and scoundrels of
   all sorts, as Bernard bears witness. [299]

   The crusading armies were designated by such titles as the army "of the
   cross," "of Christ," "of the Lord," "of the faith." [300] the badge of
   the Crusaders and gave to them their favorite name. The Crusaders were
   called the soldiers of Christ [301] cross" or, "taking the sign of the
   cross." [302]

   Contemporaries had no doubt of the Crusades being a holy undertaking,
   and Guibert's account of the First Crusade is called, "The Deeds of
   God, accomplished through the Franks," Gesta Dei per Francos.

   Those who fell under Eastern skies or on their way to the East received
   the benefits of special indulgence for sins committed and were esteemed
   in the popular judgment as martyrs. John VIII., 872-882, pressed by the
   Saracens who were devastating Italy, had promised to soldiers fighting
   bravely against the pagans the rest of eternal life and, as far as it
   belonged to him to give it, absolution from sins. [303] y should be
   counted as a substitute for penance. [304] ry indulgence those who
   built ships and contributed in any way, and promised to them "increase
   of eternal life." God, said the abbot Guibert, chronicler of the First
   Crusade, invented the Crusades as a new way for the laity to atone for
   their sins, and to merit salvation. [305]

   The rewards were not confined to spiritual privileges. Eugenius III.,
   in his exhortations to the Second Crusade, placed the Crusaders in the
   same category with clerics before the courts in the case of most
   offences. [306] ce, from 1188 to 1270 joined with the Holy See in
   granting to them temporal advantages, exemption from debt, freedom from
   taxation and the payment of interest. Complaint was frequently made by
   the kings of France that the Crusaders committed the most offensive
   crimes under cover of ecclesiastical protection. These complaints
   called forth from Innocent IV., 1246, and Alexander IV., 1260,
   instructions to the bishops not to protect such offenders. William of
   Tyre, in his account of the First Crusade, and probably reading into it
   some of the experiences of a later date, says (bk. I. 16), "Many took
   the cross to elude their creditors." [307]

   If it is hard for us to unite the idea of war and bloodshed with the
   achievement of a purely religious purpose, it must be remembered that
   no such feeling prevailed in the Middle Ages. The wars of the period of
   Joshua and the Judges still formed a stimulating example. Chrysostom,
   Augustine, and other Church Fathers of the fifth century lifted up
   their voices against the violent destruction of heathen temples which
   went on in Egypt and Gaul; but whatever compunction might have been
   felt for the wanton slaying of Saracens by Christian armies in an
   attitude of aggression, the compunction was not felt when the Saracens
   placed themselves in the position of holding the sacred sites of
   Palestine.

   Bernard of Clairvaux said, pagans must not be slain if they may by
   other means be prevented from oppressing the faithful. However, it is
   better they should be put to death than that the rod of the wicked
   should rest on the lot of the righteous. The righteous fear no sin in
   killing the enemy of Christ. Christ's soldier can securely kill and
   more safely die. When he dies, it profits him; when he slays, it
   profits Christ. The Christian exults in the death of the pagan because
   Christ is glorified thereby. But when he himself is killed, he has
   reached his goal. [308] f the preaching of the Apostles in that country
   and its conquest by the Roman empire. [309]

   In answer to the question whether clerics might go to war, Thomas
   Aquinas replied in the affirmative when the prize was not worldly gain,
   but the defence of the Church or the poor and oppressed. [310]

   To other testimonies to the esteem in which the Crusaders were held may
   be added the testimony of Matthew Paris. Summing up the events of the
   half-century ending with 1250, he says: [311] country to fight
   faithfully for Christ. All of these were manifest martyrs, and their
   names are inscribed in indelible characters in the book of life." Women
   forced their husbands to take the cross. [312] ffered evil consequences
   for it. [313] find its last earthly resting-place in Jerusalem.

   The Crusades began and ended in France. The French element was the
   ruling factor, from Urban II., who was a native of Châtillon, near
   Rheims, and Peter of Amiens, to St. Louis. [314] of the Crusades are
   for the most part written by Frenchmen. Guibert of Nogent and other
   chroniclers regard them as especially the work of their countrymen. The
   French expression, outre-mer, was used for the goal of the Crusades.
   [315] ough all Europe from Hungary to Scotland. Spain alone forms an
   exception. She was engaged in a crusade of her own against the Moors;
   and the crusades against the Saracens in the Holy Land and the Moors in
   Spain were equally commended by an oecumenical council, the First
   Lateran (can. 13). The Moors were finally expelled from Granada under
   Ferdinand and Isabella, and then, unwearied, Spain entered upon a new
   crusade against Jews and heretics at home and the pagan Indians of
   Mexico and Peru. In Italy and Rome, where might have been expected the
   most zeal in the holy cause, there was but little enthusiasm. [316]

   The aim of the Crusades was the conquest of the Holy Land and the
   defeat of Islam. Enthusiasm for Christ was the moving impulse, with
   which, however, were joined the lower motives of ambition, avarice,
   love of adventure, hope of earthly and heavenly reward. The whole
   chivalry of Europe, aroused by a pale-faced monk and encouraged by a
   Hildebrandian pope, threw itself steel-clad upon the Orient to execute
   the vengeance of heaven upon the insults and barbarities of Moslems
   heaped upon Christian pilgrims, and to rescue the grave of the Redeemer
   of mankind from the grasp of the followers of the False Prophet. The
   miraculous aid of heaven frequently intervened to help the Christians
   and confound the Saracens. [317]

   The Crusaders sought the living among the dead. They mistook the
   visible for the invisible, confused the terrestrial and the celestial
   Jerusalem, and returned disillusioned. [318] r after ages have learned
   through them, that Christ is not there, that He is risen, and ascended
   into heaven, where He sits at the head of a spiritual kingdom. They
   conquered Jerusalem, 1099, and lost it, 1187; they reconquered, 1229,
   and lost again, 1244, the city in which Christ was crucified. False
   religions are not to be converted by violence, they can only be
   converted by the slow but sure process of moral persuasion. Hatred
   kindles hatred, and those who take the sword shall perish by the sword.
   St. Bernard learned from the failure of the Second Crusade that the
   struggle is a better one which is waged against the sinful lusts of the
   heart than was the struggle to conquer Jerusalem.

   The immediate causes of the Crusades were the ill treatment of pilgrims
   visiting Jerusalem and the appeal of the Greek emperor, who was hard
   pressed by the Turks. Nor may we forget the feeling of revenge for the
   Mohammedans begotten in the resistance offered to their invasions of
   Italy and Gaul. [319] 's, and in 846 threatened Rome for the second
   time, and a third time under John VIII. The Normans wrested a part of
   Sicily from the Saracens at the battle of Cerame, 1063, took Palermo,
   1072, Syracuse, 1085, and the rest of Sicily ten years later. A burning
   desire took hold of the Christian world to be in possession of --


   "those holy fields

   Over whose acres walked those blessed feet

   Which fourteen hundred years ago were nail'd

   For our advantage on the bitter cross."

   Shakespeare.

   From an early day Jerusalem was the goal of Christian pilgrimage. The
   mother of Constantine, Helena, according to the legend, found the cross
   and certainly built the church over the supposed site of the tomb in
   which the Lord lay. Jerome spent the last period of his life in
   Bethlehem, translating the Scriptures and preparing for eternity. The
   effect of such examples was equal to the station and fame of the pious
   empress and the Christian scholar. In vain did such Fathers as Gregory
   of Nyssa, [320] mphasize the nearness of God to believers wherever they
   may be and the failure of those whose hearts are not imbued with His
   spirit to find Him even at Jerusalem.

   The movement steadily grew. The Holy Land became to the imagination a
   land of wonders, filled with the divine presence of Christ. To have
   visited it, to have seen Jerusalem, to have bathed in the Jordan, was
   for a man to have about him a halo of sanctity. The accounts of
   returning pilgrims were listened to in convent and on the street with
   open-mouthed curiosity. To surmount the dangers of such a journey in a
   pious frame of mind was a means of expiation for sins. [321] e main
   route and in Jerusalem.

   Other circumstances gave additional impulse to the movement, such as
   the hope of securing relics of which Palestine and Constantinople were
   the chief storehouses; and the opportunity of starting a profitable
   trade in silk, paper, spices, and other products of the East.

   These pilgrimages were not seriously interrupted by the Mohammedans
   after their conquest of Jerusalem by Omar in 637, until Syria and
   Palestine passed into the hands of the sultans of Egypt three centuries
   later. Under Hakim, 1010, a fierce persecution broke out against the
   Christian residents of Palestine and the pilgrims. It was, however, of
   short duration and was followed by a larger stream of pilgrims than
   before. The favorite route was through Rome and by the sea, a dangerous
   avenue, as it was infested by Saracen pirates. The conversion of the
   Hungarians in the tenth century opened up the route along the Danube.
   Barons, princes, bishops, monks followed one after the other, some of
   them leading large bodies of pious tourists. In 1035 Robert of Normandy
   went at the head of a great company of nobles. He found many waiting at
   the gates of Jerusalem, unable to pay the gold bezant demanded for
   admission, and paid it for them. In 1054 Luitbert, bishop of Cambray,
   is said to have led three thousand pilgrims. In 1064 Siegfried,
   archbishop of Mainz, was accompanied by the bishops of Utrecht,
   Bamberg, and Regensburg and twelve thousand pilgrims. [322] journey. A
   sudden check was put upon the pilgrimages by the Seljukian Turks, who
   conquered the Holy Land in 1076. A rude and savage tribe, they heaped,
   with the intense fanaticism of new converts, all manner of insults and
   injuries upon the Christians. Many were imprisoned or sold into
   slavery. Those who returned to Europe carried with them a tale of woe
   which aroused the religious feelings of all classes.

   The other appeal, coming from the Greek emperors, was of less weight.
   [323] fast losing its hold on its Asiatic possessions. Romanus Diogenes
   was defeated in battle with the Turks and taken prisoner, 1071. During
   the rule of his successor, an emir established himself in Nicaea, the
   seat of the council called by the first Constantine, and extended his
   rule as far as the shores of the sea of Marmora. Alexius Comnenus,
   coming to the throne 1081, was less able to resist the advance of Islam
   and lost Antioch and Edessa in 1086. Thus pressed by his Asiatic foes,
   and seeing the very existence of his throne threatened, he applied for
   help to the west. He dwelt, it is true, on the desolations of
   Jerusalem; but it is in accordance with his imperial character to
   surmise that he was more concerned for the defence of his own empire
   than for the honor of religion.

   This dual appeal met a response, not only in the religious spirit of
   Europe, but in the warlike instincts of chivalry; and when the time
   came for the chief figure in Christendom, Urban II., to lift up his
   voice, his words acted upon the sensitive emotions as sparks upon dry
   leaves. [324]

   Three routes were chosen by the Crusaders to reach the Holy Land. The
   first was the overland route by way of the Danube, Constantinople, and
   Asia Minor. The second, adopted by Philip and Richard in the Third
   Crusade, was by the Mediterranean to Acre. The route of the last two
   Crusades, under Louis IX., was across the Mediterranean to Egypt, which
   was to be made the base of operations from which to reach Jerusalem.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [296] Gibbon, who treats with scorn the Crusades as a useless
   exhibition of religious fanaticism, calls them the "world's debate,"
   Ch. LIX.

   [297] John Fiske, Discovery of America, I. 318, 419, 505.

   [298] The Itinerary of Richard I., giving an account of the Third
   Crusade, lays stress upon the good fighting qualities of the prelates
   and clergy. It speaks of one priest who was incessantly active against
   the enemy, hurling darts from a sling with indefatigable toil, I. 42.
   The archbishop of Besançon superintended the construction of a great
   machine for battering down the walls of Acre and met its expense, I.
   60. Two hundred knights and three hundred followers served under
   archbishop Baldwin of Canterbury, old man as he was, and "abbots and
   bishops led their own troops, fighting manfully for the faith," I. 62.

   [299] De militibus templi, V., Migne, 182, 928.

   [300] Roger of Wendover, Luard's ed., M. Paris, III: 35.

   [301] Milites Christi, Robert the Monk, VII., Rec., III. 867; Christi
   Militia, Guibert, VII., II., Rec., IV. 229. The army was also called
   crucifer exercitus, Ekkehard, Rec. V. 16.

   [302] The French terms were se croiser, prendre la croix, prendre le
   signe de la croix. See, for example, Villehardouin, 2, 8, 18, Wailly's
   ed. pp. 3, 7, 13. This historian of the Fourth Crusade also calls the
   Crusaders les croisés, 38, Wailly's ed. p. 24.

   [303] Quoniam illi, qui cum pietate catholicae religionis in belli
   certamine cadunt, requies eos aeternae vitae suscipiet contra paganos
   atque infideles strenue dimicantes, etc., Gottlob, Kreuzablass, 25.

   [304] Quicumque pro sola devotione ...ad liberandam ecclesiam Dei
   Jerusalem profectus fuerit, iter illud pro omni paenitentia reputetur,
   Gottlob, 72 sqq.; Mirbt. Quellen, 114.

   [305] Gesta, I. 1; Rec., IV. 124.

   [306] Lea, Hist. of Inquis., I. 44, says. "Crusaders were released from
   earthly as well as heavenly justice by being classed with clerks and
   subjected only to spiritual justice."

   [307] See Origin of the Temporal Privileges of Crusaders, by Edith C.
   Bramball, "Am Jour. of Theol." 1901, pp. 279-292, and Gottlob,
   Kreuzablass, pp. 140 sqq.

   [308] De militibus templi, II., III., Migne, 182, 923 sq.

   [309] This is what Fulcher meant, Rec., III. 323, when he put into
   Urban's mouth the words nunc jure contra barbaros pugnent qui olim
   fratres dimicabant. Two hundred years later Alvarus Pelagius made the
   same argument: quamvis Saraceni Palestinam possident, juste tamen
   exinde depelluntur, etc. See Schwab, Joh. Gerson, 26.

   [310] Summa, II. (2), 188, 3; Migne, III., 1366 sq.: militare propter
   aliquid mundanum est omni religioni contrarium, non autem militare
   propter obsequium Dei, etc: He adds that clerics going to war must act
   under the command of princes or of the Church, and not at their own
   suggestion.

   [311] Luard's ed., V. 196.

   [312] Baldric of Dol, Hist. Jerus., I. 8; Rec., IV. 17: gaudebant
   uxores abeuntibus maritis dilectissimis, etc.

   [313] Caesar of Heisterbach, Dial., X. 22, speaks of a woman suffering
   with severe pains in childbirth who was delivered with ease, so soon as
   she consented to her husband's going on a crusade.

   [314] The name Franks became the current designation for Europeans in
   the East, and remains so to this day. The crusading enthusiasm did not
   fully take hold of Germany till the twelfth century. Hauck,
   Kirchengesch. Deutschlands, IV. 80.

   [315] The expression was a translation of the Latin ultra mare, used
   for the East, and, so far as I know, for the first time by Gregory
   VII., Reg. II. 37; Migne, 148, 390.

   [316] Gregorovius, IV. 288, says no traces of enthusiasm can be found
   in Rome. "Senate and people would probably have laughed in derision had
   Urban summoned them to rise in religious enthusiasm to forsake the
   ruins of Rome and advance to the rescue of Jerusalem." The Crusades
   were a financial detriment to Rome by diverting pilgrimages from the
   tombs of the Apostles to the tomb of the Saviour.

   [317] Here is one such miracle. At the battle of Ramleh, 1177, there
   was a miraculous extension of the cross borne by the bishop of
   Bethlehem. It reached to heaven and extended its arms across the whole
   horizon. The pagans saw it, were confused, and fled. Hoveden, II. 133
   sq.

   [318] Hegel, Philosophie der Gesch., 3d ed. 1848, p. 476, brings out
   this idea most impressively.

   [319] Röhricht, Gesch. d. ersten Kreuzzuges, p. 6, says that in these
   struggles "the crusading enthusiasm was born."

   [320] See the beautiful testimony of Gregory, who advised a Cappadocian
   abbot against going with his monks to Jerusalem, Schaff, Ch. Hist. III.
   906.

   [321] Fulke the Black, count of Anjou (987-1040), made three journeys
   to Jerusalem in penance for sacrilege and other crimes. He had burned
   his young wife at the stake dressed in her gayest attire, and caused
   his son to crouch at his feet harnessed as an ass. At Jerusalem he
   showed his devotion by going about with a halter about his neck. He bit
   off a piece of the Lord's tombstone with his teeth and carried back to
   Europe objects most sacred and priceless, such as the fingers of
   Apostles and the lamp in which the holy fire was lit. Odolric, bishop
   of Orleans, gave a pound of gold for the lamp and hung it up in the
   church at Orleans, where its virtue cured multitudes of sick people.

   [322] Hauck, IV. 79.

   [323] Ekkehard, 5, Rec., V. 14, may exaggerate when he speaks of very
   frequent letters and embassies from the Greek emperors to the West, per
   legationes frequentissimas et epistolas etiam a nobis visas ...
   lugubriter inclamanter, etc. The letter of Alexius to Robert of
   Flanders, 1088, has been the subject of much inquiry. Hagenmeyer
   pronounces it genuine, after a most careful investigation, Epistulae,
   etc., 10-44.

   [324] Diehl, in Essays on the Crusades, 92, seems even to deny that an
   appeal was ever made by the Byzantine emperor Alexius for aid to the
   West, and speaks of it as an invention of a later time. Certainly no
   criticism could be more unwarranted unless all the testimonies of the
   contemporary writers are to be ruthlessly set aside.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 49. The Call to the Crusades.


   "the romance

   Of many colored Life that Fortune pours

   Round the Crusaders."

   Wordsworth, Ecclesiastical Sonnets.

   The call which resulted in the first expedition for the recovery of
   Jerusalem was made by Pope Urban II. at the Council of Clermont, 1095.
   Its chief popular advocate was Peter the Hermit.

   The idea of such a movement was not born at the close of the eleventh
   century. Gregory VII., appealed to by Michael VII. of Constantinople,
   had, in two encyclicals, 1074, [325] ren like cattle. [326] was able to
   announce to Henry IV. that fifty thousand Christian soldiers stood
   ready to take up arms and follow him to the East, but Gregory was
   prevented from executing his design by his quarrel with the emperor.

   There is some evidence that more than half a century earlier Sergius
   IV., d. 1012, suggested the idea of an armed expedition against the
   Mohammedans who had "defiled Jerusalem and destroyed the church of the
   Holy Sepulchre." Earlier still, Sylvester II., d. 1003, may have urged
   the same project. [327]

   Peter the Hermit, an otherwise unknown monk of Amiens, France, on
   returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, spread its tale of woes and
   horrors. [328] nst the indignities to which the Christians were
   subjected. While asleep in the church of the Holy Sepulchre and after
   prayer and fasting, Peter had a dream in which Christ appeared to him
   and bade him go and quickly spread the appeal that the holy place might
   be purged. [329] sade, and it is altogether likely that many a pilgrim,
   looking upon the desolation of Jerusalem, heard within himself the same
   call which Peter in imagination or in a real dream heard the Lord
   making to him.

   Urban listened to Peter's account as he had listened to the accounts of
   other returning pilgrims. He had seen citizens of Jerusalem itself with
   his own eyes, and exiles from Antioch, bewailing the plight of those
   places and begging for alms. [330] [331] proclaimed the same message.
   The time for action had come.

   At the Council of Piacenza, in the spring of 1095, envoys were present
   from the emperor Alexius Comnenus and made addresses, invoking aid
   against the advancing Turks. [332] the famous Council of Clermont,
   Southern France, was held, which decreed the First Crusade. [333]
   ounted fourteen archbishops, two hundred and fifty bishops, and four
   hundred abbots. Thousands of tents were pitched outside the walls. On
   the ninth day, the pope addressed the multitude from a platform erected
   in the open air. It was a fortunate moment for Urban, and has been
   compared to Christmas Day, 800, when Charlemagne was crowned. [334]
   ope. [335]

   At Clermont, Urban was on his native soil and probably spoke in the
   Provençal tongue, though we have only Latin reports. When we recall the
   general character of the age and the listening throng, with its mingled
   feelings of love of adventure and credulous faith, we cannot wonder at
   the response made to the impassioned appeals of the head of
   Christendom. Urban reminded his hearers that they, as the elect of God,
   must carry to their brethren in the East the succor for which they had
   so often cried out. The Turks, a "Persian people, an accursed race,"
   [336] ke. As the knights loved their souls, so they should fight
   against the barbarians who had fought against their brothers and
   kindred. [337] land fruitful above all others, a paradise of delights,
   awaited them. [338] [339]

   A Frenchman himself, Urban appealed to his hearers as Frenchmen,
   distinguished above all other nations by remarkable glory in arms,
   courage, and bodily prowess. He appealed to the deeds of Charlemagne
   and his son Lewis, who had destroyed pagan kingdoms and extended the
   territory of the Church.

   To this moving appeal the answer came back from the whole throng, "God
   will sit, God will sit." [340] en that His help will never fail you, as
   the pledge of a vow never to be recalled." [341] n to go, and was
   appointed papal legate. The next day envoys came announcing that
   Raymund of Toulouse had taken the vow. The spring of 1096 was set for
   the expedition to start. Urban discreetly declined to lead the army in
   person. [342]

   The example set at Clermont was followed by thousands throughout
   Europe. Fiery preachers carried Urban's message. The foremost among
   them, Peter the Hermit, traversed Southern France to the confines of
   Spain and Lorraine and went along the Rhine. Judged by results, he was
   one of the most successful of evangelists. His appearance was well
   suited to strike the popular imagination. He rode on an ass, his face
   emaciated and haggard, his feet bare, a slouched cowl on his head,
   [343] a great cross. In stature he was short. [344] [345] [346] [347]
   [348] y hairs from his ass' tail to be preserved as relics. A more
   potent effect was wrought than mere temporary wonder. Reconciliations
   between husbands and wives and persons living out of wedlock were
   effected, and peace and concord established where there were feud and
   litigation. Large gifts were made to the preacher. None of the other
   preachers of the Crusade, Volkmar, Gottschalk, and Emich, [349] esteem
   than prelates and abbots. [350] [351]

   In a few months large companies were ready to march against the enemies
   of the cross.

   A new era in European history was begun. [352] ew passion had taken
   hold of its people. A new arena of conquest was opened for the warlike
   feudal lord, a tempting field of adventure and release for knight and
   debtor, an opportunity of freedom for serf and villein. All classes,
   lay and clerical, saw in the expedition to the cradle of their faith a
   solace for sin, a satisfaction of Christian fancy, a heaven appointed
   mission. The struggle of states with the papacy was for the moment at
   an end. All Europe was suddenly united in a common and holy cause, of
   which the supreme pontiff was beyond dispute the appointed leader.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [325] Reg., I. 49; II. 37, Migne, 148, 329, 390.

   [326] multa millia Christianorum quasi pecudes occidisse, Reg., I. 49

   [327] See Jules Lair, Études crit. sur divers textes des Xeet
   XIesiècles. Bulle du pape Sergius IV., etc., Paris, 1899. Lair, in
   opposition to Riant, Pflugk-Harttung, etc., gives reasons for accepting
   as genuine Sergius's letter, found 1857. For Sylvester's letter see
   Havet, Lettres de Gerbert, Paris, 1889. Röhricht, Gesch. d. ersten
   Kreuzzuges, 8, pronounces Sylvester's letter a forgery, dating from
   1095. Lair tries to prove it was written by Sergius IV.

   [328] The date of the pilgrimage is not given, but may be accepted as
   having fallen between 1092-1094. Peter is called "the Hermit" by all
   the accounts, begining with the earliest, the Gesta Francorum. There is
   no good ground for doubting that he was from Amiens, as Albert of
   Aachen distinctly states. William of Tyre says from the "bishopric of
   Amiens." Hagenmeyer, p. 39, accepts the latter as within the truth.

   [329] William of Tyre, Bk. I. 12, Rec., I. 35, gives only a few lines
   to the visions and the words spoken by the Lord. His account of the
   meeting with Urban is equally simple and scarcely less brief. Peter
   found, so he writes, "the Lord Pope Urban in the vicinity of Rome and
   presented the letters from the patriarch and Christians of Jerusalem
   and showed their misery and the abominations which the unclean races
   wrought in the holy places. Thus prudently and faithfully he performed
   the commission intrusted to him."

   [330] At the Council of Clermont Urban made reference to the "very many
   reports" which had come of the desolation of Jerusalem, Fulcher, Rec.,
   III. 324. Robert the Monk, I. 1, Rec., III. 727, says relatio gravis
   saepissime jam ad aures nostras pervenit. According to Baldric he
   appealed to the many among his hearers who could vouch for the desolate
   condition of the holy places from their own experience, Rec., IV. 14.
   See Hagenmeyer, 74-77.

   [331] So William of Tyre, Bk. I. 13. Later writers extend the journey
   of Peter inordinately.

   [332] William of Tyre does not mention this embassy. It may be because
   of the low opinion he had of Alexius, whom (II. 5) he pronounces
   scheming and perfidious.

   [333] There is no statement that the council formally decreed the
   Crusade. For the acts we are dependent upon scattered statements of
   chroniclers and several other unofficial documents.

   [334] Ranke, Weltgeschichte. According to William of Tyre, Peter the
   Hermit was present at Clermont. The contemporary writers do not mention
   his presence.

   [335] Gregorovius, IV. 287, is right when he says, "the Importance of
   Urban's speech in universal history outweighs the orations of
   Demosthenes and Cicero."

   [336] Robert the Monk, I. 1, Rec., III. 727. The contemporary writers,
   giving an account of Urban's speech, are Baldric, Guibert, Fulcher, and
   Robert the Monk. All of them were present at Clermont. William of Tyre
   greatly elaborates the address, and Röhricht calls William's account an
   invention which is a masterpiece of its kind,--eine Erdichtung die ein
   Meisterstück seiner Art, etc., Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzuges, p. 20.
   Röhricht, pp. 235-239, and Munro, "Am. Hist. Rev.," 1906, pp. 231-243,
   make interesting attempts to reconstruct Urban's address. The different
   accounts are not to be regarded as contradictory, but as supplementary
   one of the other. Röhricht, p. 20, expresses the opinion that none of
   the accounts of the address is "accurate." No doubt the spirit and
   essential contents are preserved. Urban made prominent the appeals for
   aid from the East, the desolations of Jerusalem, and the sufferings of
   Christians in the East. See Munro.

   [337] Fulcher, Rec., III. 324. I follow chiefly the accounts of Fulcher
   and Robert. Robert represents the appeals for aid as coming from
   Jerusalem and Constantinople.

   [338] Robert the Monk, I. 2 Rec., III. 729. The expression "navel of
   the earth,"umbilicus terrarum, used by Robert, was a common one for
   Jerusalem.

   [339] Baldric, Rec., IV. 15, via brevis est, labor permodicus est qui
   tamen immarcescibilem vobis rependet coronam. Gregory VII., Reg., II.
   37, Migne, 148, 390, had made the same promise, quoting 2 Cor. iv. 17,
   that for the toils of a moment the Crusaders would secure an eternal
   reward.

   [340] Deus vult, Deos lo volt, Diex el volt. These are the different
   forms in which the response is reported. For this response in its Latin
   form, Robert the Monk is our earliest authority, I. 2, Rec., III. 729.
   He says una vociferatio "Deus vult, Deus vult."

   [341] In the First Crusade all the crosses were red. Afterwards green
   and white colors came into use. Urban himself distributed crosses.
   Guibert, II. 5, Rec., IV. 140, and Fulcher, I. 4, state that Urban had
   the Crusaders wear the cross as a badge.

   [342] Urban's letters, following up his speech at Clermont, are given
   by Hagenmeyer, Epistulae, p. 136 sqq.

   [343] Petrum more heremi vilissima cappa tegebat, Radulf of Caen. The
   above description is taken from strictly contemporary accounts.

   [344] The statura brevis of Radulf becomes in William of Tyre's account
   pusillus, persona contemptibilis.

   [345] I have thus translated Radulf's spiritus acer.

   [346] Albert of Aachen: neminem invenerunt qui tam ferocissimo et
   superbo loqui auderet quousque Petrus.

   [347] So Guibert speaks of the crowds listening to him as tanta
   populorum multitudo. Hagenmeyer, p. 114, accepting Guibert's statement,
   refers to immense throngs, ungeheure Zahl.

   [348] Guibert: quidquid agebat namque seu loquebatur quasi quiddam
   subdivinum videbatur.

   [349] So Ekkehard, XII., Rec., V. 20 sq. who has something derogatory
   to say of all of these preachers and also of Peter's subsequent career.
   Quem postea multi hypocritam esse dicebant.

   [350] Robert the Monk, I. 5, Rec., III. 731. Super ipsos praesules et
   abbates apice religionis efferebatur.

   [351] Guibert: neminem meminerim similem honore haberi. Baldric speaks
   of him as Petrus quidam magnus heremita, or as we would say, "that
   great hermit, Peter."

   [352] Hegel, Philosophie der Gesch., p. 444, calls the Crusades "the
   culminating point of the Middle Ages." Contemporaries like Guibert of
   Nogent, 123, could think of no movement equal in glory with the
   Crusades. Ordericus Vitalis, III. 458, praised the union of peoples of
   different tongues in a project so praiseworthy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 50. The First Crusade and the Capture of Jerusalem.


   "And what if my feet may not tread where He stood,

   Nor my ears hear the dashing of Galilee's flood,

   Nor my eyes see the cross which He bowed Him to bear,

   Nor my knees press Gethsemane's garden of prayer,


   Yet, Loved of the Father, Thy Spirit is near

   To the meek and the lowly and penitent here;

   And the voice of Thy Love is the same even now,

   As at Bethany's tomb or on Olivet's brow."

   Whittier.

   The 15th of August, 1096, the Feast of the Assumption, fixed by the
   Council of Clermont for the departure of the Crusaders, was slow in
   coming. The excitement was too intense for the people to wait. As early
   as March throngs of both sexes and all ages began to gather in Lorraine
   and at Treves, and to demand of Peter the Hermit and other leaders to
   lead them immediately to Jerusalem. [353] ent forth to make the journey
   and to fight the Turk. At the villages along the route the children
   cried out, "Is this Jerusalem, is this Jerusalem?" William of
   Malmesbury wrote (IV. 2), "The Welshman left his hunting, the Scot his
   fellowship with lice, the Dane his drinking party, the Norwegian his
   raw fish. Fields were deserted of their husbandmen; whole cities
   migrated .... God alone was placed before their eyes."

   The unwieldy bands, or swarms, were held together loosely under
   enthusiastic but incompetent leaders. The first swarm, comprising from
   twelve thousand to twenty thousand under Walter the Penniless, [354]
   glers were all that reached Constantinople.

   The second swarm, comprising more than forty thousand, was led by the
   Hermit himself. There were knights not a few, and among the
   ecclesiastics were the archbishop of Salzburg and the bishops of Chur
   and Strassburg. On their march through Hungary they were protected by
   the Hungarian king; but when they reached the Bulgarian frontier, they
   found one continuous track of blood and fire, robbery and massacre,
   marking the route of their predecessors. Only a remnant of seven
   thousand reached Constantinople, and they in the most pitiful
   condition, July, 1096. Here they were well treated by the Emperor
   Alexius, who transported them across the Bosphorus to Asia, where they
   were to await the arrival of the regular army. But they preferred to
   rove, marauding and plundering, through the rich provinces. Finally, a
   false rumor that the vanguard had captured Nicaea, the capital of the
   Turks in Asia Minor, allured the main body into the plain of Nicaea,
   where large numbers were surrounded and massacred by the Turkish
   cavalry. Their bones were piled into a ghastly pyramid, the first
   monument of the Crusade. Walter fell in the battle; Peter the Hermit
   had fled back to Constantinople before the battle began, unable to
   control his followers. The defeat of Nicaea no doubt largely destroyed
   Peter's reputation. [355]

   A third swarm, comprising fifteen thousand, mostly Germans under the
   lead of the monk Gottschalk, was massacred by the Hungarians.

   Another band, under count Emich of Leiningen, began its career, May,
   1096, by massacring and robbing the Jews in Mainz and other cities
   along the Rhine. Albert of Aachan, [356] on in Hungary. This band was
   probably a part of the swarm, estimated at the incredible number of two
   hundred thousand, [357] [358] rsemen, headed by some noblemen, attended
   them, and shared the spoils taken from the Jews. [359]

   These preliminary expeditions of the first Crusade may have cost three
   hundred thousand lives.

   The regular army consisted, according to the lowest statements, of more
   than three hundred thousand. It proceeded through Europe in sections
   which met at Constantinople and Nicaea. Godfrey, starting from lower
   Lorraine, had under him thirty thousand men on foot and ten thousand
   horse. He proceeded along the Danube and by way of Sofia and
   Philipoppolis, Hugh of Vermandois went by way of Rome, where he
   received the golden banner, and then, taking ship from Bari to Durazzo,
   made a junction with Godfrey in November, 1096, under the walls of
   Constantinople. Bohemund, with a splendid following of one hundred
   thousand horse and thirty thousand on foot, [360] e Adriatic. Raymund
   of Toulouse, accompanied by his countess, Elvira, and the papal legate,
   bishop Adhemar, [361] crossed the Alps, received the pope's blessing at
   Lucca, and, passing through Rome, transported their men across the
   Adriatic from Bari and Brindisi.

   Godfrey of Bouillon [362] as a brother of Philip I. of France. Robert
   of Normandy was the eldest son of William the Conqueror, and had made
   provision for his expedition by pledging Normandy to his brother,
   William Rufus, for ten thousand marks silver. Raymund, count of
   Toulouse, was a veteran warrior, who had a hundred thousand horse and
   foot at his command, and enjoyed a mingled reputation for wealth,
   wisdom, pride, and greed. Bohemund, prince of Tarentum, was the son of
   Robert Guiscard. His cousin, Tancred, was the model cavalier. Robert,
   count of Flanders, was surnamed, "the Sword and Lance of the
   Christians." Stephen, count of Chartres, Troyes, and Blois, was the
   owner of three hundred and sixty-five castles. These and many other
   noblemen constituted the flower of the French, Norman, and Italian
   nobility.

   The moral hero of the First Crusade is Godfrey of Bouillon, a
   descendant of Charlemagne in the female line, but he had no definite
   command. He had fought in the war of emperor Henry IV. against the
   rebel king, Rudolf of Swabia, whom he slew in the battle of Mölsen,
   1080. He had prodigious physical strength. With one blow of his sword
   he clove asunder a horseman from head to saddle. He was as pious as he
   was brave, and took the cross for the single purpose of rescuing
   Jerusalem from the hands of the infidel. He used his prowess and bent
   his ancestral pride to the general aim. Contemporary historians call
   him a holy monk in military armor and ducal ornament. His purity and
   disinterestedness were acknowledged by his rivals.

   Tancred, his intimate friend, likewise engaged in the enterprise from
   pure motives. He is the poetic hero of the First Crusade, and nearly
   approached the standard of "the parfite gentil knyght" of Chaucer. He
   distinguished himself at Nicaea, Dorylaeum, Antioch, and was one of the
   first to climb the walls of Jerusalem. He died in Antioch, 1112. His
   deeds were celebrated by Raoul de Caen and Torquato Tasso. [363]

   The emperor Alexius, who had so urgently solicited the aid of Western
   Europe, became alarmed when he saw the hosts arriving in his city. They
   threatened to bring famine into the land and to disturb the order of
   his realm. He had wished to reap the benefit of the Crusade, but now
   was alarmed lest he should be overwhelmed by it. His subtle policy and
   precautions were felt as an insult by the Western chieftains. In
   diplomacy he was more than their match. They expected fair dealing and
   they were met by duplicity. He held Hugh of Vermandois in easy custody
   till he promised him fealty. Even Godfrey and Tancred, the latter after
   delay, made the same pledge. Godfrey declined to receive the emperor's
   presents for fear of receiving poison with his munificence.

   The Crusaders had their successes. Nicaea was taken June 19, 1097, and
   the Turks were routed a few weeks later in a disastrous action at
   Dorylaeum in Phrygia, which turned into a more disastrous flight. But a
   long year elapsed till they could master Antioch, and still another
   year came to an end before Jerusalem yielded to their arms. The success
   of the enterprise was retarded and its glory diminished by the selfish
   jealousies and alienation of the leaders which culminated in
   disgraceful conflicts at Antioch. The hardships and privations of the
   way were terrible, almost beyond description. The Crusaders were forced
   to eat horse flesh, camels, dogs, and mice, and even worse. [364] [365]

   During the siege of Antioch, which had fallen to the Seljuks, 1084, the
   ranks were decimated by famine, pestilence, and desertion, among the
   deserters being Stephen of Chartres and his followers. Peter the Hermit
   and William of Carpentarius were among those who attempted flight, but
   were caught in the act of fleeing and severely reprimanded by Bohemund.
   [366] usand under Kerboga of Mosul. Their languishing energies were
   revived by the miraculous discovery of the holy lance, which pierced
   the Saviour's side. This famous instrument was hidden under the altar
   of St. Peter's church. The hiding place was revealed in a dream to
   Peter Barthelemy, the chaplain of Raymund of Toulouse. [367] he
   Crusaders' hands, June 28, 1098. [368] and went on independent
   expeditions of conquest. Of those who died at Antioch was Adhemar.

   The culmination of the First Crusade was the fall of Jerusalem, July
   15, 1099. It was not till the spring following the capture of Antioch,
   that the leaders were able to compose their quarrels and the main army
   was able again to begin the march. The route was along the coast to
   Caesarea and thence southeastward to Ramleh. Jerusalem was reached
   early in June. The army was then reduced to twenty thousand fighting
   men. [369] In one of his frescos in the museum at Berlin, representing
   the six chief epochs in human history, Kaulbach has depicted with great
   effect the moment when the Crusaders first caught sight of the Holy
   City from the western hills. For the religious imagination it was among
   the most picturesque moments in history as it was indeed one of the
   most solemn in the history of the Middle Ages. The later narratives may
   well have the essence of truth in them, which represent the warriors
   falling upon their knees and kissing the sacred earth. Laying aside
   their armor, in bare feet and amid tears, penitential prayers, and
   chants, they approached the sacred precincts. [370]

   A desperate but futile assault was made on the fifth day. Boiling pitch
   and oil were used, with showers of stones and other missiles, to keep
   the Crusaders at bay. The siege then took the usual course in such
   cases. Ladders, scaling towers, and other engines of war were
   constructed, but the wood had to be procured at a distance, from
   Shechem. The trees around Jerusalem, cut down by Titus twelve centuries
   before, had never been replaced. The city was invested on three sides
   by Raymund of Toulouse, Godfrey, Tancred, Robert of Normandy, and other
   chiefs. The suffering due to the summer heat and the lack of water was
   intense. The valley and the hills were strewn with dead horses, whose
   putrefying carcasses made life in the camp almost unbearable. In vain
   did the Crusaders with bare feet, the priests at their head, march in
   procession around the walls, hoping to see them fall as the walls of
   Jericho had fallen before Joshua. [371]

   Friday, the day of the crucifixion, was chosen for the final assault. A
   great tower surmounted by a golden cross was dragged alongside of the
   walls and the drawbridge let down. At a critical moment, as the later
   story went, a soldier of brilliant aspect [372] n on the Mount of
   Olives, and Godfrey, encouraging the besiegers, exclaimed: "It is St.
   George the martyr. He has come to our help." According to most of the
   accounts, Letold of Tournay [373] this crowning feat was three o'clock,
   the hour of the Saviour's death.

   The scenes of carnage which followed belong to the many dark pages of
   Jerusalem's history and showed how, in the quality of mercy, the
   crusading knight was far below the ideal of Christian perfection. The
   streets were choked with the bodies of the slain. The Jews were burnt
   with their synagogues. The greatest slaughter was in the temple
   enclosure. With an exaggeration which can hardly be credited, but
   without a twinge of regret or a syllable of excuse, it is related that
   the blood of the massacred in the temple area reached to the very knees
   and bridles of the horses. [374] [375]

   Penitential devotions followed easily upon the gory butchery of the
   sword. Headed by Godfrey, clad in a suit of white lined, the Crusaders
   proceeded to the church of the Holy Sepulchre and offered up prayers
   and thanksgivings. William of Tyre relates that Adhemar and others, who
   had fallen by the way, were seen showing the path to the holy places.
   The devotions over, the work of massacre was renewed. Neither the tears
   of women, nor the cries of children, nor the protests of Tancred, who
   for the honor of chivalry was concerned to save three hundred, to whom
   he had promised protection--none of these availed to soften the
   ferocity of the conquerors.

   As if to enhance the spectacle of pitiless barbarity, Saracen prisoners
   were forced to clear the streets of the dead bodies and blood to save
   the city from pestilence. "They wept and transported the dead bodies
   out of Jerusalem," is the heartless statement of Robert the Monk. [376]

   Such was the piety of the Crusaders. The religion of the Middle Ages
   combined self-denying asceticism with heartless cruelty to infidels,
   Jews, and heretics. "They cut down with the sword," said William of
   Tyre, "every one whom they found in Jerusalem, and spared no one. The
   victors were covered with blood from head to foot." In the next breath,
   speaking of the devotion of the Crusaders, the archbishop adds, "It was
   a most affecting sight which filled the heart with holy joy to see the
   people tread the holy places in the fervor of an excellent devotion."
   The Crusaders had won the tomb of the Saviour and gazed upon a fragment
   of the true cross, which some of the inhabitants were fortunate enough
   to have kept concealed during the siege.

   Before returning to Europe, Peter the Hermit received the homage of the
   Christian inhabitants of Jerusalem, who remembered his visit as a
   pilgrim and his services in their behalf. This was the closing scene of
   his connection with the Crusades. [377] une 29, 1854. He is represented
   in the garb of a monk, a rosary at his waist, a cross in his right
   hand, preaching the First Crusade.

   Urban II. died two weeks after the fall of Jerusalem and before the
   tidings of the event had time to reach his ears.

   No more favorable moment could have been chosen for the Crusade. The
   Seljukian power, which was at its height in the eleventh century, was
   broken up into rival dynasties and factions by the death of Molik Shah,
   1092. The Crusaders entered as a wedge before the new era of Moslem
   conquest and union opened.

   Note on the Relation of Peter the Hermit to the First Crusade.

   The view of Peter the Hermit, presented in this work, does not accord
   with the position taken by most of the modern writers on the Crusades.
   It is based on the testimony of Albert of Aachen and William of Tyre,
   historians of the First Crusade, and is, that Peter visited Jerusalem
   as a pilgrim, conversed with the patriarch Simeon over the desolations
   of the city, had a dream in the church of the Holy Sepulchre, returned
   to Europe with letters from Simeon which he presented to the pope, and
   then preached through Italy and beyond the Alps, and perhaps attended
   the Council of Clermont, where, however, he took no prominent part.

   The new view is that there occurrences were fictions. It was first set
   forth by von Sybel in his work on the First Crusade, in 1841. Sybel's
   work, which marks an epoch in the treatment of the Crusades, was
   suggested by the lectures of Ranke, 1837. [378] omparison of the
   earliest accounts, announced that there is no reliable evidence that
   Peter was the immediate instigator of the First Crusade, and that not
   to him but to Urban II. alone belongs the honor of having originated
   the movement. Peter did not make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, meet Urban,
   or preach about the woes of the Holy City prior to the assembling of
   the Synod of Clermont.

   These views, with some modification, have been advocated by Hagenmeyer
   in his careful and scholarly work on Peter the Hermit and in other
   writings on the First Crusade. [379] [380] is pilgrimage to Jerusalem,
   his visions there, his journey to the pope at Rome, his successful
   appeals to Urban to preach a crusade, and Peter's commanding position
   as one of the great preachers and leaders of the Crusade, all are found
   to be without the least foundation in fact." Dr. Dana C. Munro has
   recently declared that the belief that Peter was the instigator of the
   First Crusade has long since been abandoned. [381]

   It is proper that the reasons should be given in brief which have led
   to the retention of the old view in this volume. The author's view
   agrees with the judgment expressed by Archer, Story of the Crusades, p.
   27, that the account of Albert of Aachen "is no doubt true in the
   main."

   Albert of Aachen wrote his History of Jerusalem about 1120-1125, [382]
   ll read in the Bible, as his quotations show, and travelled in Europe.
   He is one of the ablest of the mediaeval historians, and his work is
   the monumental history of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. He was by his
   residence thoroughly acquainted with Palestine. It is not unworthy of
   mention that William's History represents the "office of the historian
   to be not to write what pleases him, but the material which the time
   offers," bk. XXIII. From the sixteenth to the twenty-third book he
   writes from personal observation. William stands between the credulous
   enthusiasm of the first writers on the Crusades and the cold scepticism
   of some modern historians.

   The new view, setting aside these two witnesses, bases its conclusion
   on the strictly contemporary accounts. These are silent about any part
   Peter took in the movement leading to the First Crusade prior to the
   Council of Clermont. They are: (1) the Gesta Francorum, written by an
   unknown writer, who reached Jerusalem with the Crusaders, wrote his
   account about 1099, and left the original, or a copy of it, in
   Jerusalem. (2) Robert the Monk, who was in Jerusalem, saw a copy of the
   Gesta, and copied from it. His work extends to 1099. He was present at
   the Council of Clermont. (3) Raymund, canon of Agiles, who accompanied
   the Crusaders to Jerusalem. (4) Fulcher of Chartres, who was present at
   Clermont, continued the history to 1125, accompanied the Crusaders to
   Jerusalem, and had much to do with the discovery of the holy lance. (5)
   The priest Tudebodus, who copied from the Gesta before 1111 and added
   very little of importance. (6) Ekkehard of Urach, who made a pilgrimage
   to Jerusalem, 1101. (7) Radulph of Caen, who in 1107 joined Tancred and
   related what he heard from him. (8) Guibert of Nogent, who was present
   at Clermont and wrote about 1110. (9) Baldric of Dol, who was at
   Clermont and copied from the Gesta in Jerusalem.

   Another contemporary, Anna Comnena, b. 1083, is an exception and
   reports the activity of Peter prior to the Council of Clermont, and
   says he made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, but was not permitted by the
   Turks to enter. He then hastened to Europe and preached about the woes
   of the city in order to provide a way to visit it again. Hagenmeyer is
   constrained by Anna's testimony to concede that Peter actually set
   forth on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, but did not reach the city.

   The silence of nine contemporary writers is certainly very noticeable.
   They had the means of knowing the facts. Why, then, do we accept the
   later statements of Albert of Aachen and William of Tyre? These are the
   considerations.

   1. The silence of contemporary writers is not a final argument against
   events. Eusebius, the chief historian of the ancient Church, utterly
   ignores the Catacombs. Silence, said Dr. Philip Schaff, referring to
   the Crusades, "is certainly not conclusive," "Reformed Ch. Rev." 1893,
   p. 449. There is nothing in the earlier accounts contradictory to
   Peter's activity prior to the Clermont synod. One and another of the
   writers omit important events of the First Crusade, but that is not a
   sufficient reason for our setting those events aside as fictitious. The
   Gesta has no account of Urban's speech at Clermont or reference to it.
   Guibert and Fulcher leave out in their reports of Urban's speech all
   reference to the appeal from Constantinople. Why does the Gesta pass
   over with the slightest notice Peter's breaking away from Germany on
   his march to Constantinople? This author's example is followed by
   Baldric, Tudebod, Fulcher, and Raymund of Agiles. These writers have
   not a word to say about Gottschalk, Volkmar, and Emich. As Hagenmeyer
   says, pp. 129, 157, no reason can be assigned for these silences, and
   yet the fact of these expeditions and the calamities in Hungary are not
   doubted.

   2. The accounts of Albert of Aachen and of William of Tyre are simply
   told and not at all unreasonable in their essential content. William
   definitely makes Peter the precursor of Urban. He was, he said, "of
   essential service to our lord the pope, who determined to follow him
   without delay across the mountains. He did him the service of a
   forerunner and prepared the minds of men in advance so that he might
   easily win them for himself." There is no indication in the
   archbishop's words of any purpose to disparage Urban's part in
   preparing for the Crusade. Urban followed after John the Baptist.
   William makes Urban the centre of the assemblage at Clermont and gives
   to his address great space, many times the space given to the
   experiences of Peter, and all honor is accorded to the pope for the way
   in which he did his part, bk. I. 16.

   3. Serious difficulties are presented in the theory of the growth of
   the legend of Peter's activity. They are these: (1) Albert of Aachen
   lived close to the events, and at the most twenty-five years elapsed
   between the capture of Jerusalem and his writing. (2) There is nothing
   in Peter's conduct during the progress of the Crusade to justify the
   growth of an heroic legend around him. The very contrary was the case.
   Moreover, neither Albert nor William know anything about Peter before
   his pilgrimage. Hagenmeyer has put the case in the proper light when he
   says, "Not a single authority suggests that Peter enjoyed any
   extraordinary repute before his connection with the Crusade. On the
   contrary, every one that mentions his name connects it with the
   Crusade," p. 120. (3) It is difficult to understand how the disposition
   could arise on the part of any narrator to transfer the credit of being
   the author of the Crusade from a pope to a monk, especially such a monk
   as Peter turned out to be. In reference to this consideration, Archer,
   p. 26, has well said, "There is little in the legend of Peter the
   Hermit which may not very well be true, and the story, as it stands, is
   more plausible than if we had to assume that tradition had transferred
   the credit from a pope to a simple hermit." (4) We may very well
   account for Anna Comnena's story of Peter's being turned back by the
   Turks by her desire to parry the force of his conversation with the
   Greek patriarch Simeon. It was her purpose to disparage the Crusade.
   Had she admitted the message of Simeon through Peter to the pope, she
   would have conceded a strong argument for the divine approval upon the
   movement. As for Anna, she makes mistakes, confusing Peter once with
   Adhemar and once with Peter Barthelemy.

   (5) All the accounts mention Peter. He is altogether the most prominent
   man in stirring up interest in the Crusade subsequent to the council.
   Hagenmeyer goes even so far as to account for his success by the
   assumption that Peter made telling use of his abortive pilgrimage,
   missglückte Pilgerfahrt. As already stated, Peter was listened to by
   "in immense throngs;" no one in the memory of the abbot of Nogent had
   enjoyed so much honor. "He was held in higher esteem than prelates and
   abbots," says Robert the Monk. As if to counteract the impression upon
   the reader, these writers emphasize that Peter's influence was over the
   rude and lawless masses, and, as Guibert says, that the bands which
   followed him were the dregs of France. Now it is difficult to
   understand how a monk, before unknown, who had never been in Jerusalem,
   and was not at the Council of Clermont, could at once work into his
   imagination such vivid pictures of the woe and wails of the Christians
   of the East as to attain a foremost pre-eminence as a preacher of the
   Crusade.

   (6) Good reasons can be given for the omission of Peter's conduct prior
   to the Council of Clermont by the earliest writers. The Crusade was a
   holy and heroic movement. The writers were interested in magnifying the
   part taken by the chivalry of Europe. Some of them were with Peter in
   the camp, and they found him heady, fanatical, impracticable, and
   worse. He probably was spurned by the counts and princes. Many of the
   writers were chaplains of these chieftains, -Raymund, Baldwin, Tancred,
   Bohemund. The lawlessness of Peter's bands has been referred to. The
   defeat at Nicaea robbed Peter of all glory and position he might
   otherwise have had with the main army when it reached Asia. [383] ting
   flight, being caught in the act by Tancred and Bohemund. The Gesta
   gives a detailed account of this treachery, and Guibert [384]
   ypocrite." [385] [386] was held by the princes, after his inglorious
   campaign to Constantinople and Nicaea, the early writers had not the
   heart to mention his services prior to the council. Far better for the
   glory of the cause that those experiences should pass into eternal
   forgetfulness.

   Why should legend then come to be attached to his memory? Why should
   not Adhemar have been chosen for the honor which was put upon this
   unknown monk who made so many mistakes and occupied so subordinate a
   position in the main crusading army? Why stain the origin of so
   glorious a movement by making Peter with his infirmities and ignoble
   birth responsible for the inception of the Crusade? It would seem as if
   the theory were more probable that the things which led the great
   Crusaders to disparage, if not to ridicule, Peter induced the earlier
   writers to ignore his meritorious activity prior to the Council of
   Clermont. After the lapse of time, when the memory of his follies was
   not so fresh, the real services of Peter were again recognized. For
   these reasons the older portrait of Peter has been regarded as the true
   one in all its essential features.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [353] For the account of these early expeditions, we are chiefly
   dependent upon Albert of Aachen. Guibert makes no distinction of
   sections, and has only a cursory notice of the expeditions before the
   arrival of Peter in Constantinople.

   [354] Sine Pecunia, Sansavoir, Habenichts. These preliminary
   expeditions, Röhricht and other historians call Die Züge der Bauern,
   the campaigns of the peasants.

   [355] See Hagenmeyer, 204 sq. Peter apologized to the emperor for the
   defeat on the ground of his inability to control his followers, who, he
   declared, were unworthy to see Jerusalem. Anna Comnena calls Peter the
   "inflated Latin."

   [356] I. 26.

   [357] Anna Comnena says the Crusaders flowed together from all
   directions like rivers. She gives the number of Peter's army as eighty
   thousand foot and one hundred thousand horse. Fulcher speaks of the
   numbers setting out from the West as "an immense assemblage. The
   islands of the sea and the whole earth were moved by God to make
   contribution to the host. The sadness was for those who remained
   behind, the joy for those who departed."

   [358] This is upon the testimony of Albert of Aachen and Guibert. See
   Röhricht, Erster Kreuzzug, 240 sq., and references there given.

   [359] Mannheimer, Die Judenverfolgungen in Speier, Worms und Mainz im
   Jahre 1096, während des ersten Kreuzzuges, Darmstadt, 1877. Hagenmeyer,
   p. 139, clears Peter of Amiens of the shameful glory of initiating this
   racial massacre, and properly claims it for count Emich and his mob.
   See also Röhricht, Gesch. d. ersten Kreuzzuges, 41-46.

   [360] Albert of Aachen, II. 18.

   [361] Gibbon calls him "a respectable prelate alike qualified for this
   world and the next."

   [362] Bouillon, not to be confounded with Boulogne-sur-mer, on the
   English Channel, is a town in Belgian Luxemburg, and was formerly the
   capital of the lordship of Bouillon, which Godfrey mortgaged to the
   bishop of Liège in 1095. It has belonged to Belgium since 1831.

   [363] Gibbon: "In the accomplished character of Tancred we discover all
   the virtues of a perfect knight, the true spirit of chivalry, which
   inspired the generous sentiments and social offices of man far better
   than the base philosophy, or the baser religion, of the time."

   [364] Fulcher, I. 13, Rec., III. 336.

   [365] Raymund of Agiles says Alexius treated the crusading army in such
   wise that so "long as ever he lives, the people will curse him and call
   him a traitor."

   [366] The contemporary authorities represent the reprimand as given to
   Carpentarius. As Hagenmeyer suggests, Peter was included and
   Carpentarius'name alone mentioned because he was of royal blood.

   [367] Among those who helped to dig for the weapon was Raymund of
   Agiles. Its authenticity was a matter of dispute, Adhemar being one of
   those who doubted. Barthelemy went through the ordeal of fire to prove
   the truth of his statements, but died in consequence of the injuries he
   suffered.

   [368] According to Robert the Monk, IV., Rec., III. 824, a heavenly
   sign was granted on the eve of the final attack, a flame burning in the
   western sky, ignis de coelo veniens ab occidente. One of the
   interesting remains of the crusadal period are two letters written by
   Stephen, count of Chartres, to his wife Adele, the one before Nicaea
   and the other during the siege of Antioch. They are given in
   Hagenmeyer, Epistulae, pp. 138, 149.

   [369] The figures are differently given. See Sybel, 412, and Röhricht,
   Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzuges, 183. William of Tyre gives the number as
   twenty-one thousand, and the army defending Jerusalem as forty
   thousand.

   [370] Raymund of Agiles reports that the Crusaders forgot the
   exhortation of Peter Barthelemy to make the last part of the journey
   barefoot. "They remembered their weariness no more, and hastening their
   steps reached the walls amidst tears and praises."

   [371] On this occasion Peter the Hermit and Arnulf, afterwards
   archbishop of Jerusalem, made addresses on the Mount of Olives to
   restore unity among the crusading leaders, especially Tancred and
   Raymund. Albert of Aachen, VI. 8, Rec., IV. 471, says, ad populos
   sermones ... plurimam discordiam quae inter Peregrinos de diversis
   causis excreverat exstinxerunt. Tancred had stirred up much jealousy by
   raising his banner over Bethlehem. Hagenmeyer, p. 259, accepts Albert's
   account as genuine against Sybel.

   [372] Miles splendidus et refulgens.

   [373] Guibert, VII. 7, Rec., IV. 226; Robert the Monk, VII., Rec., III.
   867.

   [374] So Raymund of Agiles, an eyewitness, usque ad genua et usque ad
   frenos equorum, XX., Rec, III. 300. This he calls "the righteous
   judgment of God."

   [375] So the Gesta: tales occisiones de paganorum gente nullus unquam
   audivit nec vidit ... nemo scit numerum eorum nisi solus deus. The
   slain are variously estimated from forty thousand to one hundred
   thousand. Guibert, Gesta, VII. 7, Rec., IV. 227, further says that in
   the temple area there was such a sea of blood, sanguinis unda, as
   almost to submerge the pedestrian.

   [376] IX., Rec., III. 869. Robert gives an awful picture of the streets
   filled with dismembered bodies and running with gore.

   [377] William of Tyre is the earliest witness to this scene. Leaving
   out embellishments, it does not seem to be at all unnatural.
   Hagenmeyer, pp. 265-269, calls it the "sheer invention of William's
   fancy."

   [378] Sybel, Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzugs, p. ii.

   [379] Hagenmeyer, Peter der Eremite, p. 102, says, Dem Papste allein
   ist der Ruhm zu erhalten den ihm der Einsiedler von Amiens bis auf
   unsere Tage zur grösseren Hälfte streitig gemacht hat.Also Sybel, p.
   243.

   [380] Report of the Am. Hist. Association, 1900, p. 504 sq. See also
   the very emphatic statements of G. L.. Burr in art. The year 1000 and
   the Antecedents of the Crusades in the "Am. Hist. Rev.," April, 1901,
   pp. 429-439, and Trans. and Reprints of the Univ. of Pa., 1894, pp. 19
   sqq.

   [381] The Speech of Urban II. etc., in "Am. Hist. Rev.," 1906, p. 232.

   [382] He says he reports what he heard, ex auditu et relatione.

   [383] Nach einer solchen Katastrophe war ofenbar auch bei diesen alles
   Ansehen für ihn dabei, Hagenmeyer, p. 204.

   [384] Ut stellae quoque juxta Apocalypsim de coelo cadere viderentur,
   Petrus ille, etc.

   [385] Ekkehard XIII., Rec., V. 21, says that Peter's cohorts became the
   object of derision to the Turks as soon as they reached Asia Minor,
   cohortes ...paganis fuerant jam ludibrio factae.

   [386] Hagenmeyer, pp. 220 sqq., 243, suggests that at the time of
   William's writing such things were no longer told.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 51. The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. 1099-1187.

   Literature.--G. T. De Thaumassière: Assises et bons usages du royaume
   de Jérusalem, etc., Paris, 1690, 1712; Assises de Jérusalem, in Recueil
   des Historiens des croisades, 2 vols., Paris, 1841-1843.--Hody:
   Godefroy de Bouillon et les rois Latins de Jérus., 2d ed., Paris,
   1859.--Röhricht: Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, Innsbruck, 1893; Gesch.
   des Königreichs Jerus. 1100-1291, Innsbruck, 1898.--Lane-Poole: Saladin
   and the Fall of the Kingdom of Jerus., N. Y., 1898. The first biography
   of Saladin in English, written largely from the standpoint of the Arab
   historians.--C. R. Conder: The Latin Kingd. of Jerus., London,
   1899.--F. Kühn: Gesch. der ersten Patriarchen von Jerus., Leipzig,
   1886.--Funk: art. Jerusalem, Christl. Königreich, in "Wetzer-Welte,"
   VI. p. 1335 sqq.

   Eight days after the capture of the Holy City a permanent government
   was established, known as the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem. Godfrey was
   elected king, but declined the title of royalty, unwilling to wear a
   crown of gold where the Saviour had worn a crown of thorns. [387]
   cements. [388]

   Godfrey extended his realm, but survived the capture of Jerusalem only
   a year, dying July 18, 1100. He was honored and lamented as the most
   disinterested and devout among the chieftains of the First Crusade. His
   body was laid away in the church of the Holy Sepulchre, where his
   reputed sword and spurs are still shown. On his tomb was the
   inscription:, Here lies Godfrey of Bouillon, who conquered all this
   territory for the Christian religion. May his soul be at rest with
   Christ." [389]

   With the Latin kingdom was established the Latin patriarchate of
   Jerusalem. The election of Arnulf, chaplain to Robert of Normandy, was
   declared irregular, and Dagobert, or Daimbert, archbishop of Pisa, was
   elected in his place Christmas Day, 1099. [390] nt of his kingdom as a
   fief of the patriarch. After the fall of Jerusalem, in 1187, the
   patriarchs lived in Acre. [391]

   The constitution and judicial procedure of the new realm were fixed by
   the Assizes of Jerusalem. These were deposited under seal in the church
   of the Holy Sepulchre and are also called the Letters of the Holy
   Sepulchre. [392] salem code.

   These statutes reproduced the feudal system of Europe. The conquered
   territory was distributed among the barons, who held their possessions
   under the king of Jerusalem as overlord. The four chief fiefs were
   Jaffa and Ascalon, Kerat, east of the Jordan, Galilee, and Sidon. The
   counts of Tripoli and Edessa and the prince of Antioch were independent
   of the kingdom of Jerusalem. A system of courts was provided, the
   highest being presided over by the king. Trial by combat of arms was
   recognized. A second court provided for justice among the burgesses. A
   third gave it to the natives. Villeins or slaves were treated as
   property according to the discretion of the master, but are also
   mentioned as being subject to the courts of law. The slave and the
   falcon were estimated as equal in value. Two slaves were held at the
   price of a horse and three slaves at the price of twelve oxen. The man
   became of age at twenty-five, the woman at twelve. The feudal system in
   Europe was a natural product. In Palestine it was an exotic.

   The Christian occupation of Palestine did not bring with it a reign of
   peace. The kingdom was torn by the bitter intrigues of barons and
   ecclesiastics, while it was being constantly threatened from without.
   The inner strife was the chief source of weakness. The monks settled
   down in swarms over the country, and the Franciscans became the
   guardians of the holy places. The illegitimate offspring of the
   Crusaders by Moslem women, called pullani, were a degenerate race,
   marked by avarice, faithlessness, and debauchery. [393]

   Godfrey was succeeded by his brother Baldwin, count of Edessa, who was
   crowned at Bethlehem. He was a man of intelligence and the most
   vigorous of the kings of Jerusalem. He died of a fever in Egypt, and
   his body was laid at the side of his brother's in Jerusalem.

   During Baldwin's reign, 1100-1118, the limits of the kingdom were
   greatly extended. [394] gurd, son of the king of Norway, who had with
   him ten thousand Crusaders. One-third of Asia Minor was reduced, a part
   of the territory reverting to the Greek empire. Damascus never fell
   into European hands. With the progress of their arms, the Crusaders
   reared strong castles from Petra to the far North as well as on the
   eastern side of the Jordan. Their ruins attest the firm purpose of
   their builders to make their occupation permanent. "We who were
   Westerners," said Fulcher of Chartres, "are now Easterners. We have
   forgotten our native land." It is proof of the attractiveness of the
   cause, if not also of the country, that so many Crusaders sought to
   establish themselves there permanently. Many who went to Europe
   returned a second time, and kings spent protracted periods in the East.

   During Baldwin's reign most of the leaders of the First Crusade died or
   returned to Europe. But the ranks were being continually recruited by
   fresh expeditions. Pascal II., the successor of Urban II., sent forth a
   call for recruits. The Italian cities furnished fleets, and did
   important service in conjunction with the land forces. The Venetians,
   Pisans, and Genoese established quarters of their own in Jerusalem,
   Acre, and other cities. Thousands took the cross in Lombardy, France,
   and Germany, and were led by Anselm, archbishop of Milan, Stephen, duke
   of Burgundy, William, duke of Aquitaine, Ida of Austria, and others.
   Hugh of Vermandois, who had gone to Europe, returned. Bohemund likewise
   returned with thirty-four thousand men, and opposed the Greek emperor.
   At least two Christian armies attempted to attack Islam in its
   stronghold at Bagdad.

   Under Baldwin II., 1118-1131, the nephew of Baldwin I., Tyre was taken,
   1124. This event marks the apogee of the Crusaders' possessions and
   power.

   In the reign of Fulke of Anjou, 1131-1143, the husband of Millicent,
   Baldwin II.'s daughter, Zengi, surnamed Imaded-din, the Pillar of the
   Faith, threatened the very existence of the Frankish kingdom.

   Baldwin III., 1143-1162, came to the throne in his youth. [395]

   Amalric, or Amaury, 1162-1173, carried his arms and diplomacy into
   Egypt, and saw the fall of the Fatimite dynasty which had been in power
   for two centuries. The power in the South now became identified with
   the splendid and warlike abilities of Saladin, who, with Nureddin,
   healed the divisions of the Mohammedans, and compacted their power from
   Bagdad to Cairo. Henceforth the kingdom of Jerusalem stood on the
   defensive. The schism between the Abassidae and the Fatimites had made
   the conquest of Jerusalem in 1099 possible.

   Baldwin IV., 1173-1184, a boy of thirteen at his accession, was, like
   Uzziah, a leper. Among the regents who conducted the affairs of the
   kingdom during his reign was the duke of Montferrat, who married
   Sybilla, the king's sister. In 1174 Saladin, by the death of Nureddin,
   became caliph of the whole realm from Damascus to the Nile, and started
   on the path of God, the conquest of Jerusalem.

   Baldwin V., 1184-1186, a child of five, and son of Sybilla, was
   succeeded by Guy of Lusignan, Sybilla's second husband. Saladin met Guy
   and the Crusaders at the village of Hattin, on the hill above Tiberius,
   where tradition has placed the delivery of the Sermon on the Mount. The
   Templars and Hospitallers were there in force, and the true cross was
   carried by the bishop of Acre, clad in armor. On July 5, 1187, the
   decisive battle was fought. The Crusaders were completely routed, and
   thirty thousand are said to have perished. Guy of Lusignan, the masters
   of the Temple [396] he enemy. Reginald was struck to death in Saladin's
   tent, but the king and the other captives were treated with clemency.
   [397]

   On Oct. 2, 1187, Saladin entered Jerusalem after it had made a brave
   resistance. The conditions of surrender were most creditable to the
   chivalry of the great commander. There were no scenes of savage
   butchery such as followed the entry of the Crusaders ninety years
   before. The inhabitants were given their liberty for the payment of
   money, and for forty days the procession of the departing continued.
   The relics stored away in the church of the Holy Sepulchre were
   delivered up by the conqueror for the sum of fifty thousand bezants,
   paid by Richard I. [398]

   Thus ended the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem. Since then the worship of
   Islam has continued on Mount Moriah without interruption. The Christian
   conquests were in constant danger through the interminable feuds of the
   Crusaders themselves, and, in spite of the constant flow of recruits
   and treasure from Europe, they fell easily before the unifying
   leadership of Saladin.

   After 1187 a line of nominal kings of Jerusalem presented a romantic
   picture in European affairs. The last real king, Guy of Lusignan, was
   released, and resumed his kingly pretension without a capital city.
   Conrad of Montferrat, who had married Isabella, daughter of Amalric,
   was granted the right of succession. He was murdered before reaching
   the throne, and Henry of Champagne became king of Jerusalem on Guy's
   accession to the crown of Cyprus. In 1197 the two crowns of Cyprus and
   Jerusalem were united in Amalric II. At his death the crown passed to
   Mary, daughter of Conrad of Montferrat. Mary's husband was John of
   Brienne. At the marriage of their daughter, Iolanthe, to the emperor
   Frederick II., that sovereign assumed the title, King of Jerusalem.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [387] The official title of the kings was rex Latinorum in Hierusalem.
   In rejecting the crown, says William of Tyre, "Godfrey did so as a
   believing prince. He was the best of kings, the light and mirror of all
   others,"lumen et speculum, IX. 9, Rec., I. 377. The clergy had dreamed
   of the complete subjection of the civil government of Jerusalem to the
   spiritual government under the patriarch. The first patriarch not only
   secured for his jurisdiction one-fourth of Jerusalem and Jaffa, but the
   promise from Godfrey of the whole of both cities, provided Godfrey was
   successful in taking Cairo or some other large hostile city, or should
   die without male heirs. See Röhricht, Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzuges, p.
   218.

   [388] See Dagobert's appeal in Hagenmeyer, Epistulae, 176 sq., 412 sqq.
   He speaks of "Jerusalem as the most excellent of all places for
   sanctity," and says that "for this reason it was oppressed by the
   pagans and infidels." Fulcher, writing of the year 1100, declares that
   there were only three hundred knights and as many footmen left for the
   defence of Jerusalem, Jaffa, and Ramleh. See quotation in Hagenmeyer,
   415.

   [389] Hic jacet inclitus dux Godefridus de Bouillon qui totam sitam
   terram acquisivit cultui christiano, cujus anima regnet cum Christo.

   [390] According to Raymund of Agiles, Arnulf was a man of loose life
   and his amours subjects of camp songs.

   [391] From the fall of Acre, 1291 to 1848, the patriarchs, with two
   exceptions, lived in Rome. In 1848 Valerga, appointed patriarch by Pius
   IX., took up his residence in Jerusalem.

   [392] Wilken devotes a long treatment to the subject, I. pp. 307-424.

   [393] Fulani, "anybodies." The designation fulan ibn fulan, "so and so,
   the son of so and so," is a most opprobrious mode of address among the
   Arabs.

   [394] The following mode of reducing a tribe of robbers is
   characteristic. The robbers took refuge in a cave. Baldwin resorted to
   smoking them out. Two emerged; Baldwin spoke kindly to them, dressed
   one up and sent him back with fair promises, while he put the other to
   death. Ten others emerged. One was sent back and the other nine put to
   death. The same method was employed till two hundred and thirty had
   been induced to come forth and were put to death. The fires were then
   started again till all came forth and met the same fate.

   [395] From this point William of Tyre writes as an eye-witness, XVI.
   sqq.

   [396] According to the letter of Terricius, Master of the Temple, two
   hundred and ninety Templars perished, and the Saracens covered the
   whole land from Tyre to Gaza like swarms of ants. Richard of Hoveden,
   an. 1187, says the Templars fought like lions.

   [397] Saladin offered a glass of water to Guy. When Guy handed It to
   Reginald, Saladin exclaimed, "I did not order that. You gave it," and
   at once despatched Reginald by his own hand, or through a servant.
   Reginald had plundered a caravan in which Saladin's sister was
   travelling. Lane-Poole, Saladin, p. 215.

   [398] The bezant was worth three dollars.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 52. The Fall of Edessa and the Second Crusade.

   Literature.--Odo of Deuil (near Paris), chaplain of Louis VII.: De
   profectione Ludovici VII. in Orientem 1147-1149 in Migne, 185,
   translated by Guizot: Collection, XXIV. pp. 279-384.--Otto of Freising,
   d. 1158, half brother of Konrad III. and uncle of Fred. Barbarossa:
   Chronicon, bk. VII., translated in Pertz-Wattenbach, Geschichtschreiber
   der Deutschen Vorzeit, Leipzig, 1881. Otto accompanied the
   Crusade.--Kugler: Gesch. des 2ten Kreuzzuges, Stuttgart, 1866.--The De
   consideratione and De militibus Christi of Bernard and the Biographies
   of Bernard by Neander, ed. by Deutsch, II. 81-116; Morison, Pp.
   366-400; Storrs, p. 416 sqq.; Vacandard, II. 270-318, 431 sqq. F.
   Marion Crawford has written a novel on this Crusade: Via Crucis, a
   Story of the Second Crusade, N. Y., 1899.

   The Second Crusade was led by two sovereigns, the emperor Konrad III.
   and Louis VII. of France, and owed its origin to the profound
   impression made in Europe by the fall of Edessa and the zealous
   eloquence of St. Bernard. Edessa, the outer citadel of the Crusader's
   conquests, fell, December, 1144. Jocelyn II., whose father, Jocelyn I.,
   succeeded Baldwin as proprietor of Edessa, was a weak and
   pleasure-loving prince. The besiegers built a fire in a breach in the
   wall, a piece of which, a hundred yards long, cracked with the flames
   and fell. An appalling massacre followed the inrush of the Turks, under
   Zengi, whom the Christians called the Sanguinary. [399]

   Eugenius III. rightly regarded Zengi's victory as a threat to the
   continuance of the Franks in Palestine, and called upon the king of
   France to march to their relief. The forgiveness of all sins and life
   eternal were promised to all embarking on the enterprise who should die
   confessing their sins. [400] preach the crusade. Bernard, the most
   conspicuous personage of his age, was in the zenith of his fame. He
   regarded the summons as a call from God, [401]

   At Easter tide, 1146, Louis, who had before, in remorse for his burning
   the church at Vitry with thirteen hundred persons, promised to go on a
   crusade, assembled a great council at Vézelai. Bernard was present and
   made such an overpowering impression by his address that the bearers
   pressed forward to receive crosses. He himself was obliged to out his
   robe to pieces to meet the demand. [402] es. One man could hardly be
   found for seven women, and the women were being everywhere widowed
   while their husbands were still alive."

   From France Bernard proceeded to Basel and Constance and the cities
   along the Rhine, as far as Cologne. As in the case of the First
   Crusade, a persecution was started against the Jews on the Rhine by a
   monk, Radulph. Bernard firmly set himself against the fanaticism and
   wrote that the Church should attempt to gain the Jews by discussion,
   and not destroy them by the sword.

   Thousands flocked to hear the fervent preacher, who added miraculous
   healings to the impression of his eloquence. The emperor Konrad himself
   was deeply moved and won. During Christmas week at Spires, Bernard
   preached before him an impassionate discourse. "What is there, O man,"
   he represented Christ as saying, seated in judgment upon the imperial
   hearer at the last day,--"What is there which I ought to have done for
   thee and have not done?" He contrasted the physical prowess, [403] he
   emperor with the favor of the supreme judge of human actions. Bursting
   into tears, the emperor exclaimed: "I shall henceforth not be found
   ungrateful to God's mercy. I am ready to serve Him, seeing I am
   admonished by Him." Of all his miracles Bernard esteemed the emperor's
   decision the chief one.

   Konrad at once prepared for the expedition. Seventy thousand armed men,
   seven thousand of whom were knights, assembled at Regensburg, and
   proceeded through Hungary to the Bosphorus, meeting with a poor
   reception along the route. The Greek emperor Manuel and Konrad were
   brothers-in-law, having married sisters, but this tie was no protection
   to the Germans. Guides, provided by Manuel, "children of Belial" as
   William of Tyre calls them, treacherously led them astray in the
   Cappadocian mountains. [404]

   Louis received the oriflamme from Eugenius's own hands at St. Denis,
   Easter, 1147, and followed the same route taken by Konrad. His queen,
   Eleanor, famed for her beauty, and many ladies of the court accompanied
   the army. The two sovereigns met at Nicaea and proceeded together to
   Ephesus. Konrad returned to Constantinople by ship, and Louis, after
   reaching Attalia, left the body of his army to proceed by land, and
   sailed to Antioch.

   At Antioch, Eleanor laid herself open to the serious charge of levity,
   if not to infidelity to her marriage vow. She and the king afterward
   publicly separated at Jerusalem, and later were divorced by the pope.
   Eleanor was then joined to Henry of Anjou, and later became the queen
   of Henry II. of England. Konrad, who reached Acre by ship from
   Constantinople, met Louis at Jerusalem, and in company with Baldwin
   III. the two sovereigns from the West offered their devotions in the
   church of the Holy Sepulchre. At a council of the three held under the
   walls of Acre, [405] e distant Edessa. The route was by way of Lake
   Tiberias and over the Hermon. The siege ended in complete failure,
   owing to the disgraceful quarrels between the camps and the leaders,
   and the claim of Thierry, count of Flanders, who had been in the East
   twice before, to the city as his own. Konrad started back for Germany,
   September, 1148. Louis, after spending the winter in Jerusalem, broke
   away the following spring. Bernard felt the humiliation of the failure
   keenly, and apologized for it by ascribing it to the judgment of God
   for the sins of the Crusaders and of the Christian world. "The
   judgments of the Lord are just," he wrote, "but this one is an abyss so
   deep that I dare to pronounce him blessed who is not scandalized by
   it." [406] he was responsible for the expedition, Bernard exclaimed,
   "Was Moses to blame, in the wilderness, who promised to lead the
   children of Israel to the Promised Land? Was it not rather the sins of
   the people which interrupted the progress of their journey?"

   Edessa remained lost to the Crusaders, and Damascus never fell into
   their power.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [399] See Otto of Freising, VII. 30.

   [400] Gottlob, Kreuzablass, 106 sqq. Eugenius quoted Urban II's decree
   of indulgence at Clermont.

   [401] De consideratione, II. 1, Reinkens'translation, pp. 31-37. In
   this chapter of his famous tract, Bernard explains and justifies his
   course in the Crusade.

   [402] Odo, I. 1, caeperunt undique conclamando cruces expetere ...
   coactus est vestes suas in cruces scindere et seminare.

   [403] As a proof of Konrad's strength, William of Tyre, XVII. 4,
   relates that at the siege of Damascus he hewed a man clad in armor
   through head, neck, and shoulder to the armpit with one stroke of his
   blade.

   [404] Bk. XVI. 20. William suggests that Manuel's jealousy was aroused
   because Konrad asserted the title, king of the Romans. Diehl, Essays on
   the Crusades, p. 107, doubts the statement that Manuel's guides
   intentionally misled and betrayed the Germans. He, however,
   acknowledges that Greek inhabitants of Asia Minor "fleeced or starved
   the Latins."

   [405] William of Tyre, XVII., gives a list of the distinguished
   personages present, Bishop Otto of Freising, the emperor's brother,
   being among them.

   [406] De consideratione, II. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 53. The Third Crusade. 1189-1192.

   For Richard I.: Itinerarium perigrinorum et gesta regis Ricardi, ed. by
   Stubbs, London, 1864, Rolls Series, formerly ascribed to Geoffrey de
   Vinsauf, but, since Stubbs, to Richard de Templo or left anonymous.
   Trans. in Chronicles of the Crusades, Bohn's Libr., 1870. The author
   accompanied the Crusade.--De Hoveden, ed. by Stubbs, 4 vols., London,
   1868-1871; Engl. trans. by Riley, vol. II. pp. 63-270.--Giraldus
   Cambrensis: Itinerarium Cambriae, ed. by Brewer and Dimock, London, 7
   vols. 1861-1877, vol. VI., trans. by R. C. Hoare, London,
   1806.--Richard De Devizes: Chronicon de rebus gestis Ricardi, etc.,
   London, 1838, trans. in Bohn's Chron. of the Crusades.--Roger
   Wendover.--De Joinville: Crusade of St. Louis, trans. in Chron. of the
   Crus.

   For full list of authorities on Richard see art. Richard by Archer in
   Dict. of Vat. Biog. -- G. P. R. James: Hist. of the Life of B. Coeur de
   Lion, new ed. 2 vols. London, 1854. --T. A. Archer: The Crusade of
   Richard I., being a collation of Richard de Devizes, etc., London,
   1868.--Gruhn: Der Kreuzzug Richard I., Berlin, 1892.

   For Frederick Barbarossa: Ansbert, an eye-witness: Hist. de expeditione
   Frid., 1187-1196, ed. by Jos. Dobrowsky, Prague, 1827.--For other
   sources, see Wattenbach: Deutsche Geschichtsquellen, II. 303 sqq., and
   Potthast: Bibl. Hist., II. 1014, 1045, etc.--Karl Fischer: Gesch. des
   Kreuzzugs Fried. I., Leipzig, 1870.--H. Prutz: Kaiser Fried. I., 3
   vols. Dantzig, 1871-1873.--Von Raumer: Gesch. der Hohenstaufen, vol.
   II. 5th ed. Leipzig, 1878.--Giesebrecht: Deutsche Kaiserzeit, vol. V.

   For Saladin: Baha-ed-din, a member of Saladin's court, 1145-1234, the
   best Arabic Life, in the Recueil, Histt. Orientaux, etc., III., 1884,
   and in Palestine, Pilgrim's Text Soc., ed. by Sir C. W. Wilson, London,
   1897.--Marin: Hist. de Saladin, sulthan d'Égypte et de Syrie, Paris,
   1758.--Lane-Poole: Saladin and the Fall of Jerusalem, New York, 1898, a
   full list and an estimate of Arab authorities are given, pp. iii-xvi.

   See also the general Histories of the Crusades and Ranke: Weltgesch.,
   VIII.

   The Third Crusade was undertaken to regain Jerusalem, which had been
   lost to Saladin, 1187. It enjoys the distinction of having had for its
   leaders the three most powerful princess of Western Europe, the emperor
   Frederick Barbarossa, Philip Augustus, king of France, and the English
   king Richard I., surnamed Coeur de Lion, or the Lion-hearted. [407] in
   romance than any of the other Crusades, from the songs of the mediaeval
   minstrels to Lessing in his Nathan the Wise and Walter Scott in
   Talisman. But in spite of the splendid armaments, the expedition was
   almost a complete failure.

   On the news of Saladin's victories, Urban III. is alleged to have died
   of grief. [408] n readiness for a new expedition. A hundred years had
   elapsed since the First Crusade, and its leaders were already invested
   with a halo of romance and glory. The aged Gregory VIII., whose reign
   lasted less than two months, 1187, spent his expiring breath in an
   appeal to the princes to desist from their feuds. Under the influence
   of William, archbishop of Tyre, and the archbishop of Rouen, Philip
   Augustus of France and Henry II. of England laid aside their quarrels
   and took the cross. At Henry's death his son Richard, then thirty-two
   years of age, set about with impassioned zeal to make preparations for
   the Crusade. The treasure which Henry had left, Richard augmented by
   sums secured from the sale of castles and bishoprics. [409] sed William
   of Scotland from homage, and he would have sold London itself, so he
   said, if a purchaser rich enough had offered himself. [410] d the
   expedition. [411]

   Richard and Philip met at Vézelai. Among the great lords who joined
   them were Hugh, duke of Burgundy, Henry II., count of Champagne, and
   Philip of Flanders. As a badge for himself and his men, the French king
   chose a red cross, Richard a white cross, and the duke of Flanders a
   green cross.

   In the meantime Frederick Barbarossa, who was on the verge of seventy,
   had reached the Bosphorus. Mindful of his experiences with Konrad III.,
   whom he accompanied on the Second Crusade, he avoided the mixed
   character of Konrad's army by admitting to the ranks only those who
   were physically strong and had at least three marks. The army numbered
   one hundred thousand, of whom fifty thousand sat in the saddle.
   Frederick of Swabia accompanied his father, the emperor.

   Setting forth from Ratisbon in May, 1189, the German army had proceeded
   by way of Hungary to Constantinople. The Greek emperor, Isaac Angelus,
   far from regarding the Crusaders' approach with favor, threw
   Barbarossa's commissioners into prison and made a treaty with Saladin.
   [412] unity was afforded Frederick of uniting the East and West once
   more under a single sceptre. Wallachians and Servians promised him
   their support if he would dethrone Isaac and take the crown. But though
   there was provocation enough, Frederick refused to turn aside from his
   purpose, the reconquest of Jerusalem, [413] adnus river into which he
   had plunged to cool himself. [414] the mighty monarch, and far removed
   from those of his great predecessor, Charlemagne at Aachen! Scarcely
   ever has a life so eminent had such a tragic and deplored ending. In
   right imperial fashion, Frederick had sent messengers ahead, calling
   upon Saladin to abandon Jerusalem and deliver up the true cross. With a
   demoralized contingent, Frederick of Swabia reached the walls of Acre,
   where he soon after became a victim of the plague, October, 1190.

   Philip and Richard reached the Holy Land by the Mediterranean. They
   sailed for Sicily, 1190, Philip from Genoa, Richard from Marseilles.
   Richard found employment on the island in asserting the rights of his
   sister Joan, widow of William II. of Sicily, who had been robbed of her
   dower by William's illegitimate son, Tancred. "Quicker than priest can
   chant matins did King Richard take Messina." [415] ent was one that
   only knights and the clergy were to be allowed to play games for money,
   and the amount staked on any one day was not to exceed twenty
   shillings.

   Leaving Sicily, [416] nd as a punishment for the ill treatment of
   pilgrims and the stranding of his vessels, he wrested the kingdom in a
   three weeks' campaign from Isaac Comnenus. The English at their
   occupation of Cyprus, 1878, might well have recalled Richard's
   conquest. On the island, Richard's nuptials were consummated with
   Berengaria of Navarre, whom he preferred to Philip's sister Alice, to
   whom he had been betrothed. In June he reached Acre. "For joy at his
   coming," says Baha-ed-din, the Arab historian, "the Franks broke forth
   in rejoicing, and lit fires in their camps all night through. The hosts
   of the Mussulmans were filled with fear and dread." [417]

   Acre, or Ptolemais, under Mount Carmel, had become the metropolis of
   the Crusaders, as it was the key to the Holy Land. Christendom had few
   capitals so gay in its fashions and thronged with such diverse types of
   nationality. Merchants were there from the great commercial marts of
   Europe. The houses, placed among gardens, were rich with painted glass.
   The Hospitallers and Templars had extensive establishments.

   Against Acre, Guy of Lusignan had been laying siege for two years.
   Released by Saladin upon condition of renouncing all claim to his crown
   and going beyond the seas, he had secured easy absolution from the
   priest from this solemn oath. Baldwin of Canterbury, Hubert Walter,
   bishop of Salisbury, and the justiciar Ranulf of Glanvill had arrived
   on the scene before Richard. "We found our army," wrote the
   archbishop's chaplain, [418] ease and lust, rather than encouraging
   virtue. The Lord is not in the camp. Neither chastity, solemnity,
   faith, nor charity are there--a state of things which, I call God to
   witness, I would not have believed if I had not seen it with my own
   eyes."

   Saladin was watching the besiegers and protecting the garrison. The
   horrors of the siege made it one of the memorable sieges of the Middle
   Ages. [419] [420] truggle was participated in by women as well as the
   men. Some Crusaders apostatized to get the means for prolonging life.
   [421] to surrender, July, 1191. By the terms of the capitulation the
   city's stores, two hundred thousand pieces of gold, fifteen hundred
   prisoners, and the true cross were to pass into the hands of the
   Crusaders.

   The advance upon Jerusalem was delayed by rivalries between the armies
   and their leaders. Richard's prowess, large means, and personal
   popularity threw Philip into the shade, and he was soon on his way back
   to France, leaving the duke of Burgundy as leader of the French. The
   French and Germans also quarrelled. [422] ne, the nephew of both
   Richard and Philip Augustus, as king of Jerusalem.

   A dark blot rests upon Richard's memory for the murder in cold blood of
   twenty-seven hundred prisoners in the full sight of Saladin's troops
   and as a punishment for the non-payment of the ransom money. The
   massacre, a few days before, of Christian captives, if it really
   occurred, in part explains but cannot condone the crime. [423]

   Jaffa and Ascalon became the next points of the Crusaders' attack, the
   operations being drawn out to a wearisome length. Richard's feats of
   physical strength and martial skill are vouched for by eye-witnesses,
   who speak of him as cutting swathes through the enemy with his sword
   and mowing them down, "as the reapers mow down the corn with their
   sickles." So mighty was his strength that, when a Turkish admiral rode
   at him in full charge, Richard severed his neck and one shoulder by a
   single blow. But the king's dauntless though coarse courage was not
   joined to the gifts of a leader fit for such a campaign. [424] ame up
   to corrupt the army, while day after day "its manifold sins,
   drunkenness, and luxury increased." Once and perhaps twice Richard came
   so near the Holy City that he might have looked down into it had he so
   chosen. [425] r passed through its gates, and after a signal victory at
   Joppa he closed his military achievements in Palestine. A treaty,
   concluded with Saladin, assured to the Christians for three years the
   coast from Tyre to Joppa, and protection to pilgrims in Jerusalem and
   on their way to the city. In October, 1192, the king, called back by
   the perfidy of his brother John, set sail from Acre amid the laments of
   those who remained behind, but not until he had sent word to Saladin
   that he intended to return to renew the contest.

   The exploits of the English king won even the admiration of the Arabs,
   whose historian reports how he rode up and down in front of the Saracen
   army defying them, and not a man dared to touch him. Presents passed
   between him and Saladin. [426] ho accompanied the Third Crusade
   ascribes to him the valor of Hector, the magnanimity of Achilles, the
   prudence of Odysseus, the eloquence of Nestor, and equality with
   Alexander. French writers of the thirteenth century tell how Saracen
   mothers, long after Richard had returned to England, used to frighten
   their children into obedience or silence by the spell of his name, so
   great was the dread he had inspired. Destitute of the pious traits of
   Godfrey and Louis IX., Richard nevertheless stands, by his valor,
   muscular strength, and generous mind, in the very front rank of
   conspicuous Crusaders.

   On his way back to England he was seized by Leopold, duke of Austria,
   whose enmity he had incurred before Joppa. The duke turned his captive
   over to the emperor, Henry VI., who had a grudge to settle growing out
   of Sicilian matters. Richard was released only on the humiliating terms
   of paying an enormous ransom and consenting to hold his kingdom as a
   fief of the empire. Saladin died March 4, 1193, by far the most famous
   of the foes of the Crusaders. Christendom has joined with Arab writers
   in praise of his chivalric courage, culture, and magnanimity. [427]
   three churches of the Holy Sepulchre, Nazareth, and Bethlehem? [428]

   The recapture of Acre and the grant of protection to the pilgrims on
   their way to Jerusalem were paltry achievements in view of the loss of
   life, the long months spent in making ready for the Crusade, the
   expenditure of money, and the combination of the great nations of
   Europe. In this case, as in the other Crusades, it was not so much the
   Saracens, or even the splendid abilities of Saladin, which defeated the
   Crusaders, but their feuds among themselves. Never again did so large
   an army from the West contend for the cross on Syrian soil.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [407] The story of Richard's seizing a lion and tearing out its
   throbbing heart was a subject of English romance in the fourteenth
   century and probably of French romance in the thirteenth century.

   [408] It required at least fifteen days for a ship to go from Acre to
   Marseilles, and about the same time for news to reach Rome from
   Jerusalem. The indulgences offered to Crusaders by Alexander III., on
   the news of Saladin's conquests in Egypt and his defeat of the
   Christians at Banias, 1181, are quoted by Gottlob, 119 sq. Alexander
   appealed to the examples of Urban II, and Eugenius III.

   [409] He sold the archbishopric of York for 3,000 pounds. Henry is
   reported to have left 900,000 pounds in gold and silver. Rog. of
   Wendover, an. 1180.

   [410] Richard of Devizes, X.

   [411] Giraldus Cambrensis accompanied the archbishop and gathered the
   materials for his itinerary on the way.

   [412] Frederick announced his expedition in a letter to Saladin, in
   which he enumerated the tribes that were to take part in it, from the
   "tall Bavarian" to the sailors of Venice and Pisa. See Itin. reg.
   Ricardi de Hoveden, etc.

   [413] Ranke, VIII. 246 sqq., spicily speculates upon the possible
   consequences of Isaac's dethronement, and, as a German, regrets that
   Frederick did not take the prize, Es war ein Moment das nicht so leicht
   wieder kommen konnte.

   [414] Another account by one who accompanied the expedition was that in
   his impatience to proceed, Barbarossa strove to swim the river and was
   drowned. Ranke, VIII. 249, regards the view taken in the text as the
   better one.

   [415] Itinerary, III. 16.

   [416] Richard's fleet, when he sailed from Messina, consisted of one
   hundred and fifty large ships and fifty-three galleys.

   [417] The Itinerary, III. 2, says Richard's arrival was welcomed with
   transports of joy, shoutings, and blowing of trumpets. He was taken
   ashore as if the desired of all nations had come, and the night was
   made so bright with wax torches and flaming lights "that it seemed to
   be usurped by the brightness of the day, and the Turks thought the
   whole valley was on fire." Richard of Devizes, LXIII., says, "The
   besiegers received Richard with as much joy as if it had been Christ
   who had come again."

   [418] The Itinerary, I., 66, says Baldwin was made sick unto death when
   he saw "the army altogether dissolute and given up to drinking, women,
   and dice."

   [419] The loss before Acre was very heavy. The Itinerary gives a list
   of 6 archbishops, 12 bishops, 40 counts, and 500 knights who lost their
   lives. IV. 6. De Hoveden also gives a formidable list, in which are
   included the names of the dukes of Swabia, Flanders, and Burgundy, the
   archbishops of Besançon, Arles, Montreal, etc. Baldwin died Nov. 19,
   1190. The Itinerary compares the siege of Acre to the siege of Troy,
   and says. (I. 32) "it would certainly obtain eternal fame as a city for
   which the whole world contended."

   [420] The Itinerary and other documents make frequent reference to its
   deadly use. Among the machines used on both sides were the petrariae,
   which hurled stones, and mangonels used for hurling stones and other
   missiles. Itinerary, III. 7, etc. One of the grappling machines was
   called a "cat." The battering ram was also used, and the sow, a
   covering under which the assailants made their approach to the walls.
   King Richard was an expert in the use of the arbalest, or cross-bow.

   [421] The price of a loaf of bread rose from a penny to 40 shillings,
   and a horseload of corn was sold for 60 marks. De Hoveden, etc. Horse
   flesh was greedily eaten, even to the intestines, which were sold for
   10 sols. Even grass was sought after to appease hunger. A vivid
   description of the pitiful sufferings from famine is given in the
   Itinerary, I. 67-83.

   [422] Itinerary, I. 44.

   [423] This pretext is upon the sole authority of de Hoveden, an. 1191.
   He says, however, that Saladin did not execute the Christian captives
   until Richard had declined to withdraw his threat and to give more time
   for the payment of the ransom money and the delivery of the true cross.
   Archer, Hist. of the Crusades, p. 331, thinks that Baba-ed-din's
   account implies Saladin's massacre; but Lane-Poole, Life of Saladin, p.
   307, is of the contrary opinion. The Itinerary, IV. 4, states that
   Richard's followers, leapt forward to fulfil his commands, thankful to
   the divine grace for the permission to take such vengeance for the
   Christians whom the captives had slain with bolts and arrows."It has
   nothing to say of a massacre by Saladin. Lane-Poole, carried away by
   admiration for Saladin, takes occasion at this point to say that " in
   the struggle of the Crusades the virtues of civilization, magnanimity,
   toleration, real chivalry, and gentle culture were an on the side of
   the Saracens."The duke of Burgundy was party to the massacre of the
   Turkish captives.

   [424] Itinerary, VI. 23. Here is a description of one of Richard's
   frequent frays as given in the Itinerary, VI. 4: "Richard was
   conspicuous above all the rest by his royal bearing. He was mounted on
   a tall charger and charged the enemy singly. His ashen lance was
   shivered by his repeated blows; but instantly drawing his sword, he
   pressed upon the fugitive Turks and mowed them down, sweeping away the
   hindmost and subduing the foremost. Thus he thundered on, cutting and
   hewing. No kind of armor could resist his blows, for the edge of his
   sword cut open the heads from the top to the teeth. Thus waving his
   sword to and fro, he scared away the routed Turks as a wolf when he
   pursues the flying sheep."

   [425] De Joinville, Life of St. Louis , an. 1253, says no doubt with
   the truth that Richard would have taken Jerusalem but for the envy and
   treachery of the Duke of Burgundy. He repeats the saying of Richard,
   which is almost too good not to be true. When an officer said, "Sire,
   come here and I will show you Jerusalem," the king throwing down his
   arms and looking up to heaven exclaimed, "I pray thee, O Lord God, that
   I may never look on the Holy City until I can deliver it from thy
   enemies." The Itinerary has nothing to say on the subject. Richard of
   Devizes, XC., states that Hubert, bishop of Salisbury, after his
   pilgrimage to Jerusalem, urged the king to go in as a pilgrim, but that
   "the worthy indignation of his noble mind would not consent to receive
   from the courtesy of the Gentiles what he could not obtain by the gift
   of God."

   [426] Baha-ed-din, as quoted by Lane-Poole, p. 354. De Hoveden speaks
   of fruits, the Itinerary of horses. Later story ascribes to Saladin a
   yearly grant of one thousand bezants of gold to the Knights of St. John
   at Acre. In order to test the charity of the knights, the sultan had
   gone to the hospital in disguise and found the reports of their
   merciful treatment well founded. Of this and of the story of his
   knighthood at the hands of Humphrey of Toron, and vouched for by the
   contemporary Itinerary of King Richard, the Arab authorities know
   nothing. See Lane-Poole,Life of Saladin, 387 sqq.

   [427] A western legend given by Vincent de Beauvais relates that as
   Saladin was dying he called to him his standard-bearer and bade him
   carry through the streets of Damascus the banner of his death as he had
   carried the banner of his wars; namely, a rag attached to a lance, and
   cry out. "Lo, at his death, the king of the East can take nothing with
   him but this cloth only."

   [428] TheItinerary gives a story of Saladin and the notorious miracle
   of the holy fire until recently shown in the church of the Holy
   Sepulchre. It may well be true. When Saladin, on one occasion, saw the
   holy flame descend and light a lamp, he ordered the lamp blown out to
   show it was a fraud. But it was immediately rekindled as if by a
   miracle. Extinguished a second and a third time, it was again and again
   rekindled. "Oh, what use is it to resist the invisible Power!" exclaims
   the author of the Itinerary, V. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 54. The Children's Crusades.


   "The rich East blooms fragrant before us;

   All Fairy-land beckons us forth,

   We must follow the crane in her flight o'er the main,

   From the posts and the moors of the North."

   Charles Kingsley, The Saint's Tragedy.

   Literature.--For the sources, see Wilken: Gesch. der Kreuzzüge, VI.
   71-83.--Des Essards: La Croisade des enfants, Paris, 1875. -- Röhricht,
   Die Kinderkreuzzüge, in Sybel, Hist. Zeitschrift, vol. XXXVI.,
   1876.--G. Z. Gray: The Children's Crusade, N. Y., 1872, new ed.
   1896.--Isabel S. Stone: The Little Crusaders, N. Y., 1901.--Hurter:
   Innocent III., II. 482-489.

   The most tragic of the Crusader tragedies were the crusades of the
   children. They were a slaughter of the innocents on a large scale, and
   belong to those mysteries of Providence which the future only will
   solve.

   The crusading epidemic broke out among the children of France and
   Germany in 1212. Begotten in enthusiasm, which was fanned by priestly
   zeal, the movement ended in pitiful disaster.

   The French expedition was led by Stephen, a shepherd lad of twelve,
   living at Cloyes near Chartres. He had a vision, so the rumor went, in
   which Christ appeared to him as a pilgrim and made an appeal for the
   rescue of the holy places. Journeying to St. Denis, the boy retailed
   the account of what he had seen. Other children gathered around him.
   The enthusiasm spread from Brittany to the Pyrenees. In vain did the
   king of France attempt to check the movement. The army increased to
   thirty thousand, girls as well as boys, adults as well as children.
   [429] , and seek for the holy cross beyond the sea." They reached
   Marseilles, but the waves did not part and let them go through dryshod
   as they expected. [430]

   The centres of the movement in Germany were Nicholas, a child of ten,
   and a second leader whose name has been lost. Cologne was the rallying
   point. Children of noble families enlisted. Along with the boys and
   girls went men and women, good and bad.

   The army under the anonymous leader passed through Eastern Switzerland
   and across the Alps to Brindisi, whence some of the children sailed,
   never to be heard from again. The army of Nicholas reached Genoa in
   August, 1212. The children sang songs on the way, and with them has
   been wrongly associated the tender old German hymn:


   "Fairest Lord Jesus,

   Ruler of all nature,

   O Thou of man and God, the son,

   Thee will I cherish,

   Thee will I honor,

   Thou, my soul's glory, joy, and crown."

   The numbers had been reduced by hardship, death, and moral shipwreck
   from twenty to seven thousand. At Genoa the waters were as pitiless as
   they were at Marseilles. Some of the children remained in the city and
   became, it is said, the ancestors of distinguished families. [431] f
   Brindisi refused to let them proceed farther. An uncertain report
   declares Innocent III. declined to grant their appeal to be released
   from their vow.

   The fate of the French children was, if possible, still more pitiable.
   At Marseilles they fell a prey to two slave dealers, who for "the sake
   of God and without price" offered to convey them across the
   Mediterranean. Their names are preserved,--Hugo Ferreus and William
   Porcus. Seven vessels set sail. Two were shipwrecked on the little
   island of San Pietro off the northwestern coast of Sardinia. The rest
   reached the African shore, where the children were sold into slavery.

   The shipwreck of the little Crusaders was commemorated by Gregory IX.,
   in the chapel of the New Innocents, ecclesia novorum innocentium, which
   he built on San Pietro. Innocent III. in summoning Europe to a new
   crusade included in his appeal the spectacle of their sacrifice. "They
   put us to shame. While they rush to the recovery of the Holy Land, we
   sleep." [432] ht seem in our calculating age, it is attested by too
   many good witnesses to permit its being relegated to the realm of
   legend, [433] hildren of Bethlehem at the hand of Herod.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [429] Hurter regards the numbers handed down as greatly exaggerated.

   [430] An epigram, dwelling upon the folly of the movement, ran:-- "Ad
   mare stultorum Tendebat iter puerorum."
   "To the sea of the fools Led the path of the children."

   [431] Wilken for this assertion quotes theHistory of the Genoese Senate
   and People, by Peter Bizari, Antwerp, 1679. One of the families was the
   house of the Vivaldi.

   [432] See Wilken, VI. 83.

   [433] So Wilken, Sie ist durch die Zeugnisse glaubwürdiger
   Geschichtschreiber so fest begründet, dass ihre Wahrheit nicht
   bezweifelt werden kann, p. 72. Röhricht, Hist. Zeitschrift, XXXVI. 5,
   also insists upon the historical genuineness of the reports.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 55. The Fourth Crusade and the Capture of Constantinople. 1200-1204.

   Literature.--Nicetas Acominatus, Byzantine patrician and grand
   logothete. During the Crusaders' investment of Constantinople his
   palace was burnt, and with his wife and daughter he fled to Nicaea:
   Byzantina Historia, 1118-1206, in Recueil des historiens des Croisades,
   histor. Grecs, vol. I., and in Migne, Patr. Gr., vols. 139,
   140.--Geoffroi de Villehardouin, a prominent participant in the
   Crusade, d. 1213?: Hist. de la Conquête de Constantinople avec la
   continuation de Henri de Valenciennes, earliest ed., Paris, 1585, ed.
   by Du Cange, Paris, 1857, and N. de Wailly, Paris, 1871, 3d ed. 1882,
   and E. Bouchet, with new trans., Paris, 1891. For other editions, See
   Potthast, II. 1094. Engl. trans. by T. Smith, London, 1829.--Robert de
   Clary, d. after 1216, a participant in the Crusade: La Prise de
   Constant., 1st ed. by P. Riant, Paris, 1868.--Guntherus Alemannus, a
   Cistercian, d. 1220?: Historia Constantinopolitana, in Migne, Patr.
   Lat., vol. 212, 221-265, and ed. by Riant, Geneva, 1875, and repeated
   in his Exuviae Sacrae, a valuable description, based upon the relation
   of his abbot, Martin, a participant in the Crusade.--Innocent III.
   Letters, in Migne, vols. 214-217.--Charles Hopf: Chroniques
   Graeco-Romanes inédites ou peu connues, Berlin, 1873. Contains De
   Clary, the Devastatio Constantinopolitana, etc.--C. Klimke: D. Quellen
   zur Gesch. des 4ten Kreuzzuges, Breslau, 1875.--Short extracts from
   Villehardouin and De Clary are given in Trans. and Reprints, published
   by University of Pennsylvania, vol. III., Philadelphia, 1896.

   Paul De Riant: Exuviae sacrae Constantinopolitanae, Geneva, 1877-1878,
   2 vols.--Tessier: Quatrième Croisade, la diversion sur Zara et
   Constantinople, Paris, 1884.--E. Pears: The Fall of Constantinople,
   being the Story of the Fourth Crusade, N. Y., 1886.--W. Nordau: Der
   vierte Kreuzzug, 1898.--A. Charasson: Un curé plébéien au XIIe Siècle,
   Foulques, Prédicateur de la IVe Croisade, Paris, 1905.--Gibbon, LX.,
   LXI.--Hurter: Life of Innocent III., vol. I.--Ranke: Weltgesch., VIII.
   280-298.--C. W. C. Oman: The Byzantine Empire, 1895, pp. 274-306.--F.
   C. Hodgson: The Early History of Venice, from the Foundation to the
   Conquest of Constantinople, 1204, 1901. An appendix contains an
   excursus on the historical sources of the Fourth Crusade.

   It would be difficult to find in history a more notable diversion of a
   scheme from its original purpose than the Fourth Crusade. Inaugurated
   to strike a blow at the power which held the Holy Land, it destroyed
   the Christian city of Zara and overthrew the Greek empire of
   Constantinople. Its goals were determined by the blind doge, Henry
   Dandolo of Venice. As the First Crusade resulted in the establishment
   of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, so the Fourth Crusade resulted in
   the establishment of the Latin empire of Constantinople.

   Innocent III., on ascending the papal throne, threw himself with all
   the energy of his nature into the effort of reviving the crusading
   spirit. He issued letter after letter [434] [435] resist the Saracens
   and subject the Greek church to its mother, Rome. [436] oss would have
   disappeared like smoke or melting wax.

   For the expense of a new expedition the pope set apart one-tenth of his
   revenue, and he directed the cardinals to do the same. The clergy and
   all Christians were urged to give liberally. The goods and lands of
   Crusaders were to enjoy the special protection of the Holy See. Princes
   were instructed to compel Jewish money-lenders to remit interest due
   from those going on the expedition. Legates were despatched to Genoa,
   Pisa, and Venice to stir up zeal for the project; and these cities were
   forbidden to furnish to the Saracens supplies of arms, food, or other
   material. A cardinal was appointed to make special prayers for the
   Crusade, as Moses had prayed for Israel against the Amalekites.

   The Cistercian abbot, Martin, preached in Germany; [437] [438] ing, in
   1199, Count Thibaut of Champagne, [439] st Crusade, the armament was
   led by nobles, and not by sovereigns.

   The leaders, meeting at Soissons in 1200, sent a deputation to Venice
   to secure transportation for the army. Egypt was chosen as the point of
   landing and attack, it being held that a movement would be most apt to
   be successful which cut off the Saracens' supplies at their base in the
   land of the Nile. [440]

   The Venetian Grand Council agreed to provide ships for 9000 esquires,
   4500 knights, 20,000 foot-soldiers, and 4500 horses, and to furnish
   provisions for nine months for the sum of 85,000 marks, or about
   $1,000,000 in present money. [441] years, was in spite of his age and
   blindness full of vigor and decision. [442]

   The crusading forces mustered at Venice. The fleet was ready, but the
   Crusaders were short of funds, and able to pay only 50,000 marks of the
   stipulated sum. Dandolo took advantage of these straits to advance the
   selfish aims of Venice, and proposed, as an equivalent for the balance
   of the passage money, that the Crusaders aid in capturing Zara. [443]
   tern coast of the Adriatic, belonged to the Christian king of Hungary.
   Its predatory attacks upon Venetian vessels formed the pretext for its
   reduction. [444] and after the solemn celebration of the mass, the
   fleet set sail, with Dandolo as virtual commander.

   The departure of four hundred and eighty gayly rigged vessels is
   described by several eye-witnesses [445] the naval enterprise of the
   queen of the Adriatic.

   Zara was taken Nov. 24, 1202, given over to plunder, and razed to the
   ground. No wonder Innocent wrote that Satan had been the instigator of
   this destructive raid upon a Christian people and excommunicated the
   participants in it. [446]

   Organized to dislodge the Saracens and reduced to a filibustering
   expedition, the Crusade was now to be directed against Constantinople.
   The rightful emperor, Isaac Angelus, was languishing in prison with his
   eyes put out by the hand of the usurper, Alexius III., his own brother.
   Isaac's son, Alexius, had visited Innocent III. and Philip of Swabia,
   appealing for aid in behalf of his father. Philip, claimant to the
   German throne, had married the prince's sister. Greek messengers
   appeared at Zara to appeal to Dandolo and the Crusaders to take up
   Isaac's cause. The proposal suited the ambition of Venice, which could
   not have wished for a more favorable opportunity to confirm her
   superiority over the Pisans and Genoans, which had been threatened, if
   not impaired, on the Bosphorus.

   As a compensation, Alexius made the tempting offer of 200,000 marks
   silver, the maintenance for a year of an army of 10,000 against the
   Mohammedans, and of 500 knights for life as a guard for the Holy Land,
   and the submission of the Eastern Church to the pope. The doge fell in
   at once with the proposition, but it was met by strong voices of
   dissent in the ranks of the Crusaders. Innocent's threat of continued
   excommunication, if the expedition was turned against Constantinople,
   was ignored. A few of the Crusaders, like Simon de Montfort, refused to
   be used for private ends and withdrew from the expedition. [447]

   Before reaching Corfu, the fleet was joined by Alexius in person. By
   the end of June, 1203, it had passed through the Dardanelles and was
   anchored opposite the Golden Horn. After prayers and exhortations by
   the bishops and clergy, the Galata tower was taken. Alexius III. fled,
   and Isaac was restored to the throne.

   The agreements made with the Venetians, the Greeks found it impossible
   to fulfil. Confusion reigned among them. Two disastrous conflagrations
   devoured large portions of the city. One started in a mosque which
   evoked the wrath of the Crusaders. [448] and the presence of the
   Occidentals gave Alexius Dukas, surnamed Murzuphlos from his shaggy
   eyebrows, opportunity to dethrone Isaac and his son and to seize the
   reins of government. The prince was put to death, and Isaac soon
   followed him to the grave.

   The confusion within the palace and the failure to pay the promised
   reward were a sufficient excuse for the invaders to assault the city,
   which fell April 12, 1204. [449] om the orgies of unbridled lust.
   Churches and altars were despoiled as well as palaces. Chalices were
   turned into drinking cups. A prostitute placed in the chair of the
   patriarchs in St. Sophia, sang ribald songs and danced for the
   amusement of the soldiery. [450]

   Innocent III., writing of the conquest of the city, says: --

   "You have spared nothing that is sacred, neither age nor sex. You have
   given yourselves up to prostitution, to adultery, and to debauchery in
   the face of all the world. You have glutted your guilty passions, not
   only on married women, but upon women and virgins dedicated to the
   Saviour. You have not been content with the imperial treasures and the
   goods of rich and poor, but you have seized even the wealth of the
   Church and what belongs to it. You have pillaged the silver tables of
   the altars, you have broken into the sacristies and stolen the
   vessels." [451]

   To the revolt at these orgies succeeding ages have added regret for the
   irreparable loss which literature and art suffered in the wild and
   protracted sack. For the first time in eight hundred years its
   accumulated treasures were exposed to the ravages of the spoiler, who
   broke up the altars in its churches, as in St. Sophia, or melted
   priceless pieces of bronze statuary on the streets and highways. [452]

   Constantinople proved to be the richest of sacred storehouses, full of
   relics, which excited the cupidity and satisfied the superstition of
   the Crusaders, who found nothing inconsistent in joining devout worship
   and the violation of the eighth commandment in getting possession of
   the objects of worship. [453] red and eagerly sent to Western Europe,
   from the stone on which Jacob slept and Moses' rod which was turned
   into a serpent, to the true cross and fragments of Mary's garments.
   [454] e Transvaal have been to its supply of diamonds--that the capture
   of Constantinople was to the supply of relics for Latin Christendom.
   Towns and cities welcomed these relics, and convents were made famous
   by their possession. In 1205 bishop Nivelon of Soissons sent to
   Soissons the head of St. Stephen, the finger that Thomas thrust into
   the Saviour's side, a thorn from the crown of thorns, a portion of the
   sleeveless shirt of the Virgin Mary and her girdle, a portion of the
   towel with which the Lord girded himself at the Last Supper, one of
   John the Baptist's arms, and other antiquities scarcely less venerable.
   The city of Halberstadt and its bishop, Konrad, were fortunate enough
   to secure some of the blood shed on the cross, parts of the sponge and
   reed and the purple robe, the head of James the Just, and many other
   trophies. Sens received the crown of thorns. A tear of Christ was
   conveyed to Seligencourt and led to a change of its name to the Convent
   of the Sacred Tear. [455] ead; St. Albans, England, two of St.
   Margaret's fingers. The true cross was divided by the grace of the
   bishops among the barons. A piece was sent by Baldwin to Innocent III.

   Perhaps no sacred relics were received with more outward demonstrations
   of honor than the true crown of thorns, which Baldwin II. transferred
   to the king of France for ten thousand marks of silver. [456] t of the
   true cross and the swaddling clothes of Bethlehem were additional
   acquisitions of Paris.

   The Latin Empire of Constantinople, which followed the capture of the
   city, lasted from 1204 to 1261. Six electors representing the Venetians
   and six representing the Crusaders met in council and elected Baldwin
   of Flanders, emperors. [457]

   The attitude of Innocent III. to this remarkable transaction of
   Christian soldiery exhibited at once his righteous indignation and his
   politic acquiescence in the new responsibility thrust upon the
   Apostolic see. [458] chate, established with him, has been perpetuated
   to this day, and is an almost unbearable offence to the Greeks. [459]

   The last of the Latin emperors, Baldwin III., 1237-1261, spent most of
   his time in Western Europe making vain appeals for money. After his
   dethronement, in l261, by Michael Palaeologus he presents a pitiable
   spectacle, seeking to gain the ear of princes and ecclesiastics. For
   two hundred years more the Greeks had an uncertain tenure on the
   Bosphorus. The loss of Constantinople was bound to come sooner or later
   in the absence of a moral and muscular revival of the Greek people. The
   Latin conquest of the city was a romantic episode, and not a stage in
   the progress of civilization in the East; nor did it hasten the coming
   of the new era of letters in Western Europe. It widened the schism of
   the Greek and the Latin churches. The only party to reap substantial
   gain from the Fourth Crusade was the Venetians. [460]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [434] See the ample description of Hurter, I. pp. 221-230, etc.

   [435] Epp. of Innocent, I. 353, 354, etc., Migne, 214, 329 sqq.

   [436] Ep. I. 353, Migne, 214, 325 sqq.

   [437] Guntherus, Migne, 212, 225.

   [438] A French translation of Innocent's letter commissioning Fulke to
   preach the Crusade is given by Charasson, p. 99.

   [439] Thibaut, then twenty-two, and Louis, then twenty-seven, were
   nephews of the king of France, Villehardouin, 3; Wailly's ed., p. 5.
   Thibaut died before the Crusaders started from France.

   [440] Villehardouin, who was one of the six members of the commission
   (Wailly's ed., p. 11), says, "The Turks could be more easily destroyed
   there than in any other country." Egypt was often called by the
   Crusaders, "the land of Babylon."

   [441] Wailly's edition of Villehardouin, p. 452, makes the sum
   4,420,000 francs. It reckons a mark as the equivalent of 52 francs. The
   Grand Council added fifty armed galleys "for the love of God," on
   condition that during the continuance of the alliance Venice should
   have one-half the spoils of conquest.

   [442] Villehardouin describes him as a man de bien grand coeur. He died
   at ninety-seven, in 1205, and was buried in the Church of St. Sophia.
   In his reply to the deputation, the doge recognized the high birth of
   the Crusaders in the words, "we perceive that the lords are in the
   highest rank of those who do not wear a crown" (Villehardouin, 16;
   Wailly's ed., 13).

   [443] Villehardouin, 56 sqq.; Wailly's ed., 33 sq.

   [444] Villehardouin mentions only the proposition to go against Zara.
   Robert of Clary and other writers state that Dandolo made a previous
   proposition that the fleet should proceed to Mohammedan territory and
   that the first booty should be used to pay the Crusaders'debt. He then
   substituted the proposition to go against Zara, and the Crusaders were
   forced by their circumstances to accept. There is some ground for the
   charge that in May, 1202, Dandolo made a secret treaty with the sultan
   of Egypt. See Pears, 271 sqq.

   [445] Villehardouin and Robert de Clary. Clary's account is very
   vivacious and much the more detailed of the two.

   [446] A deputation afterwards visited Innocent and secured his
   absolution, Villehardouin, 107; Wailly's ed., 61. The news of the death
   of Fulke of Neuilly reached the Crusaders on the eve of their breaking
   away from Venice. Villehardouin, 73; Wailly's ed., 43, calls him le
   bon, le saint homme.

   [447] Villehardouin, 109. Pears, p. 268, speaks pathetically of the
   Crusaders as "about to commit the great crime of the Middle Ages, by
   the destruction of the citadel against which the hitherto irresistible
   wave of Moslem invasion had beaten and been broken." Not praiseworthy,
   it is true, was the motive of the Crusaders, yet there is no occasion
   for bemoaning the fate of Constantinople and the Greeks. The conquest
   of the Latins prolonged the successful resistance to the Turks.

   [448] Arabs were allowed to live in the city and granted the privileges
   of their religious rites. Gibbon with characteristic irony says. "The
   Flemish pilgrims were scandalized by the aspect of a mosque or a
   synagogue in which one God was worshipped without a partner or a son."

   [449] Villehardouin, 233, Wailly's ed. p. 137, pronounces the capture
   of Constantinople one of the most difficult feats ever undertaken, une
   des plus redoutables choses à faire qui jamais fut. A city of such
   strong fortifications the Franks had not seen before.

   [450] Hurter (I. p. 685), comparing the conquest of Constantinople with
   the capture of Jerusalem, exalts the piety of Godfrey and the first
   Crusaders over against the Venetians and their greed for booty. He
   forgot the awful massacre in Jerusalem.

   [451] Reg., VIII. Ep., 133.

   [452] Nicetas gives a list of these losses. See Gibbon, LX., and
   Hurter.

   [453] Villehardouin, 191; Wailly's ed., 111, says des reliques it n'en
   faut point parler, car en ce jour il y en avait autant dans la ville
   que dans le reste du monde. The account of Guntherus, Migne, 212, 253
   sqq., is the most elaborate. His informant the Abbot Martin, was an
   insatiable relic hunter.

   [454] See Riant; Hurter, I. 694-702; Pears, 365-370. A volume would
   scarce contain the history, real and legendary, of these objects of
   veneration.

   [455] A curious account is given by Dalmatius of Sergy, of his
   discovery of the head of St. Clement in answer to prayer, and the
   deception he practised in making away with it. The relic went to Cluny
   and was greatly prized. See Hurter. The successful stealth of Abbot
   Martin is told at length by the German Guntherus, Migne, 212, 251 sq.

   [456] Matthew Paris, in his account, says, "It was precious beyond gold
   or topaz, and to the credit of the French kingdom, and indeed, of all
   the Latins, it was solemnly and devoutly received in grand procession
   amidst the ringing of bells and the devout prayers of the faithful
   followers of Christ, and was placed in the king's chapel in Paris."
   Luard's ed., IV. 75; Giles's trans., I. 311.

   [457] The mode of election was fixed before the capture of the city,
   Villehardouin, 234, 256-261; Wailly's ed., 137,152 sqq. The election
   took place in a chamber of the palace. The leader of the French forces,
   Boniface of Montferrat, married the widow of the emperor Isaac and was
   made king of Salonica. Innocent III. (VIII. 134, Migne, 215, 714)
   congratulated Isaac's widow upon her conversion to the Latin Church.

   [458] He wrote to Baldwin that, while it was desirable the Eastern
   Church should be subdued, he was more concerned that the Holy Land
   should be rescued. He urged him and the Venetians to eat the bread of
   repentance that they might fight the battle of the Lord with a pure
   heart.

   [459] The Greek patriarch had left the city reduced to a state of
   apostolic poverty, of which Gibbon, LXI, says that "had it been
   voluntary it might perhaps have been meritorious."

   [460] Pears concludes his work, The Fall of Constantinople, by the
   false judgment that the effects of the Fourth Crusade were altogether
   disastrous for civilization. He surmises that, but for it, the city
   would never have fallen into the hands of the Turks, and the Sea of
   Marmora and the Black Sea would now be surrounded by "prosperous and
   civilized nations," pp. 412 sqq. There was no movement of progress in
   the Byzantine empire for the Crusaders to check.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 56. Frederick II. and the Fifth Crusade. 1229.

   Röhricht: Studien zur Gesch. d. V. Kreuzzuges, Innsbruck, 1891.--Hauck,
   IV. 752-764, and the lit., §§ 42, 49.

   Innocent III.'s ardor for the reconquest of Palestine continued
   unabated till his death. A fresh crusade constituted one of the main
   objects for which the Fourth Lateran Council was called. The date set
   for it to start was June 1, 1217, and it is known as the Fifth Crusade.
   The pope promised £30,000 from his private funds, and a ship to convey
   the Crusaders going from Rome and its vicinity. The cardinals joined
   him in promising to contribute one-tenth of their incomes and the
   clergy were called upon to set apart one-twentieth of their revenues
   for three years for the holy cause. To the penitent contributing money
   to the crusade, as well as to those participating in it, full
   indulgence for sins was offered. [461] of all merchandise and munitions
   of war to the Saracens for four years, was ordered read every Sabbath
   and fast day in Christian ports.

   Innocent died without seeing the expedition start. For his successor
   Honorius III., its promotion was a ruling passion, but he also died
   without seeing it realized.

   In 1217 Andreas of Hungary led an army to Syria, but accomplished
   nothing. In 1219 William of Holland with his Germans, Norwegians, and
   Danes helped John of Brienne, titular king of Jerusalem, to take
   Damietta. This city, situated on one of the mouths of the Nile, was a
   place of prime commercial importance and regarded as the key of Egypt.
   Egypt had come to be regarded as the proper way of military approach to
   Palestine. Malik-al-Kameel, who in 1218 had succeeded to power in
   Egypt, offered the Christians Jerusalem and all Palestine, except
   Kerak, together with the release of all Christian prisoners, on
   condition of the surrender of Damietta. It was a grand opportunity of
   securing the objects for which the Crusaders had been fighting, but,
   elated by victory and looking for help from the emperor, Frederick II.,
   they rejected the offer. In 1221 Damietta fell back into the hands of
   Mohammedans. [462]

   The Fifth Crusade reached its results by diplomacy more than by the
   sword. Its leader, Frederick II., had little of the crusading spirit,
   and certainly the experiences of his ancestors Konrad and Barbarossa
   were not adapted to encourage him. His vow, made at his coronation in
   Aachen and repeated at his coronation in Rome, seems to have had little
   binding force for him. His marriage with Iolanthe, granddaughter of
   Conrad of Montferrat and heiress of the crown of Jerusalem, did not
   accelerate his preparations to which he was urged by Honorius III. In
   1227 he sailed from Brindisi; but, as has already been said, he
   returned to port after three days on account of sickness among his men.
   [463]

   At last the emperor set forth with forty galleys and six hundred
   knights, and arrived in Acre, Sept. 7,1228. The sultans of Egypt and
   Damascus were at the time in bitter conflict. Taking advantage of the
   situation, Frederick concluded with Malik-al-Kameel a treaty which was
   to remain in force ten years and delivered up to the Christians
   Jerusalem with the exception of the mosque of Omar and the Temple area,
   Bethlehem, Nazareth, and the pilgrim route from Acre to Jerusalem.
   [464] iarch of Jerusalem, the interdict over the city. [465]

   Recalled probably by the dangers threatening his kingdom, Frederick
   arrived in Europe in the spring of 1229, but only to find himself for
   the fourth time put under the ban by his implacable antagonist,
   Gregory. In 1235 Gregory was again appealing to Christendom to make
   preparations for another expedition, and in his letter of 1239,
   excommunicating the emperor for the fifth time, he pronounced him the
   chief impediment in the way of a crusade. [466]

   It was certainly a singular spectacle that the Holy City should be
   gained by a diplomatic compact and not by hardship, heroic struggle,
   and the intervention of miracle, whether real or imagined. It was still
   more singular that the sacred goal should be reached without the aid of
   ecclesiastical sanction, nay in the face of solemn papal denunciation.

   Frederick II. has been called by Freeman an unwilling Crusader and the
   conquest of Jerusalem a grotesque episode in his life. [467] t living
   on terms of amity with Mohammedans in his kingdom, and he probably saw
   no wisdom in endangering his relations with them at home by unsheathing
   the sword against them abroad. [468] rusalem without making any protest
   against its ritual. Perhaps, with his freedom of thought, he did not
   regard the possession of Palestine after all as of much value. In any
   case, Frederick's religion--whatever he had of religion--was not of a
   kind to flame forth in enthusiasm for a pious scheme in which sentiment
   formed a prevailing element.

   Gregory's continued appeals in 1235 and the succeeding years called for
   some minor expeditions, one of them led by Richard of Cornwall,
   afterwards German emperor-elect. The condition of the Christians in
   Palestine grew more and more deplorable and, in a battle with the
   Chorasmians, Oct. 14, 1244, they met with a disastrous defeat, and
   thenceforth Jerusalem was closed to them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [461] Plenam suorum peccaminum veniam indulgemus. See Mansi, XXII.
   1067; Mirbt, Quellen, 126, Gottlob, 137 sq.

   [462] For the text of Frederick's summons to his crusade of 1221, see
   Mathews, Select Med. Documents, 120 sq.

   [463] Funk, in Wetzer-Welte, VII. 1166, says that in view of
   contemporary testimony, Frederick's sickness cannot be doubted. Roger
   Wendover, an. 1227, however, doubted it. Funk is wrong in saying that
   it was not till 1239 that Gregory, aggravated by the emperor's conduct,
   impeached Frederick's plea of sickness. In his sentence of
   excommunication of 1228, Gregory asserted that Frederick II "was
   enticed away to the usual pleasures of his kingdom and made a frivolous
   pretext of bodily infirmity." In 1235, at a time when emperor and pope
   were reconciled, Gregory spoke of Jerusalem, "as being restored to our
   well-beloved son in Christ, Frederick."

   [464] See Röhricht, Regesta regni Hier., 262, and Bréholles, III.
   86-90.

   [465] Geroldus was patriarch of Jerusalem and notified Gregory IX. of
   Frederick's "fraudulent pact with the Egyptian sultan." Röhricht, 263.

   [466] In 1240 a petition signed by German bishops and princes and
   addressed to Gregory urged him to cease from strife with Frederick as
   it interfered with a crusade. Bréholles, V. 985.

   [467] Hist. Essays, I. 283-313.

   [468] Bréholles, V. 327-340.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 57. St. Louis and the Last Crusades. 1248, 1270.

   Literature. --Jehan de Joinville, d. 1319, the next great historical
   writer in old French after Villehardouin, companion of St. Louis on his
   first Crusade: Hist. de St. Louis, 1st ed. Poitiers, 1547; by Du Cange,
   1668; by Michaud in Mémoires à l'hist. de France, Paris, 1857, I.
   161-329, and by de Wailly, Paris, 1868. For other edd. see Potthast,
   Bibl., I. 679-681. Engl. trans., M. Th. Johnes, Haford, 1807, included
   in Chronicles of the Crusades, Bohn's Libr. 340-556, and J. Hutton,
   London, 1868. Tillemont: Vie de St. Louis, publ. for the first time,
   Paris, 1847-1851, 6 vols.--Scholten: Gesch. Ludwigs des Heiligen, ed.
   by Junkemann and Janssen, 2 vols. Münster, 1850-1855.--Guizot: St.
   Louis and Calvin, Paris, 1868.--Mrs. Bray: Good St. Louis and his
   Times, London, 1870.--Wallon: St. Louis et son Temps, 3d ed. Tours,
   1879. -- St. Pathus: Vie de St. Louis, publiée par F. Delaborde, Paris,
   1899.--F. Perry: St. Louis, Most Christian King, London,
   1901.--Lane-Poole: Hist. of Egypt in the M. A., N. Y., 1901.

   One more great Crusader, one in whom genuine piety was a leading trait,
   was yet to set his face towards the East and, by the abrupt termination
   of his career through sickness, to furnish one of the most memorable
   scenes in the long drama of the Crusades. The Sixth and Seventh
   Crusades owe their origin to the devotion of Louis IX., king of France,
   usually known as St. Louis. Louis combined the piety of the monk with
   the chivalry of the knight, and stands in the front rank of Christian
   sovereigns of all times. [469] eviate from his faith and in patient
   resignation under the most trying adversity. A considerate regard for
   the poor and the just treatment of his subjects were among his traits.
   He washed the feet of beggars and, when a Dominican warned him against
   carrying his humility too far, he replied, "If I spent twice as much
   time in gaming and at the chase as in such services, no man would rise
   up to find fault with me."

   On one occasion, when he asked Joinville if he were called upon to
   choose between being a leper and committing mortal sin, which his
   choice would be, the seneschal replied, "he would rather commit thirty
   mortal sins than be a leper." The next day the king said to him, "How
   could you say what you did? There is no leper so hideous as he who is
   in a state of mortal sin. The leprosy of the body will pass away at
   death, but the leprosy of the soul may cling to it forever."

   The sack of Jerusalem by the Chorasmians, [470] Ascalon. It was just
   one hundred years since the news of the fall of Edessa had stirred
   Europe, but the temper of men's minds was no longer the same. The news
   of disasters in Palestine was a familiar thing. There was now no
   Bernard to arouse the conscience and give directions to the feelings of
   princes and people. The Council of Lyons in 1245 had for one of its
   four objects the relief of the holy places. A summons was sent forth by
   pope and council for a new expedition, and the usual gracious offers
   were made to those who should participate in the movement. St. Louis
   responded. During a sickness in 1245 and at the moment when the
   attendants were about to put a cloth on his face thinking he was dead,
   the king had the cross bound upon his breast.

   On June 12, 1248, Louis received at St. Denis from the hand of the
   papal legate the oriflamme, and the pilgrim's wallet and staff. He was
   joined by his three brothers, Robert, count of Artois, Alphonso, count
   of Poitiers, and Charles of Anjou. Among others to accompany the king
   were Jean de Joinville, seneschal of Champagne, whose graphic chronicle
   has preserved the annals of the Crusade. [471] ad been made on a large
   scale for their maintenance. Thence they sailed to Egypt. Damietta
   fell, but after this first success, the campaign was a dismal disaster.
   Louis' benevolence and ingenuousness were not combined with the force
   of the leader. He was ready to share suffering with his troops but had
   not the ability to organize them. [472] [473]

   Leaving Alexandria to one side, and following the advice of the count
   of Artois, who argued that whoso wanted to kill a snake should first
   strike its head, Louis marched in the direction of the capital, Cairo,
   or Babylon, as it was called. The army was harassed by a sleepless foe,
   and reduced by fevers and dysentery. The Nile became polluted with the
   bodies of the dead. [474] eep.

   The king's patient fortitude shone brightly in these misfortunes.
   Threatened with torture and death, he declined to deviate from his
   faith or to yield up any of the places in Palestine. For the ransom of
   his troops, he agreed to pay 500,000 livres, and for his own freedom to
   give up Damietta and abandon Egypt. The sultan remitted a fifth part of
   the ransom money on hearing of the readiness with which the king had
   accepted the terms.

   Clad in garments which were a gift from the sultan, and in a ship
   meagrely furnished with comforts, the king sailed for Acre. On board
   ship, hearing that his brother, the count of Anjou, and Walter de
   Nemours were playing for money, he staggered from his bed of sickness
   and throwing the dice, tables, and money into the sea, reprimanded the
   count that he should be so soon forgetful of his brother's death and
   the other disasters in Egypt, as to game. [475] of Blanche, his mother,
   who had been acting as queen-regent during his absence, induced him to
   return to his realm.

   Like Richard the Lion-hearted, Louis did not look upon Jerusalem. The
   sultan of Damascus offered him the opportunity and Louis would have
   accepted it but for the advice of his councillors, [476] sail from Acre
   in the spring of 1254. His queen, Margaret, and the three children born
   to them in the East, were with him. It was a pitiful conclusion to an
   expedition which once had given promise of a splendid consummation.

   So complete a failure might have been expected to destroy all hope of
   ever recovering Palestine. But the hold of the crusading idea upon the
   mind of Europe was still great. Urban IV. and Clement III. made renewed
   appeals to Christendom, and Louis did not forget the Holy Land. In
   1267, with his hand upon the crown of thorns, he announced to his
   assembled prelates and barons his purpose to go forth a second time in
   holy crusade.

   In the meantime the news from the East had been of continuous disaster
   at the hand of the enemy and of discord among the Christians
   themselves. In 1258 forty Venetian vessels engaged in conflict with a
   Genoese fleet of fifty ships off Acre with a loss of seventeen hundred
   men. A year later the Templars and Hospitallers had a pitched battle.
   In 1263 Bibars, the founder of the Mameluke rule in Egypt, appeared
   before Acre. In 1268 Antioch fell.

   In spite of bodily weakness and the protest of his nobles, Louis sailed
   in 1270. [477] [478] ples, who was bent upon forcing the sultan to meet
   his tributary obligations to Sicily. [479] out. Among the victims was
   the king's son, John Tristan, born at Damietta, and the king himself.
   Louis died with a resignation accordant with the piety which had marked
   his life. He ordered his body placed on a bed of ashes; and again and
   again repeated the prayer, "Make us, we beseech thee, O Lord, to
   despise the prosperity of this world and not to fear any of its
   adversities." The night of August 24 his mind was upon Jerusalem, and
   starting up from his fevered sleep, he exclaimed, "Jerusalem!
   Jerusalem! we will go." His last words, according to the report of an
   attendant, were, "I will enter into thy house, O Lord, I will worship
   in thy holy sanctuary, I will glorify Thy name, O Lord." [480] ody was
   taken to France and laid away in St. Denis. [481]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [469] "Piety was his ruling passion." Guizot, p. 117. De Joinville
   frequently calls him "the good king" and Matthew Paris "that most
   Christian king."

   [470] See the account in a letter from the prelates of the Holy Land in
   Matthew Paris, an. 1244. The invaders were called Tartars by Robert,
   patriarch of Jerusalem, in his letter to Innocent IV. Röhriclit, Reg.
   regni Hier., p. 299.

   [471] Joinville, accompanied by twenty knights, joined the king at
   Cyprus. He was a man of religious fervor, made pilgrimages to all the
   shrines in the vicinity of his castle before his departure, and never
   failed in his long absence to confine himself to bread and water on
   Fridays (History, an. 1250). One of his paragraphs gives a graphic
   insight into the grief which must have been felt by thousands of
   Crusaders as they left their homes for the long and uncertain journey
   to the East. It runs: "In passing near the castle of Joinville, I dared
   never turn my eyes that way for fear of feeling too great regret and
   lest my courage should fail on leaving my children and my fair castle
   of Joinville, which I loved in my heart."

   [472] Joinville speaks of Louis having "as much trouble in keeping his
   own people together in time of peace as in the time of his ill
   fortunes."an. 1249.

   [473] Within a stone's throw of the king's tent were several brothels.
   A curious punishment was prescribed by the king for a knight caught
   with a harlot at Acre. Joinville, pt. II. an. 1250, Bohn's trans. 484.

   [474] See the appalling description of Joinville, an. 1249.

   [475] Joinville, an. 1250.

   [476] Joinville, an. 1253.

   [477] Joinville declined the king's appeal to accompany him, and
   advised against the expedition on the ground of the peaceable state of
   France with the king at home, and of the king's physical weakness which
   prevented him from wearing armor or sitting on horseback long at a
   time.

   [478] Since 1881 a dependency of France.

   [479] The sultan had agreed to pay yearly tribute to Roger II. In the
   treaty made at the close of the expedition, he agreed to make up the
   arrearages of tribute to Charles.

   [480] M. Paris, an. 1271

   [481] The question whether the king's heart was deposited in the Sainte
   Chapelle at Paris or not, led to a spirited discussion in 1843. See
   Letronne, Examen critique de la découverte du pretendu coeur de St.
   Louis faite a la Sainte Chapelle le 15 Mai 1843, Paris, 1844;
   Lenormant, Preuves de la découverte du coeur de St. Louis, Paris, 1846.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 58. The Last Stronghold of the Crusaders in Palestine.

   With Louis the last hope of Christian tenure of any part of Palestine
   was gone. At his death the French army disbanded.

   In 1271 Edward, son and heir of Henry III. of England, reached Acre by
   way of Tunis. His expedition was but a wing of Louis's army. A loan of
   30,000 marks from the French king enabled him to prepare the armament.
   His consort Eleanor was with him, and a daughter born on the Syrian
   coast was called Joan of Acre. Before returning to England to assume
   the crown, he concluded an empty treaty of peace for ten years.

   Attempts were made to again fan the embers of the once fervid
   enthusiasm into a flame, but in vain. Gregory X., who was in the Holy
   Land at the time of his election to the papal chair, carried with him
   westward a passionate purpose to help the struggling Latin colonies in
   Palestine. Before leaving Acre, 1272, he preached from Ps. 137:5, "If I
   forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my
   mouth." His appeals, issued a day or two after his coronation, met with
   little response. The Council of Lyons, 1274, which he convened, had for
   its chief object the arrangements for a Crusade. Two years later
   Gregory died, and the enterprise was abandoned.

   In 1289 Tripoli was lost, and the bitter rivalry between the Military
   Orders hastened the surrender of Acre, 1291, [482] d. The Templars and
   Hospitallers escaped. The population of sixty thousand was reduced to
   slavery or put to the sword. For one hundred and fifty years Acre had
   been the metropolis of Latin life in the East. It had furnished a camp
   for army after army, and witnessed the entry and departure of kings and
   queens from the chief states of Europe. But the city was also a byword
   for turbulence and vice. Nicolas IV. had sent ships to aid the
   besieged, and again called upon the princes of Europe for help; but his
   call fell on closed ears.

   As the Crusades progressed, a voice was lifted here and there calling
   in question the religious propriety of such movements and their
   ultimate value. At the close of the twelfth century, the abbot Joachim
   complained that the popes were making them a pretext for their own
   aggrandizement, and upon the basis of Joshua 6:26; 1 Kings 16:24, he
   predicted a curse upon an attempt to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem.
   "Let the popes," he said, "mourn over their own Jerusalem--that is, the
   universal Church not built with hands and purchased by divine blood,
   and not over the fallen Jerusalem." [483] ist of matters to be handled
   at the Council of Lyons, 1274, felt obliged to refute no less than
   seven objections to the Crusades. They were such as these. It was
   contrary to the precepts of the New Testament to advance religion by
   the sword; Christians may defend themselves, but have no right to
   invade the lands of another; it is wrong to shed the blood of
   unbelievers and Saracens; and the disasters of the Crusades proved they
   were contrary to the will of God. [484]

   Raymundus Lullus, after returning from his mission to North Africa, in
   1308, declared [485] d knights that have gone to the Promised Land with
   a view to conquer it, but if this mode had been pleasing to the Lord,
   they would assuredly have wrested it from the Saracens before this.
   Thus it is manifest to pious monks that Thou art daily waiting for them
   to do for love to Thee what Thou hast done from love to them."

   The successors of Nicolas IV., however, continued to cling to the idea
   of conquering the Holy Land by arms. During the fourteenth and
   fifteenth centuries they made repeated appeals to the piety and
   chivalry of Western Europe, but these were voices as from another age.
   The deliverance of Palestine by the sword was a dead issue. New
   problems were engaging men's minds. The authority of the popes--now in
   exile in Avignon, now given to a luxurious life at Rome, or engaged in
   wars over papal territory--was incompetent to unite and direct the
   energies of Europe as it had once done. They did not discern the signs
   of the times. More important tasks there were for Christendom to
   accomplish than to rescue the holy places of the East.

   Erasmus struck the right note and expressed the view of a later age.
   Writing at the very close of the Middle Ages making an appeal [486]
   said, "Truly, it is not meet to declare ourselves Christian men by
   killing very many but by saving very many, not if we send thousands of
   heathen people to hell, but if we make many infidels Christian; not if
   we cruelly curse and excommunicate, but if we with devout prayers and
   with our hearts desire their health, and pray unto God, to send them
   better minds." [487]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [482] For a contemporary description of Acre, see Itin. regis Ricardi,
   I. 32.

   [483] Com. in Jerem., see Neander, Ch. Hist., IV. 189 sqq., Engl.
   trans.

   [484] Mansi, XXIV. 111-120.

   [485] Contemplations of God. See Zwemer, Life of Raymund Lull, 52, 149.

   [486] Enchiridion militis christiani, Methuen's ed. 1905, p. 8 sq.

   [487] No appellation was too degrading to give to the enemies of the
   cross. The most common one was dogs. The biographers of Richard I. have
   no compunction in relating in one line gifts made by Saracens and in
   the next calling them dogs. See Itin. Ricardi, etc. So Walter Map says
   sepulchrum et crux Domini praeda sunt canum quorum fames in tantum
   lassata fuit et sanguine martyrorum, etc., Wright's ed., I. 15, p. 229.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 59. Effects of the Crusades.


   "... The knights' bones are dust

   And their good swords are rust;

   Their souls are with the saints, we trust."

   Coleridge.

   Literature.--A. R. L. Heeren: Versuch einer Entwickelung der Folgen der
   Kreuzzüge für Europa, Göttingen, 1808; French trans., Paris,
   1808.--Maxime de Choiseul-Daillecourt: De l'influence des croisades sur
   l'état des peuples de l'Europe, Paris, 1809. Crowned by the French
   Institute, it presents the Crusades as upon the whole favorable to
   civil liberty, commerce, etc.--J. L. Hahn: Ursachen und Folgen der
   Kreuzzüge, Greifsw., 1859.--G. B. Adams: Civilization during the M. A.,
   N. Y., 1894, 258-311. See the general treatments of the Crusades by
   Gibbon, Wilken, Michaud, Archer-Kingsford, 425-451, etc., and
   especially Prutz (Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge and The Economic
   Development of Western Europe under the Influence of the Crusades in
   Essays on the Crusades, Burlington, 1903), who in presenting the
   social, political, commercial, and literary aspects and effects of the
   Crusades lays relatively too much stress upon them.

   The Crusades failed in three respects. The Holy Land was not won. The
   advance of Islam was not permanently checked. The schism between the
   East and the West was not healed. These were the primary objects of the
   Crusades.

   They were the cause of great evils. As a school of practical religion
   and morals, they were no doubt disastrous for most of the Crusaders.
   They were attended by all the usual demoralizing influences of war and
   the sojourn of armies in an enemy's country. The vices of the Crusading
   camps were a source of deep shame in Europe. Popes lamented them.
   Bernard exposed them. Writers set forth the fatal mistake of those who
   were eager to make conquest of the earthly Jerusalem and were forgetful
   of the heavenly city. "Many wended their way to the holy city,
   unmindful that our Jerusalem is not here." So wrote the Englishman,
   Walter Map, after Saladin's victories in 1187.

   The schism between the East and the West was widened by the insolent
   action of the popes in establishing Latin patriarchates in the East and
   their consent to the establishment of the Latin empire of
   Constantinople. The memory of the indignities heaped upon Greek
   emperors and ecclesiastics has not yet been forgotten.

   Another evil was the deepening of the contempt and hatred in the minds
   of the Mohammedans for the doctrines of Christianity. The savagery of
   the Christian soldiery, their unscrupulous treatment of property, and
   the bitter rancors in the Crusading camps were a disgraceful spectacle
   which could have but one effect upon the peoples of the East. While the
   Crusades were still in progress, the objection was made in Western
   Europe, that they were not followed by spiritual fruits, but that on
   the contrary the Saracens were converted to blasphemy rather than to
   the faith. Being killed, they were sent to hell. [488]

   Again, the Crusades gave occasion for the rapid development of the
   system of papal indulgences, which became a dogma of the mediaeval
   theologians. The practice, once begun by Urban II. at the very outset
   of the movement, was extended further and further until indulgence for
   sins was promised not only for the warrior who took up arms against the
   Saracens in the East, but for those who were willing to fight against
   Christian heretics in Western Europe. Indulgences became a part of the
   very heart of the sacrament of penance, and did incalculable damage to
   the moral sense of Christendom. To this evil was added the exorbitant
   taxations levied by the popes and their emissaries. Matthew Paris
   complains of this extortion for the expenses of Crusades as a stain
   upon that holy cause. [489]

   And yet the Crusades were not in vain. It is not possible to suppose
   that Providence did not carry out some important, immediate and
   ultimate purpose for the advancement of mankind through this long war,
   extending over two hundred years, and involving some of the best vital
   forces of two continents. It may not always be easy to distinguish
   between the effects of the Crusades and the effects of other forces
   active in this period, or to draw an even balance between them. But it
   may be regarded as certain that they made far-reaching contributions to
   the great moral, religious, and social change which the institutions of
   Europe underwent in the latter half of the Middle Ages.

   First, the Crusades engaged the minds of men in the contemplation of a
   high and unselfish aim. The rescue of the Holy Sepulchre was a
   religious passion, drawing attention away from the petty struggles of
   ecclesiastics in the assertion of priestly prerogative, from the
   violent conflict of papacy and empire, and from the humdrum casuistry
   of scholastic and conventual dispute. [490] [491]

   Considered in their effects upon the papacy, they offered it an
   unexampled opportunity for the extension of its authority. But on the
   other hand, by educating the laity and developing secular interests,
   they also aided in undermining the power of the hierarchy.

   As for the political institutions of Europe, they called forth and
   developed that spirit of nationality which resulted in the
   consolidation of the states of Europe in the form which they have since
   retained with little change. When the Crusades began, feudalism
   flourished. When the Crusades closed, feudalism was decadent throughout
   Europe, and had largely disappeared from parts of it. The need petty
   knights and great nobles had to furnish themselves with adequate
   equipments, led to the pawn or sale of their estates and their
   prolonged absence gave sovereigns a rare opportunity to extend their
   authority. And in the adjoining camps of armies on Syrian soil, the
   customs and pride of independent national life were fostered.

   Upon the literature and individual intelligence of Western Europe, the
   Crusades, no doubt, exerted a powerful influence, although it may not
   be possible to weigh that influence in exact balances. It was a matter
   of great importance that men of all classes, from the emperor to the
   poorest serf, came into personal contact on the march and in the camp.
   They were equals in a common cause, and learned that they possessed the
   traits of a common humanity, of which the isolation of the baronial
   hall kept them ignorant. The emancipating effect which travel may
   always be expected to exert, was deeply felt. [492] earliest annalists
   of the First Crusade, who wrote in Latin, to Villehardouin and John de
   Joinville who wrote in French. The fountains of story and romance were
   struck, and to posterity were contributed the inspiring figures of
   Godfrey, Tancred, and St. Louis--soldiers who realized the ideal of
   Christian chivalry.

   As for commerce, it would be hazardous to say that the enterprise of
   the Italian ports would not, in time, have developed by the usual
   incentives of Eastern trade and the impulse of marine enterprise then
   astir. It cannot be doubted, however, that the Crusades gave to
   commerce an immense impetus. The fleets of Marseilles and the Italian
   ports were greatly enlarged through the demands for the transportation
   of tens of thousands of Crusaders; and the Pisans, Genoese, and
   Venetians were busy in traffic at Acre, Damietta, and other ports.
   [493]

   In these various ways the spell of ignorance and narrowing prejudice
   was broken, and to the mind of Western Europe a new horizon of thought
   and acquisition was opened, and remotely within that horizon lay the
   institutions and ambitions of our modern civilization.

   After the lapse of six centuries and more, the Crusades still have
   their stirring lessons of wisdom and warning, and these are not the
   least important of their results. The elevating spectacle of devotion
   to an unselfish aim has seldom been repeated in the history of religion
   on so grand a scale. This spectacle continues to be an inspiration. The
   very word "crusade" is synonymous with a lofty moral or religious
   movement, as the word "gospel" has come to be used to signify every
   message of good.

   The Crusades also furnish the perpetual reminder that not in localities
   is the Church to seek its holiest satisfaction and not by the sword is
   the Church to win its way; but by the message of peace, by appeals to
   the heart and conscience, and by teaching the ministries of prayer and
   devout worship is she to accomplish her mission. The Crusader kneeling
   in the church of the Holy Sepulchre learned the meaning of the words,
   "Why seek ye the living among the dead? He is not here, He is risen."
   And all succeeding generations know the meaning of these words better
   for his pilgrimage and his mistake.

   Approaching the Crusades in enthusiasm, but differing from them as
   widely as the East is from the West in methods and also in results, has
   been the movement of modern Protestant missions to the heathen world
   which has witnessed no shedding of blood, save the blood of its own
   Christian emissaries, men and women, whose aims have been not the
   conquest of territory, but the redemption of the race. [494]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [488] So Humbert de Romanis, 1274; Mansi, XXIV. 116. A sixth objection
   against the Crusades as stated and answered by him ran as follows: quod
   ex ista pugna non sequitur fructus spiritualis quia Saraceni magis
   convertuntur ad blasphemiam quam ad fidem; occisi autem ad infernum
   mittuntur, etc.

   [489] II. 338, etc.

   [490] Archer, p. 447, well says: "They raised mankind above the ignoble
   sphere of petty ambitions to seek after an ideal that was neither
   sordid nor selfish. They called forth all that was heroic in human
   nature, and filled the world with the inspiration of noble thoughts and
   deeds."

   [491] Decline and Fall, LVIII.

   [492] This is clearly apparent from the English and other mediaeval
   chronicles, such as the Chronicles of M. Paris, Hoveden, etc.

   [493] The ships of the two great Military Orders alone carried great
   numbers of pilgrims. In 1182 one of their ships was wrecked on the
   Egyptian coast with 1500 pilgrims. In 1180 several vessels met the same
   fate, 2500 pilgrims were drowned and 1500 sold into slavery. In 1246
   their ships carried from the port of Marseilles alone 6000 pilgrims.
   See Prutz in Essays, p. 54. This author, in laying weight upon the
   economic influences of the Crusades, says properly, that they "had only
   in part to do with religion, and particularly with the church," p. 77.
   Arabic words, such as damask, tarif, and bazar, were introduced into
   the vocabularies of European nations, and products, such as saffron,
   maize, melons, and little onions, were carried back by the Crusaders.
   The transfer of money made necessary the development of the system of
   letters of credit.

   [494] The Crusades, said the eloquent Dr. Richard S. Storrs, Bernard of
   Clairvaux, p. 558, furnished "as truly an ideal enthusiasm as that of
   any one who has sought to perform his missionary work in distant lands
   or has wrought into permanent laws and Institutions the principles of
   equity and the temper of love. And they must forever remain an example
   resplendent and shining of what an enthusiasm that is careless of
   obstacles and fearless of danger can accomplish."
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 60. The Military Orders.

   Literature.--The sources are the Rules of the orders and the scattered
   notices of contemporary chroniclers. No attempt is made to give an
   exhaustive list of the literature.--P. H. Helyot: Histoire des ordres
   monastiques, religieux et militaires, 8 vols. Paris, 1719.--Perrot.
   Coll. Hist. des ordres de chivalrie, etc., 4 vols. Paris, 1819.
   Supplementary vol. by Fayolle, 1846.--Bielenfeld: Gesch. und Verfassung
   aller geistlichen und weltlichen Ritterorden, 2 vols. Weimar, 1841.--F.
   C. Woodhouse: The Military Religious Orders of the Middle Ages, London,
   1879.--G. Uhlhorn: Die christliche Liebesthätigkeit im Mittelalter,
   Stuttgart, 1884.--Hurter: Life of Innocent III., vol. IV. 313 sqq.--The
   general Histories of the Crusades.--Stubbs: Const. Hist. of England.

   For the Knights of St. John: Abbe Vertot: Hist. des chevaliers
   hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jérusalem, etc., 4 vols. Paris, 1726, and
   since.--Taafe: History of the Knights of Malta, 4 vols. London,
   1852.--L. B. Larking: The Knights Hospitallers in England, London,
   1857.--A. Winterfeld: Gesch. des Ordens St. Johannis vom Spital zu
   Jerusalem, Berlin, 1859.--H. Von Ortenburg: Der Ritterorden des hl.
   Johannis zu Jerusalem, 2 vols. Regensb. 1866.--Genl. Porter: Hist. of
   the Knights of Malta of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, London,
   1883.--Von Finck: Uebersicht über die Gesch. des ritterlichen Ordens
   St. Johannis, Berlin, 1890.--G. Hönnicke: Studien zur Gesch. des
   Hospitalordens, 1099-1162, 1897.--*J. D. Le Roulx: De prima origine
   Hospitaliorum Hierosol., Paris, 1885; Cartulaire général de l'Ordre des
   Hospitaliers St. Jean de Jérusalem, 3 vols., Paris, 1894; Les
   Hospitaliers en Terre Sainte et à Chypre, 1100-1310, Paris, 1904, pp.
   440.--J. Von Pflugk-Harttung: Die Anfänge des Johanniterordens in
   Deutschland, Berlin, 1899, and Der Johanniter und der Deutsche Orden im
   Kampfe Ludwigs des Baiern mit der Kirche, Leipzig, 1900. Knöpfler:
   Johanniter in Weltzer-Welte, VI. 1719-1803. For other Lit. see Le
   Roulx: Les Hospitaliers, pp. v-xiii.

   For the Knights Templars: The literature is very abundant. Bernard Of
   Clairvaux: De laude novae militiae, ad milites templi, Migne, 182, pp.
   921-940.--Dupuy: Hist. des Templiers, Paris, 1650.--F. Wilcke: Gesch.
   des Tempelherren Ordens, 2 vols. Leipzig, 1827, 2d ed. Halle,
   1860.--*C. H. Maillard De Chambure: Règle et Statuts secrets des
   Templiers, Paris, 1840 (from three old French MSS.).--W. Havemann:
   Gesch. des Ausgangs des Tempelherren Ordens, Stuttgart, 1846. Michelet:
   Procès des Templiers, 2 vols. Paris, 1841-1851.--Boutaric: Clement V.
   Philippe le Bel et les Templiers, Paris, 1874, and Documents inédites
   de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1861.--*Henri de Curzon: La Règle du Temple,
   Paris, 1886.--*H. Prutz: Geheimlehre und Geheimstatuten des
   Tempelherren Ordens, Berlin, 1879, Entwicklung und Untergang des
   Tempelherrenordens, Berlin, 1888.--K. Schottmüller: D. Untergang des
   Templer-Ordens, 2 vols. Berlin, 1887.--W. Cunningham: Growth of English
   Industry, London, 1890.--J. Gmelin: Schuld oder Unschuld des
   Templerordens, Stuttgart, 1893.--*Döllinger: Der Untergang des
   Tempelordens in his "Akadem. Vorträge," Munich, 1891, III. 245-274, the
   last public address the author delivered before the Academy of Sciences
   of Munich.--A. Grange: Fall of the Knights Templars, "Dublin Review,"
   1895, pp. 329 sqq.--G. Schnürer: D. ursprüngliche Templerregel, Freib.
   1903.--Mansi, XXI. 359-372, also gives the Rule of the Templars as set
   forth at the Synod of Troyes, 1128.--J. A. Froude: The Knights Templars
   in Short Essays.--Hefele-Knöpfler, VI.--*Funk: Templer in Wetzer-Welte,
   XI. pp. 1311-1345.--H. C. Lea: Hist. of the Inquisition, III. and
   Absolution Formula of the Templars, Amer. Soc. of Ch. Hist. Papers, V.
   37-58.

   For the Teutonic Knights: Strehlke: Tabulae ordinis
   teutonicae.--Hennes: Codex diplomaticus ordinis S. Mariae
   Theutonicorum, 2 vols. Mainz, 1845-1861.--E. Hennig: Die Statuten des
   deutschen Ordens, Würzburg, 1866.--M. Perlbach: Die Statuten des
   Deutschordens, Halle, 1890.--Joh. Voigt: Geschichte des Deutschen
   Ritter-Ordens, 2 vols. Berlin, 1857-1859.--H. Prutz: Die Besitzungen
   des deutschen Ordens im heiligen Lande, Leipzig, 1877.--C. Herrlich:
   Die Balley Brandenburg, etc., Berlin, 1886.--C. Lempens: Geschichte d.
   Deutschen Ordens u. sr. Ordensländer Preussen u. Livland, 1904.--Ranke:
   Univ. Hist., VIII. 455-480.--Uhlhorn: Deutschorden, in Herzog, IV.


   "And by the Holy Sepulchre

   I've pledged my knightly sword

   To Christ, His blessed church, and her,

   The mother of our Lord."

   Whittier, Knights of St. John.

   A product of the Crusades and their most important adjunct were the
   three great Military Orders, the Knights of St. John, the Knight
   Templars, and the Teutonic Knights. They combined monastic vows with
   the profession of arms. Their members were fighting monks and armed
   almoners. They constituted a standing army of Crusaders and were the
   vigilant guardians of Latin institutions in Palestine for nearly two
   centuries. The Templars and the Knights of St. John did valiant service
   on many a battle-field in Palestine and Asia Minor. [495] [496] , the
   three orders retired to Europe, holding the Turks in check for two
   centuries longer in the South and extending civilization to the
   provinces on the Baltic in the North. They combined the element of
   romance, corresponding to the chivalric spirit of the age, with the
   element of philanthropy corresponding to its religious spirit.

   These orders speedily attained to great popularity, wealth, and power.
   Kings did them honor. Pope after pope extended their authority and
   privileges. Their grand masters were recognized as among the chief
   personages of Christendom. But with wealth and popularity came pride
   and decay. The strength of the Knights of St. John and the Templars was
   also reduced by their rivalry which became the scandal of Europe, and
   broke out into open feuds and pitched battles as before Acre, 1241 to
   1243 and in 1259. [497] [498] Teutonic Knights exclusively a German
   order. The Templars were oecumenical in their constituency.

   I. The order of the Knights of St. John, or the Hospitallers, [499]
   [500] own out of a hospital in the city erected for the care of sick
   and destitute pilgrims. As early as the time of Charlemagne a hospital
   existed there. Before the year 1000 a cloister seems to have been
   founded by the Normans close by the church of the Holy Sepulchre known
   as St. Maria de Latina, with accommodations for the sick. [501] [502]
   seems to have come from Southern France. [503] ed in 1120 and was
   succeeded by Raymund du Puy, who gave the order great fame and presided
   over it for forty years. [504]

   The order increased with astonishing rapidity in numbers, influence,
   and wealth. Gifts were received from all parts of Europe, the givers
   being remembered in prayers offered up in Jerusalem. Raymund
   systematized the rules of the brotherhood and gave it a compact
   organization and in 1113 it gained papal sanction through Pascal II. At
   that time there were affiliated houses at St. Giles, Asti, Pisa,
   Otranto, and Tarentum. [505] eive the joys of the heavenly. Bull
   followed bull, granting the order privileges. Innocent III. exempted
   the members from excommunication at the hand of bishops and made the
   order amenable solely to the pope. Anastasius IV., 1154, gave them the
   right to build churches, chapels, and graveyards in any locality. [506]

   The military feature of the organization was developed after the
   philanthropic feature of nursing and caring for unfortunate pilgrims
   and it quickly became the dominant feature. Raymund du Puy makes a
   clear distinction in the order between cleric and lay brethren.
   Innocent II., 1130, speaks of its members as priests, knights, and lay
   brethren, the last taking no vows. In its perfected organization the
   order was divided into three classes, knights, chaplains, and serving
   brethren. The knights and chaplains were bound by the threefold pledge
   of charity, poverty, and obedience. [507] [508] ork was not abandoned.
   In 1160 John of Wizburg states from personal observation that more than
   two thousand sick were cared for in the hospital of Jerusalem, and that
   in a single day forty deaths occurred. After the transfer of the order
   to Rhodes, the knights continued to carry on hospital work.

   After Clement IV., 1267, the title of the chief official was "Grand
   master of the Hospital of Jerusalem and Guardian of the Poor of Jesus
   Christ." The distinctive dress of the order was, after 1259, a red
   mantle with a white Maltese cross worn on the left breast that "God
   through this emblem might give faith and obedience and protect us and
   all our Christian benefactors from the power of the devil." Its motto
   was pro fide, "for the faith." [509] ded about 1320 into seven langues
   or provinces, Provence, France, Auvergne, Italy, Germany, Aragon,
   England. Castile was added in 1464. Affiliated houses in Europe and the
   East sent two-thirds of their income to Jerusalem. [510] f the order
   was that the knights always went two and two and carried their own
   light with them.

   After the fall of Acre, the Hospitallers established themselves on the
   island of Cyprus and in 1310 removed to the island of Rhodes, where
   massive walls and foundations continue to attest the labor expended
   upon their fortifications and other buildings. From Rhodes, as a base,
   they did honorable service.

   Under the grand master La Valette, the Knights bravely defended Malta
   against the fleet of Suleymon the Magnificent until Europe felt the
   thrill of relief caused by the memorable defeat of the Turkish fleet by
   Don John at Lepanto, 1571. From that time the order continued to decay.
   [511]

   II. The Knight Templars [512] did fame than the Knights of St. John;
   but the order had a singularly tragic ending in 1312, and was dissolved
   under moral charges of the most serious nature. From the beginning they
   were a military body. The order owes its origin to Hugo de Payens (or
   Payns) and Godfrey St. Omer, who entered Jerusalem riding on one horse,
   1119. They were joined by six others who united with them in making a
   vow to the patriarch of Jerusalem to defend by force of arms pilgrims
   on their way from the coast to Jerusalem.

   Baldwin II. gave the brotherhood quarters in his palace on Mount
   Moriah, near the site of Solomon's temple, whence the name Templars is
   derived. Hugo appeared at the council of Troyes in 1128, [513] , and
   Germany, that three hundred knights joined the order. St. Bernard wrote
   a famous tract in praise of the "new soldiery." [514] rs allowed to go
   unpunished. They take no pleasure in the absurd pastime of hawking.
   Draughts and dice they abhor. Ribald songs and stage plays they eschew
   as insane follies. They cut their hair close; they are begrimed with
   dirt and swarthy from the weight of their armor and the heat of the
   sun. They never dress gayly, and wash seldom. They strive to secure
   swift and strong horses, but not garnished with ornaments or decked
   with trappings, thinking of battle and victory, not of pomp and show.
   Such has God chosen to vigilantly guard the Holy Sepulchre." [515]

   The order spread with great rapidity. [516] [517] nues have been
   estimated as high as 54,000,000 francs. [518] ngary, England, Upper and
   Lower Germany, Sicily, and perhaps a twelfth, Bohemia. Popes, beginning
   with Honorius II., heaped favors upon them. They were relieved from
   paying taxes of all sorts. They might hold services twice a year in
   churches where the interdict was in force. Their goods were placed
   under the special protection of the Holy See. In 1163 Alexander III.
   granted them permission to have their own priests. [519]

   Like the Hospitallers, the Templars took the triple vow and, in
   addition, the vow of military service and were divided into three
   classes: the knights who were of noble birth, the men at arms or
   serving brethren (fratres servientes, armigeri), and chaplains who were
   directly amenable to the pope. The dress of the knights was a white
   mantle with a red cross, of the serving brethren a dark habit with a
   red cross. The knights cropped their hair short and allowed their
   beards to grow. They were limited to three horses, except the grand
   master who was allowed four, and were forbidden to hunt except the
   lion, the symbol of the devil, who goes about seeking whom he may
   devour. [520] [521] , and ate at a common table. If money was found in
   the effects of a deceased brother, his body was denied all prayer and
   funeral services and placed in unconsecrated ground like a slave. [522]
   s a widow, virgin, mother, sister, or any other female. [523] [524]

   The head of the order was called Grand Master, was granted the rank of
   a prince, and included in the invitations to the oecumenical councils,
   as, for example, the Fourth Lateran and the second council of Lyons.
   The Master of the Temple in England was a baron with seat in
   Parliament.

   The Templars took part in all the Crusades except the first and the
   crusade of Frederick II., from which they held aloof on account of the
   papal prohibition. Their discipline was conspicuous on the disastrous
   march of the French from Laodicea to Attalia and their valor at the
   battle of Hattim, before Gaza [525] many other fields. [526] [527]
   represent their real possessions.

   A famous passage in the history of Richard of England set forth the
   reputation the Templars had for pride. When Fulke of Neuilly was
   preaching the Third Crusade, he told Richard he had three daughters and
   called upon him to provide for them in marriage. The king exclaimed,
   "Liar, I have no daughters." "Nay, thou hast three evil daughters,
   Pride, Lust, and Luxury," was the priest's reply. Turning to his
   courtiers, Richard retorted, "He bids me marry my three daughters.
   Well, so be it. To the Templars, I give my first-born, Pride, to the
   Cistercians my second-born, Lust, and to the prelates the third,
   Luxury." [528]

   The order survived the fall of Acre less than twenty years. After
   finding a brief refuge in Cyprus the knights concentrated their
   strength in France, where the once famous organization was suppressed
   by the violent measures of Philip the Fair and Clement V. The story of
   the suppression belongs to the next period.

   III. The order of the Teutonic Knights [529] he prominence in Palestine
   of the two older orders. During the first century of its existence, its
   members devoted themselves to the maintenance and care of hospitals on
   the field of battle. They seldom appeared until the historic mission of
   the order opened in the provinces of what is now northeastern Germany
   which were reduced to subjection and to a degree of civilization by its
   arms and humanizing efforts.

   The order dates from 1190, when a hospital was erected in a tent under
   the walls of Acre by pilgrims from Bremen and Lübeck. Frederick of
   Swabia commended it, and Clement III. sanctioned it, 1191. [530] [531]
   and Templars. The order was made up almost exclusively of German
   elements. [532] der in Europe was a convent at Palermo, the gift of
   Henry VI., 1197. Its first hospital in Germany was St. Kunigunde, at
   Halle. Subsequently its hospitals extended from Bremen and Lübeck to
   Nürnberg and further south. Its territory was divided into bailiwicks,
   balleyen, of which there were twelve in Germany. The chief officer,
   called Grand Master, had the dignity of a prince of the empire.

   Under Hermann von Salza (1210-1239), the fourth grand master, the order
   grew with great rapidity. Von Salza was a trusted adviser of Frederick
   II., and received the privilege of using the black eagle in the order's
   banner. Following the invitation of the monk Christian and of Konrad of
   Morovia, 1226, to come to their relief against the Prussians, he
   diverted the attention and activity of the order from the Orient to
   this new sphere. The order had the promise of Culmland and half of its
   conquests for its assistance.

   After the fall of Acre, the headquarters were transferred to Venice and
   in 1309 to Marienburg on the Vistula, where a splendid castle was
   erected. Henceforth the knights were occupied with the wild territories
   along the Baltic and southwards, whose populations were still in a
   semi-barbaric state. In the hour when the Templars were being
   suppressed, this order was enjoying its greatest prosperity. In 1237 it
   absorbed the Brothers of the Sword. [533]

   At one time the possessions of the Teutonic knights included fifty
   cities such as Culm, Marienburg, Thorn, and Königsberg, and lands with
   a population of two million. Its missionary labors are recorded in
   another chapter. With the rise of Poland began the shrinkage of the
   order, and in the battle of Tannenberg, 1410, its power was greatly
   shaken. In 1466 it gave up large blocks of territory to Poland,
   including Marienburg, and the grand master swore fealty to the Polish
   king. The order continued to hold Prussia and Sameland as fiefs. But
   the discipline had become loose, as was indicated by the popular
   saying, "Dressing and undressing, eating and drinking, and going to bed
   are the work the German knights do." [534] laid the foundation of the
   greatness of the duchy of Prussia, which he made hereditary in his
   family, the Hohenzollern. [535] [536]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [495] At the battle of Gaza with the Chorasmians, 1244, of two hundred
   and sixteen Knights of St. John who entered the battle, two hundred
   remained dead on the field.

   [496] After the battle of Tiberias, the Knights of St. John, for a few
   years, made their strong fortress, Margat, the base of their
   operations.

   [497] See M. Paris, an. 1259. The famous antithesis of Gibbon (chap.
   LVIII.) pleases the ear and contains some truth, but makes a wrong
   impression. "The Knights of the Temple and St. John neglected to live,
   but they prepared to die in the service of Christ."

   [498] The synod of Salzburg, 1292, decided in favor of the union.

   [499] Fratres hospitalis S. Johannis, Hospitalarii, Johannitae, milites
   hospitalis S. Johannis. From the fourteenth century they were also
   known as the Knights of Rhodes and from the sixteenth as the Knights of
   Malta. For a list of the houses of the female members of this order, Le
   Roulx, Les Hospitaliers, 300 sq.

   [500] The bull of Pascal, II. 1113, speaks of the hospital in Jerusalem
   adjoining the church of the Baptist, xenodochium ... juxta Beati
   Johannis Baptistae ecclesiam.

   [501] William of Tyre, XVIII. 5; de Vitry, Hist. Jerus., 64. The Mary,
   whose name the convent bore, was Mary Magdalene.

   [502] Le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers, 33, connects the order with the
   hospital founded by Maurus,nous croyons pouvoir persister à penser que
   les Amalfitans furent les précurseurs des Hospitaliers

   [503] William of Tyre, VII. 23, states that he was held in chains
   during the siege of Jerusalem.

   [504] See Le Roulx, pp. 44 sqq. Gerard is called in an old chronicle
   "Guardian of the hospital of the poor in Jerusalem," guardianus
   hospitalis pauperum, etc., Hurter, IV. 315, note

   [505] Woodhouse, p. 20, gives a list of no less than fifty-four houses
   belonging to the Hospital in England.

   [506] The bull in Mansi, XXI. 780.

   [507] They were monks. The order had no priests until the time of
   Alexander III., who gave it the right to receive priests and clerics.
   Priests became necessary in order that the new custom might be followed
   which gave to priests alone the right of absolution. During the first
   century of their existence, the members of military orders made
   confession of their sins in the open chapters and were punished at the
   order of the Master by public scourging or otherwise. The strict church
   law of confession and of absolution by the priest was not defined till
   later by the Fourth Lateran Council, and Thomas Aquinas. See Lea, The
   Absolution Formula of the Templars.

   [508] Le Roulx, 290 sq.

   [509] For the formula of admission, see Le Roulx, 288 sq.

   [510] See Uhlhorn for the amount of linen and other goods expected from
   the various houses in Europe. There was a female branch of the order of
   which, however, very little is known. In 1188 Sancha, queen of Aragon,
   founded a rich convent for it at Sixena near Saragossa.

   [511] On October 31, 1898, the emperor William II. of Germany, while on
   a visit to Jerusalem, dedicated the Protestant church of the Redeemer,
   built on the ancient site of the hospital of the Knights of St. John,
   opposite the church of the Holy Sepulchre.

   [512] Templarii, fratres militiae templi, equites templarii, pauperes
   commilitiones Christi templique Salamonis, are some of the titles by
   which they were known. There was not nearly as much resemblance between
   the Hospitallers and Templars as between the Templars and Teutonic
   knights. Curzon, p. xi.

   [513] William of Tyre. See Hefele, V. 401 sq.

   [514] De laude novae militiae.

   [515] On St. Bernard's services to the order, see the biographies by
   Morison, 141 sqq., and Storrs, 567-574.

   [516] In England they settled at the old Temple outside of Holborn,
   whence they removed to the new Temple on the Thames, 1185. The Temple
   church was completed in 1240. M. Paris gives an account of the
   dedication and the banquet which was provided by the Hospitallers.
   Stephen and his queen gave the Templars several places about 1150.
   Woodhouse, p. 260, gives a list of twenty-seven English houses.

   [517] An. 1244.

   [518] At the end of the thirteenth century. This is the estimate of de
   Chambure. Schottmüller estimates them at 40,000,000 francs. William of
   Tyre, XII. 7, speaks of their possessions as "immense." Their wealth
   and greed were proverbial.

   [519] Funk calls Alexander's bull the Magna Charta of the order.
   Wetzer-Welte, XI. 1315.

   [520] With reference to 1 Pet. 5:8, Curzon, 58.

   [521] Non nobis, Domine, non nobis sed tuo nomini da gloriam.

   [522] Curzon, XXVII.

   [523] Fugiat feminae oscula Christi militia, Mansi, XXI. 72; also
   Schnürer, 153.

   [524] Schnürer, Rule XI. p. 138.

   [525] M. Paris, Luard's ed., IV. 337 sqq., gives the letters from the
   patriarch of Jerusalem and the vice-master of the Temple, 1244. This
   chronicler is very severe upon the Templars for their arrogant pride
   and their jealous rivalry of the Hospitallers. An example of this
   jealousy was their refusal to accompany King Amalric to Egypt because
   to the Hospitallers had been assigned first place.

   [526] Among their fortresses was the castle Pilgrim near Acre, built
   1218, whose great size and splendor are described by James de Vitry.

   [527] The houses of the order became important money centres in France
   and England in the thirteenth century, and furnished to kings, bishops,
   and nobles a safety-deposit for funds and treasures of plate, jewels,
   and important records. Henry III. and other English kingss borrowed
   from them, as did also French kings. The Templars also acted as
   disbursers for monies loaned by Italian bankers or as trustees for
   other monies, as, for example, the annual grant of one thousand marks
   promised by John to his sister-in-law, Berengaria. John frequently
   stopped at the house of the Templars in London. See Cunningham, Growth
   of English Industries and Commerce, 3d ed. Leopold Delisle, Les
   operationsfinancières des Templiers, Paris, 1889. Eleanor Ferris,
   Financial Relations of the Knights Templars to the English Crown, in
   "Am. Hist. Rev.," October, 1902.

   [528] Charasson, quoting Richard de Hoveden, Vie de Foulques de
   Neuilly, 89 sq.

   [529] Deutscher Orden, Ordo S. Mariae Theutonicorum.

   [530] Under the name domus hospitalis S. Mariae Theutonicorum in
   Jerusalem. A German hospital was dedicated in Jerusalem to St. Mary,
   1128.

   [531] At the council of Constance, 1416, the king of Poland protested
   against their right to convert by the sword.

   [532] In the conflict of Lewis the Bavarian with the papacy, the
   Teutonic order espoused the emperor's cause and received from him
   important gifts and privileges.

   [533] Fratres militiae Christi, gladiferi, a military order founded in
   1202.

   [534] Kleider aus, Kleider an, Essen, Trinken, Schlafengehen, ist die
   Arbeit so die Deutsche Herren han.

   [535] Luther in 1523 wrote a tract calling upon the Teutonic knights to
   abandon their false rule of celibacy and to practise the true chastity
   of marriage. Ermahnung an die Herren Deutschen Ordens falsche
   Keuschheit zu meiden und zur rechten ehelichen Keuschheit zu greifen.
   Albrecht introduced the Lutheran reformation into Brandenburg. He
   married the Danish princess Dorothea.

   [536] Several orders combining military and religious vows existed in
   Spain and Portugal and did service against the Moors. The order of Iago
   of Campostella received the papal sanction in 1175 and protected
   pilgrims to the shrine of Campostella. The order of Calatrava received
   papal approval 1164, and took an active part in the struggle against
   the Moors. The order of Alcantara was recognized by Lucius III., 1183.
   The headship of the last two bodies was transferred to the crown under
   Ferdinand the Catholic.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER VIII.

   THE MONASTIC ORDERS.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 61. The Revival of Monasticism.

   Literature.--The Letters of Anselm, Bernard, Peter the Venerable,
   William of Thierry, Hildegard, etc.--Abaelard: Hist. calamitatum, his
   autobiography, Migne, 178.--Honorius of Autun: De vita claustrali,
   Migne, 172, 1247 sqq.--Bernard: De conversione ad clericos sermo, in
   Migne, 182, 853-59, and De praecepto et dispensatione, 851-953.--The
   Treatments of Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, etc., in their
   Summas.--Petrus Venerablis: De miraculis, in Migne, 189. Caesar of
   Heisterbach (ab. 1240): Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. by J. Strange, 2
   vols. Col. 1851. Excerpts in German trans. by A. Kaufmann, 2 parts,
   Col. 1888 sq.--Thos. à Chantimpré (d. about 1270): Bonum universale de
   apibus, a comparison of a convent to a beehive. Excerpts in German by
   A. Kaufmann, Col. 1899; Annales monastici, ed. by Luard, 5 vols.
   London, 1865-69.--Jacobus de Voragine: Legenda aurea, English by W.
   Caxton (about 1470), Temple classics ed. 7 vols. London, 1890. --
   William of St. Amour (d. 1272): De periculis novissorum temporum in
   Denifle Chartularium Univ., Paris, vol. 1.

   The Lives of Anselm, Bernard, William of Thierry, Francis, Dominic,
   Norbert, etc.--H. Helyot (Franciscan, d. 1716): Hist. des ordres
   monastiques, religieux et militaires et des congrégations séculières de
   l'une et de l'autre sexe qui ont été établies jusqu' àprésent, 8 vols.
   Paris, 1714-19; Germ. trans., 8 vols. Leip. 1753-56. He gives a long
   list of the older authorities.--Mrs. Jamieson: Legends of the Monastic
   Orders, London, 1850.--A. Butler: Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs, and
   Other Principal Saints, 12 vols. Dublin, 1868 sqq.--Sir William
   Dugdale: Monasticon anglicanum, ed. by J. Caley, etc., 8 vols. London,
   1846. Based on the ed. of 1817.--T. D. Fosbroke: Brit. Monasticism, or
   Manners and Customs of the Monks and Nuns of England, London, 1803, 3d
   ed. 1845.--Montalembert: Les moins d'occident depuis St. Benoit jusqu'
   à St. Bernard, Paris, 1860-77; EngI. trans., 7 vols. London, 1861
   sqq.--O. T. Hill: Engl. Monasticism, Its Rise and Influence, London,
   1867.--S. R. Maitland: The Dark Ages, ed. by Fred. Stokes, 5th ed.,
   London, 1890.--Wishart: Short Hist. of Monks and Monasticism, Trenton,
   1900.--E. L. Taunton: The Engl. Black Monks of St. Benedict, 2 vols.
   London, 1897.--A. Gasquet: Engl. Monastic Life, London, 1904, and
   since.--Hurter: Innocent III., vol. IV. 84-311.--J. C. Robertson: View
   of Europe during the Middle Ages, in introd. to his Life of Chas.
   V.--H. Von Eicken: Gesch. und System der mittelalterlichen
   Weltanschauung, Stuttgart, 1887.--A. Jessopp: The Coming of the Friars,
   London, no date, 7th ed., chap. Daily Life in a Med. Monastery,
   113-166.--Harnack: Monasticism, Giessen, 1882, 5th ed. 1901, trans. by
   C. R. Gillett, N. Y., 1895.--Stephens: Hist. of the Engl. Church, chap.
   XIV. (Monastic Orders).--Hauck, III. 441-516, IV. 311-409.--Littledale:
   Monachism, 'in Enc. Brit.--Denifle: Luther und Lutherthum, Mainz, 1904
   sq., draws in his treatment of monasticism, upon his great resources of
   mediaeval scholarship.

   The glorious period of monasticism fell in the Middle Ages, and more
   especially in the period that is engaging our attention. The convent
   was the chief centre of true religion as well as of dark superstition.
   With all the imposing movements of the age, the absolute papacy, the
   Crusades, the universities, the cathedrals and scholasticism, the monk
   was efficiently associated. He was, with the popes, the chief promoter
   of the Crusades. He was among the great builders. He furnished the
   chief teachers to the universities and numbered in his order the
   profoundest of the Schoolmen. The mediaeval monks were the Puritans,
   the Pietists, the Methodists, the Evangelicals of their age. [537]

   If it be compared with the monachism of the earlier period of the
   Church, the mediaeval institution will be found to equal it in the
   number of its great monks and to exceed it in useful activity. Among
   the distinguished Fathers of the Post-Nicene period who advocated
   monasticism were St. Anthony of Egypt, Athanasius, Basil, Gregory of
   Nyssa, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, and Benedict of Nursia. In the
   Middle Ages the list is certainly as imposing. There we have Anselm,
   Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, Thomas Aquinas, and Duns Scotus among the
   Schoolmen, St. Bernard and Hugo de St. Victor, Eckart, and Tauler among
   the mystics, Hildegard and Joachim of Flore among the seers, the
   authors of the Dies irae and Stabat mater and Adam de St. Victor among
   the hymnists, Anthony of Padua, Bernardino of Siena, Berthold of
   Regensburg and Savonarola among the preachers, and in a class by
   himself, Francis d'Assisi.

   Of the five epochs in the history of monasticism two belong to the
   Middle Ages proper. [538] rsia of the sixth century, and his
   well-systematized rule, mark the second epoch. The development of the
   Society of Jesus in the sixteenth century marks the last epoch. The two
   between are represented by the monastic revival, starting from the
   convent of Cluny as a centre in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and
   the rise and spread of the mendicant orders in the thirteenth century.
   Cluny was for a century almost the only reforming force in Western
   Europe till the appearance of Hildebrand on the stage, and he himself
   was probably trained in the mother convent. Through its offshoots and
   allied orders Cluny continued to be a burning centre of religious zeal
   for a century longer. Then, at a time of monastic declension, the
   mendicant orders, brought into existence by St. Francis d'Assisi and
   Dominic of Spain, became the chief promoters of one of the most notable
   religious revivals that has ever swept over Europe.

   The work done by men like William of Hirschau, Bruno and Norbert in
   Germany, Bernard and Peter the Venerable in France, and St. Francis in
   Italy, cannot be ignored in any true account of the onward progress of
   mankind. However much we may decline to believe that monasticism is a
   higher form of Christian life, we must give due credit to these men, or
   deny to a series of centuries all progress and good whatsoever.

   The times were favorable for the development of monastic communities.
   If our own is the age of the laic, the mediaeval period was the age of
   the monk. Society was unsettled and turbulent. The convent offered an
   asylum of rest and of meditation. Bernard calls his monks "the order of
   the Peaceful." Feud and war ruled without. Every baronial residence was
   a fortress. The convent was the scene of brotherhood and co-operation.
   It furnished to the age the ideal of a religious household on earth.
   The epitaphs of monks betray the feeling of the time, pacificus, "the
   peaceful"; tranquilla pace serenus, "in quiet and undisturbed repose";
   fraternae pacis amicus, "friend of brotherly peace."

   The circumstances are presented by Caesar of Heisterbach under which a
   number of monks abandoned the world, and were "converted"--that is,
   determined to enter a convent. Now the decision was made at a burial.
   [539] rful things which occurred in convents. This was the case with a
   young knight, Gerlach, [540] the seed which had been sown in his heart,
   and entered upon the monastic novitiate. Sometimes the decision was
   made in consequence of a sermon. [541] rbach, while they were on the
   way to Cologne during the troublous times of Philip of Swabia and Otto
   IV. Gerard described the appearance of the Virgin, her mother Anna, and
   St. Mary Magdalene, who descended from the mountain and revealed
   themselves to the monks of Clairvaux while they were engaged in the
   harvest, dried the perspiration from their foreheads, and cooled them
   by fanning. Within three months Caesar entered the convent of
   Heisterbach. [542]

   There were in reality only two careers in the Middle Ages, the career
   of the knight and the career of the monk. It would be difficult to say
   which held out the most attractions and rewards, even for the present
   life. The monk himself was a soldier. The well-ordered convent offered
   a daily drill, exercise following exercise with the regularity of
   clockwork; and though the enemy was not drawn up in visible array on
   open field, he was a constant reality. [543] ly the problem of their
   salvation and fight their conflict with the devil. The Third Lateran,
   1179, bears witness to the popularity of the conventual life among the
   higher classes, and the tendency to restrict it to them, when it
   forbade the practice of receiving motley as a price of admission to the
   vow. [544]

   By drawing to themselves the best spirits of the time, the convents
   became in their good days, from the tenth well into the thirteenth
   century, hearthstones of piety, and the chief centres of missionary and
   civilizing agencies. When there was little preaching, the monastic
   community preached the most powerful sermon, calling men's thoughts
   away from riot and bloodshed to the state of brotherhood and religious
   reflection. [545] he ground, and, after the most scientific fashion
   then known, taught agriculture, the culture of the vine and fish, the
   breeding of cattle, and the culture of wool. He built roads and the
   best buildings. In intellectual and artistic concerns the convent was
   the chief school of the times. It trained architects, painters, and
   sculptors. There the deep problems of theology and philosophy were
   studied; there manuscripts were copied, and when the universities
   arose, the convent furnished them with their first and their most
   renowned teachers. In northeastern Germany and other parts of Europe
   and in Asia it was the outer citadel of church profession and church
   activity.

   So popular was the monastic life that religion seemed to be in danger
   of running out into monkery and society of being transformed into an
   aggregation of convents. The Fourth Lateran sought to counteract this
   tendency by forbidding the establishment of new orders. [546] arcely in
   his grave before the Dominicans and Franciscans received full papal
   sanction.

   During the eleventh and twelfth centuries the important change was
   accomplished whereby all monks received priestly ordination. Before
   that time it was the exception for a monk to be a priest. Extreme
   unction and absolution had been administered in the convent by
   unordained monks. [547] . The synod of Nismes, thirty years earlier,
   1096, thought it answered objections to the new custom sufficiently by
   pointing to Gregory the Great, Gregory of Tours, and Augustine as cases
   of monks who had priestly ordination. On the other hand the active
   movement within the convents to take a larger part in the affairs of
   society was resisted by oecumenical councils, as, for example, the
   Second Lateran, 1139, which forbade monks practising as physicians or
   lawyers.

   The monastic life was praised as the highest form of earthly existence.
   The convent was compared to Canaan [548] d the monks converts,
   conversi, or the religious. [549] [550]

   Bishop Otto of Freising speaks of the monks as, spending their lives
   like angels in heavenly purity and holiness. They live together one in
   heart and soul, give themselves at one signal to sleep, lift up as by
   one impulse their lips in prayer and their voices in reading.... They
   go so far, that while they are refreshing the body at table, they
   listen to the reading of the Scriptures.... They give up their own
   wills, their earthly possessions, and their parents, and, following the
   command of the Gospel and Christ, constantly bear their cross by
   mortifying the flesh, being all the while full of heavenly
   homesickness." [551]

   The enthusiastic advocacy of the monastic life can only be explained by
   a desire to get relief from the turbulence of the social world and a
   sincere search after holiness. There is scarcely a letter of Anselm in
   which he does not advocate its superior advantages. It was not
   essential to become a monk to reach salvation, but who, he writes, "can
   attain to it in a safer or nobler way, he who seeks to love God alone
   or he who joins the love of the world with the love of God?" [552]
   [553]

   Bernard was not at peace till he had all his brothers and his married
   sister within cloistral walls.

   Honorius of Autun, in his tract on the cloistral life, [554] the cold
   and anxieties of the world, a bed for the weary to rest on, an asylum
   for those fleeing from the turmoils of the state, a school for infants
   learning the rule of Christ, a gymnasium for those who would fight
   against vices, a prison career for the criminal from the broad way till
   he goes into the wide hall of heaven, a paradise with different trees
   full of fruits and the delights of Scripture.

   The monastic life was the angelic life. "Are ye not already like the
   angels of God, having abstained from marriage," exclaimed St. Bernard,
   in preaching to his monks, [555]

   Kings and princes desired to be clad in the monastic habit as they
   passed into the untried scenes of the future. So Frederick II., foe of
   the temporal claims of the papacy as he was, is said to have died in
   the garb of the Cistercians. So did Roger II. of Sicily, 1163, and
   Roger III., 1265. William of Nevers was clad in the garb of the
   Carthusian order before he expired. Louis VI. of France passed away
   stretched on ashes sprinkled in the form of a cross. So did Henry, son
   of Henry II. of England, expire, laid on a bed of ashes, 1184. William
   the Conqueror died in a priory with a bishop and abbot standing by.
   [556]

   It was the custom in some convents, if not in all, to lay out the monks
   about to die on the floor, which was sometimes covered with matting.
   First they rapped on the death table. Waiting the approach of death,
   the dying often had wonderful visions of Christ, the Virgin, and the
   saints. The imagination at such times was very vivid, and the reports
   which the dying gave on returning for a moment to consciousness seem to
   have been generally accepted. [557]

   The miraculous belonged to the monk's daily food. He was surrounded by
   spirits. Visions and revelations occurred by day and by night. [558]
   espectable accounts of monks, so beset, are given by Peter the
   Venerable in his work on Miracles, by Caesar of Heisterbach, and
   Jacobus de Voragine. Caesar's Dialogue of Miracles and Voragine's
   Golden Legend are among the most entertaining storybooks ever written.
   They teem with legends which are accepted as true. They simply reflect
   the feeling of the age, which did not for a moment doubt the constant
   manifestation of the supernatural, especially the pranks and
   misdemeanors of the evil one and his emissaries.

   Peter the Venerable gives a graphic picture of how these restless foes
   pulled the bedclothes off from sleeping monks and, chuckling, carried
   them to a distance, how they impudently stood by, making fun while the
   modest monastic attended to the necessities of nature, [559] [560]
   edside, who with difficulty bore his weight with his wings. Two others
   appeared at once and exclaimed to the first, "What are you doing here?"
   "I can do nothing," was the reply, "on account of the protection which
   is given by the cross and the holy water and the singing of psalms. I
   have labored all night and can do nothing." The two replied, "We have
   come from forcing a certain Gaufrid to commit adultery and the head of
   a monastery to fornicate with a boy, and you, idle rogue, do something,
   too, and cut off the foot of this monk which is hanging outside his
   bed." Seizing a pickaxe which was lying under the bed, the demon struck
   with all his might, but the monk with equal celerity drew in his foot
   and turned to the back side of the bed and so escaped the blow.
   Thereupon the demons took their departure. [561]

   It is fair to suppose that many of these experiences were mere fancies
   of the brain growing out of attacks of indigestion or of headache,
   which was a common malady of convents. [562]

   The assaults of the devil were especially directed to induce the monk
   to abandon his sacred vow. Writing to a certain Helinand, Anselm
   mentions the four kinds of assault he was wont to make. The first was
   the assault through lust of the pleasures of the world, when the
   novice, having recently entered the convent, began to feel the monotony
   of its retired life. In the second, he pushed the question why the monk
   had chosen that form of life rather than the life of the parish priest.
   In the third, he pestered him with the question why he had not put off
   till late in life the assumption of the vow, in the meantime having a
   good time, and yet in the end getting all the benefits and the reward
   of monkery. And last of all, the devil argued why the monk had bound
   himself at all by a vow, seeing it was possible to serve God just as
   acceptably without a vow. Anselm answered the last objection by quoting
   Ps. 76:11, and declaring the vow to be in itself well pleasing to God.
   [563]

   It is unfair to any institution to base our judgment of its merits and
   utility upon its perversions. The ideal Benedictine and Franciscan
   monk, we should be glad to believe, was a man who divided his time
   between religious exercises and some useful work, whether it was manual
   labor or teaching or practical toil of some other kind. There were, no
   doubt, multitudes of worthy men who corresponded to this ideal. But
   there was another ideal, and that ideal was one from which this modern
   age turns away with unalloyed repugnance. The pages of Voragine and the
   other retailers of the conventual life are full of repulsive
   descriptions which were believed in their day, and presented not only a
   morbid view of life but a view utterly repulsive to sound morality and
   to the ideal. A single instance will suffice. In the curious legend of
   St. Brandon the Irish saint, whose wanderings on the ocean have been
   connected with America, we have it reported that he found an island
   whereon was an abbey in which twenty-four monks lived. They had come
   from Ireland and had been living on the island eighty years when they
   welcomed St. Brandon and his twelve companions. In all this time they
   had been served from above every week day with twelve loaves of bread,
   and on Sabbaths with double that number, and they had the same
   monotonous fare each day, bread and herbs. None of them had ever been
   sick. They had royal copes of cloth of gold and went in processions.
   They celebrated mass with lighted tapers, and they said evensong. And
   in all those eighty years they had never spoken to one another a single
   word! What an ideal that was to set up for a mortal man! Saying mass,
   keeping silence, going in processions with golden copes day in and day
   out for eighty long years, every proper instinct of nature thus buried,
   the gifts of God despised, and life turned into an indolent, selfish
   seclusion! And yet Voragine, himself an archbishop, relates that
   "Brandon wept for joy of their holy conversation." [564]

   Gifts of lands to monastic institutions were common, especially during
   the Crusades. He who built a convent was looked upon as setting up a
   ladder to heaven. [565] by Anselm, 1094. The Vale Royal in Cheshire,
   the last Cistercian home founded in England, was established by Edward
   I. in fulfilment of a vow made in time of danger by sea on his return
   from Palestine. He laid the first stone, 1277, and presented the home
   with a fragment of the true cross and other relics.

   Most of the monastic houses which became famous, began with humble
   beginnings and a severe discipline, as Clairvaux, Citeaux, Hirschau,
   and the Chartreuse. The colonies were planted for the most part in
   lonely regions, places difficult of access, in valley or on mountain or
   in swamp. The Franciscans and Dominicans set a different example by
   going into the cities and to the haunts of population, howbeit also
   choosing the worst quarters. The beautiful names often assumed show the
   change which was expected to take place in the surroundings, such as
   Bright Valley or Clairvaux, Good Place or Bon Lieu, the Delights or Les
   Delices (near Bourges), Happy Meadow or Felix Pré, Crown of Heaven or
   Himmelskrone, Path to Heaven or Voie du Ciel. [566] etc. [567]

   With wealth came the great abbeys of stone, exhibiting the highest
   architecture of the day. The establishments of Citeaux, Cluny, the
   Grande Chartreuse, and the great houses of Great Britain were on an
   elaborate scale. No pains or money were spared in their erection and
   equipment. Stained glass, sculpture, embroidery, rich vestments, were
   freely used. [568] spital. [569] etinues. Matthew Paris says
   Dunfermline Abbey, Scotland, was ample enough to entertain, at the same
   time, three sovereigns without inconvenience the one to the other. The
   latest conveniences were introduced into these houses, the latest news
   there retailed. A convent was, upon the whole, a pretty good place to
   be in, from the standpoint of worldly well-being. What the modern club
   house is to the city, that the mediaeval convent was apt to be, so far
   as material appointments went. In its vaults the rich deposited their
   valuables. To its protection the oppressed fled for refuge. There, as
   at Westminster, St. Denis, and Dunfermline, kings and princes chose to
   be buried. And there, while living, they were often glad to sojourn, as
   the most notable place of comfort and ease they could find on their
   journeys.

   The conventual establishment was intended to be a self-sufficient
   corporation, a sort of socialistic community doing all its own work and
   supplying all its own stuffs and food. [570] supposed to rule. They had
   their orchards and fields, and owned their own cattle. Some of them
   gathered honey from their own hives, had the fattest fish ponds,
   sheared and spun their own wool, made their own wine, and brewed their
   own beer. In their best days the monks set a good example of thrift.
   The list of minor officials in a convent was complete, from the
   cellarer to look after the cooking and the chamberlain to look after
   the dress of the brethren, to the cantor to direct the singing and the
   sacristan to care for the church ornaments. In the eleventh century the
   custom was introduced of associating lay brethren with the monasteries,
   so that in all particulars these institutions might be completely
   independent. Nor was the convent always indifferent to the poor. [571]

   Like many other earthly ideals, the ideal of peace, virtue, and happy
   contentment aimed at by the convent was not reached, or, if approached
   in the first moments of overflowing ardor, was soon forfeited. For the
   method of monasticism is radically wrong. Here and there the cloister
   was the "audience chamber of God." But it was well understood that
   convent walls did not of themselves make holy. As, before, Jerome,
   Gregory of Nyssa, and Augustine had borne testimony to that effect, so
   now also did different voices. Ivo of Chartres (d. 1116) condemns the
   monks who were filled with the leaven of pride and boast of their
   ascetic practices and refers to such passages as 1 Tim. 4:8 and Rom.
   14:17. The solitudes of the mountains and forests, he says, will not
   make men holy, who do not carry with them rest of soul, the Sabbath of
   the heart, and elevation of mind. Peter of Cluny wrote to a hermit that
   his separation from the world would not profit unless he built a strong
   wall against evil in his own heart, and that wall was Christ the
   Saviour. Without this protection, retirement to solitude,
   mortifications of the body, and journeyings in distant lands, instead
   of availing, would bring temptations yet more violent. Every mode of
   life, lay and clerical, monastic and eremitic, has its own temptations.

   But prosperity was invariably followed by rivalry, arrogance, idleness,
   and low morals. If Otto of Freising gives unstinted praise to the
   cloistral communities, his contemporary, Anselm of Havelberg, [572] far
   from ideal in the lives of monks and nuns. [573] r III., asking him to
   dissolve the abbey of Grestian, the bishop of the diocese, Arnulf,
   spoke of all kinds of abuses, avarice, quarrelling, murder, profligacy.
   William of Malmesbury, [574] convent of Brittany, of which Abaelard was
   abbot, revealed, as he reports in his autobiography, a rude and
   shocking state of affairs. Things got rapidly worse after the first
   fervor of the orders of St. Francis and Dominic was cooled. Teachers at
   the universities, like William of St. Amour of Paris (d. 1270), had
   scathing words for the monkish insolence and profligacy of his day, as
   will appear when we consider the mendicant orders. Did not a bishop
   during the Avignon captivity of the papacy declare that from personal
   examination he knew a convent where all the nuns had carnal intercourse
   with demons? The revelations of St. Bridget of Sweden (d. 1375),
   approved at the councils of Constance and Basel, reveal the same low
   condition of monastic virtue. Nicolas of Clemanges (d. 1440) wrote
   vigorous protests against the decay of the orders, and describes in
   darkest colors their waste, gluttony, idleness, and profligacy. He says
   a girl going into a convent might as well be regarded as an abandoned
   woman at once. It was true, as Caesar of Heisterbach had said in a
   homily several centuries before, "Religion brought riches and riches
   destroyed religion." [575]

   The institution of monasticism, which had included the warmest piety
   and the highest intelligence of the Middle Ages in their period of
   glory, came to be, in the period of their decline, the synonym for
   superstition and the irreconcilable foe of human progress. And this was
   because there is something pernicious in the monastic method of
   attempting to secure holiness, and something false in its ideal of
   holiness. The monks crushed out the heretical sects and resented the
   Renaissance. Their example in the period of early fervor, adapted to
   encourage thrift, later promoted laziness and insolence. Once
   praiseworthy as educators, they became champions of obscurantism and
   ignorance. Chaucer's prior, who went on the pilgrimage to the tomb of
   Thomas à Becket, is a familiar illustration of the popular opinion of
   the monks in England in the fourteenth century: --


   "He was a lord full fat and in good point;

   His eyen stepe and rolling in his head

   That stemed as a fornice of a led;

   His botes souple, his hors in gret estat,

   Now certainly he was a sayre prelat.

   He was not pale as a forpined gost;

   A fat swan loved he best of any rost;

   His palfrey was as broune as is a bery."

   And yet it would be most unjust to forget the services which the
   monastery performed at certain periods in the history of mediaeval
   Europe, or to deny the holy purpose of their founders. The hymns, the
   rituals, and the manuscripts prepared by mediaeval monks continue to
   make contribution to our body of literature and our Church services. An
   age like our own may congratulate itself upon its methods of Church
   activity, and yet acknowledge the utility of the different methods
   practised by the Church in another age. We study the movements of the
   past, not to find fault with methods which the best men of their time
   advocated and which are not our own, but to learn, and become, if
   possible, better fitted for grappling with the problems of our own
   time.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [537] Thomas Aquinas, Summa, II. (2), 188, 6 sqq., Migne, III. 1372
   sqq., combines the active and contemplative features of the monastic
   life, as did Benedict of Nursia, but laying more stress than the latter
   upon the active feature. It must be remembered that Thomas was a
   Dominican, and had had full experience of the practical activity of the
   two great mendicant orders.

   [538] This is the classification of Harnack, Monasticism, 44 sqq.
   Denifle, Luther und Lutherthum, I. 199 sqq., who fiercely combats
   Harnack, says "it is the height of misunderstanding, Unverstand, to
   speak of Jesuitism as monastic."

   [539] Dial., I. 21; Strange ed. I. 28.

   [540] Dial., I. 18.

   [541] Dial., I. 24.

   [542] Dial., I. 17; Strange ed. I. 24.

   [543] See Church, Life of St. Anselm, chap. III., The Discipline of a
   Norman Monastery.

   [544] In England the gentry class was especially drawn upon. See
   Jessopp, p 161. At Morimond, Otto son of the margrave of Austria
   stopped overnight with fifteen young nobles. The sound of the bells and
   the devotions of the monks made such an impression that they prayed to
   be received into the brotherhood. Henry, son of Louis VI., was so moved
   by what he saw on a visit to Clairvaux that he determined to take the
   vow. See Morison, Life of St. Bernard, p. 195.

   [545] Montalembert lays stress upon intercessory prayer as the chief
   service rendered by the monastery of the West. "They prayed much, they
   prayed always for those whose prayers were evil or who prayed not at
   all."Monks of the West, Engl. trans., I. 42 sq.

   [546] Canon 13.

   [547] This has been sufficiently shown by Lea, Absolution Formula of
   the Templars, in Papers of Am. Soc. of Ch. Hist., vol. V.; also Hefele,
   V. 381. As late, however, as the thirteenth century there were monks in
   England who had not received priestly ordination. See Stevenson, Life
   of Grosseteste, 158.In the fifth century the consecration of the monk
   was treated in some quarters as a distinct sacrament.

   [548] It would be difficult to find more attractive pictures of earthly
   happiness than are given in the descriptions of mediaeval convents by
   eye-witnesses, as of the convent of Clairvaux by William of St.
   Thierry, Migne, 185, 248, and Peter de Roya, Migne, 182, 710.

   [549] It was even compared to the conversion of St. Paul. See Eicken,
   324. Caesar of Heisterbach devotes a chapter of his Dialogus to
   conversion, that is, the assumption of the monastic vow. Canon 13 of
   the Fourth Lateran, Mansi, XXII. 1002, speaks of monastics as "the
   religious," of the orders as "religions," and of entering a convent as
   "being converted to religion." So Martin V. at the Council of
   Constance, 1418, charges Wyclif with declaring that "all religions owe
   their origin to the devil," that is, all orders. Mirbt, Quellen, 158.

   [550] St. Bernard, Ep.; 112; Migne, 182, 255 sq.

   [551] Chronicle, VII. 35, where he passes a lengthy panegyric upon
   monks. For another pleasing description of a convent and its
   appointments, see the account which Ingulph, abbot of Croyland, gives
   of the burning of his abbey in 1091. He does not forget to mention that
   "the very casks full of beer in the cellar were destroyed." See
   Maitland, 286-292.

   [552] Ep., II. 29; Migne, 158, 1182.

   [553] Ep., II. 28; Migne, 1180, conspirituales as well as consanguinei.
   A similar exhortation he directs to his two uncles. Ep., I. 45. See
   Hasse, Life of Anselm, I. 93 sqq. Anselm, however, knew how to make, an
   exception where a layman was devoting himself entirely to religious
   works. Visiting the Countess Matilda, shortly before her death, he
   recommended her not to take the veil, as she was doing more good in
   administering her estates than she might be able to do behind convent
   walls. Nevertheless he recommended her to have a nun's dress within
   reach so that she might put it on when dying.

   [554] De vita claustrali, Migne, 172, 1247.

   [555] Sermo de diversis 37, quomodo non jam nunc estis sicut angeli Dei
   in caelo, a nuptiis penitus abstinentes, etc. Migne, 183, 641. Comp.
   184, 703 sq.

   [556] Ordericus Vitalis, VII. 14. For the case of Hugh of Grantmesnil,
   see Order. Vit., VII. 28.

   [557] See Caesar of Heisterbach, Dial., XI. 6, 19, etc.; pulsata est
   tabula defunctorum pro eo. Strange ed. II. 274, also Hodges, Fountains
   Abbey, p. 115.

   [558] Guido said of his brother St. Bernard, "One thing I know and am
   assured of by experience that many things have been revealed to him in
   prayer." Migne, 185, 262.

   [559] Eos sibi derisiorie astitisse.

   [560] Praeterea quosdam nocturnis horis, aliis quiescentibus sancta
   orationum furta quaerentes et eadem causa claustrum et ecclesiam
   peragrantes, multis aliquando terroribus appetebant ita ut in eorum
   aliquos visibiliter, irruerent et ad terram verberando prosternerent.
   De miraculis, I. 17; Migne, 189, 883.

   [561] De mirac., I. 14; Migne, 189, 877.

   [562] Caesar of Heisterbach, Dial., IV. 30, VII. 24. See Kaufmaun's
   ed., II. 87, note.

   [563] Ep., II. 12; Migne, 158, 1161 sqq.

   [564] Temple Classics ed., vol. VII.

   [565] Qui claustra construit vel delapsa reparat coelum ascensurus
   scalam sibi facie, quoted by Hurter, IV. 450. The Norman convent Les
   deux Amoureux got its name and foundation from the disappointed love of
   a poor knight and a young lady whose father refused her to the lover
   except on condition of his carrying her to the top of a distant hill.
   The knight made the attempt and fell dead on accomplishing the task,
   she quickly following him.

   [566] See Montalembert, I. 66.

   [567] Casa Dei, House of God; Vallis Domini, the Lord's Valley, Portus
   Salutis, Gate of Salvation; Ascende Coelum, Ascent of Heaven; Lucerna;
   Claravallis, etc. Map, I. 24; Wright's ed., p. 40.

   [568] The luxury and pomp of Cluny called forth the well-known protest
   of St. Bernard.

   [569] See art. Abbey, in "Enc. Brit.," by Dr. Venable, and also
   Jessopp, and especially Gasquet, pp. 13-37.

   [570] The term "convent" primarily means a society of persons. In legal
   instruments the usual form in England in the Middle Ages was "the prior
   and convent of." See Jessopp, p. 119, who calls attention to the
   endless bickerings and lawsuits in which the mediaeval convents of
   England were engaged. For the monk in his monastery, see Taunton, I.
   65-96.

   [571] At one time Cluny cared for 17,000 poor. In the famine of 1117
   the convent of Heisterbach, near Cologne, fed 1500 a day. In a time of
   scarcity Bernard supported 2000 peasants till the time of harvest

   [572] Hauck, IV. 312.

   [573] Hauck, IV. 401 sqq., says that there were not many abbesses in
   Germany like Hildegard and Elizabeth of Schönau. The complaints of
   corrupt monks and nuns came from Saxony, Swabia, Lorraine, the Rhine
   land, and Switzerland. See quotations in Hauck.

   [574] Gesta pontificum, Rolls Series, p. 70, as quoted by Taunton, I.
   22. William says, "The monks of Canterbury, like all then in England,
   amused themselves with hunting, falconry, and horse racing. They loved
   the rattle of dice, drink, and fine clothes, and had such a retinue of
   servants that they were more like seculars than monks."

   [575] Religio peperit divitias, divitiae, religionem destruxerunt, Hom.
   III. 96. Jessopp, Coming of the Friars, says that in England the monks
   of the thirteenth century were better than their age, which is not
   difficult of belief.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 62. Monasticism and the Papacy.

   Monasticism and the papacy, representing the opposite extremes of
   abandonment of the world and lordship over the world, strange to say,
   entered into the closest alliance. The monks came to be the standing
   army of the popes, and were their obedient and valorous champions in
   the battles the popes waged with secular rulers. Some of the best popes
   were monastic in their training, or their habits, or both. Gregory VII.
   was trained in the Benedictine convent on the Aventine, Victor III.
   proceeded from Monte Cassino, Urban II. and Pascal II. from Cluny,
   Adrian IV. from St. Albans. Eugenius III., the pupil of St. Bernard,
   continued after he was made pope to wear the shirt of the monks of
   Citeaux next to his body. Innocent III. wrote the ascetic work,
   Contempt of the World. [576]

   One monastic order after the other was founded from the eleventh to the
   thirteenth century. The organizing instinct and a pious impulse dotted
   Christendom with new convents or rebuilt old ones from Mt. Carmel to
   northern Scotland. [577] ns of Protestantism, likened these various
   orders to troops clad in different kinds of armor and belonging to the
   same army. "Such variety, " he said, "does not imply any division of
   allegiance to Christ, but rather one mind under a diversity of form."
   [578] So Peter of Blois writing to the abbot of Eversham said, that as
   out of the various strings of the harp, harmony comes forth, so out of
   the variety of religious orders comes unity of service. One should no
   less expect to find unity among a number of orders than among the
   angels or heavenly bodies. A vineyard bears grapes both black and
   white. A Christian is described in Holy Writ as a cedar, a cypress, a
   rose, an olive tree, a palm, a terebinth, yet they form one group in
   the Lord's garden. [579]

   It was the shrewd wisdom of the popes to encourage the orders, and to
   use them to further the centralization of ecclesiastical power in Rome.
   Each order had its own monastic code, its own distinctive customs.
   These codes, as well as the orders, were authorized and confirmed by
   the pope, and made, immediately or more loosely, subject to his
   sovereign jurisdiction. The mendicant orders of Sts. Francis and
   Dominic were directly amenable to the Holy See. The Fourth Lateran, in
   forbidding the creation of new orders, was moved to do so by the desire
   to avoid confusion in the Church by the multiplication of different
   rules. It commanded all who wished to be monks to join one of the
   orders already existing. The orders of St. Francis and St. Dominic,
   founded in the face of this rule, became the most faithful adherents
   the papacy ever had, until the Society of Jesus arose three centuries
   later.

   The papal favor, shown to the monastic orders, tended to weaken the
   authority of the bishops, and to make the papacy independent of the
   episcopal system. Duns Scotus went so far as to declare that, as faith
   is more necessary for the world than sacramental ablution in water, so
   the body of monks is more important than the order of prelates. The
   monks constitute the heart, the substance of the Church. By preaching
   they start new life, and they preach without money and without price.
   The prelates are paid. [580]

   Papal privileges and exemptions were freely poured out upon the orders,
   especially upon the Mendicants. They were the pets of the popes. They
   were practically given freedom to preach and dispense the sacrament in
   all places and at all times, irrespective of the bishops and their
   jurisdiction. The constant complaints and clashing which resulted, led
   to endless appeals of monasteries against the decisions of bishops,
   which flowed in a constant stream to Rome, and gave the members of the
   curia a rare chance to ply their trade. [581] nd spend an indefinite
   time there, were able to harass and to wear out the patience of their
   opponents, the bishops, or prolong the cases till their death. [582]

   The riches, luxury, [583] arts of Europe they were the leading
   influence. [584] [585] provincial councils.

   A little earlier than our period the abbot of Weissenburg was able to
   muster as many men as his diocesan bishop of Spires, and the three
   abbots of Reichenau, St. Gall, and Kempten, three times as many as the
   bishop of the extensive diocese of Constance. [586] of St. Albans,
   Bardney, Westminster, and the heads of other English abbeys were
   mitred. [587] entertained on an elaborate scale. The abbot of St.
   Albans ate from a silver plate, and even ladies of rank were invited to
   share the pleasures of repasts at English abbeys.

   Thus, by wealth and organization and by papal favor, the monastic
   orders were in a position to overshadow the episcopate. Backed by the
   pope they bade defiance to bishops, and in turn they enabled the papacy
   most effectually to exercise lordship over the episcopate.

   In the struggle with the heretical sects the orders were the
   uncompromising champions of orthodoxy, and rendered the most effective
   assistance to the popes in carrying out their policy of repression. In
   the Inquisition they were the chief agents which the papacy had. They
   preached crusades against the Albigenses and were prominent in the
   ranks of the crusaders. In the work of bloody destruction, they were
   often in the lead, as was Arnold of Citeaux. Everywhere from Germany to
   Spain the leading Inquisitors were monks.

   Again, in the relentless struggle of the papacy with princes and kings,
   they were always to be relied upon. Here they did valiant service for
   the papacy, as notably in the struggle against the emperor, Frederick
   II., when they sowed sedition and organized revolt in Germany and other
   parts of his empire.

   Once more, as agents to fill the papal treasury, they did efficient and
   welcome service to the Holy See. In this interest they were active all
   over Europe. The pages of English chroniclers are filled with protests
   against them on the score of their exactions from the people. [588]

   The orders of this period may be grouped in five main families: the
   family which followed the Benedictine rule, the family which followed
   the so-called Augustinian rule, the Carmelites, the hermit orders of
   which the Carthusians were the chief, and the original mendicant
   orders, [589]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [576] Monks, were declared by the synod of Nismes, 1096, to be better
   qualified for ruling than the secular clergy. Hefele, V. 244.

   [577] For lists, see Helyot and Dr. Littledale's art. Monachism, "Enc.
   Brit."

   [578] Ep., III. 38; Migne, 214, 921.

   [579] Ep., 97; Migne, 207, 304 sq. Speaking of the variety of
   expression which Christ allows, he says in a way worthy of a modern
   advocate of the Evangelical Alliance, ipsa varietas est uniformitatis
   causa.

   [580] See the remarkable passage quoted by Seeberg, Duns Scotus, 478
   sq.

   [581] Matthew Paris gives one case after the other, as do the other
   English chroniclers. Jessopp, Coming of the Friars, says that the
   history of mediaeval English monasticism is made up of stories of
   everlasting litigation. The convents were always in trouble with their
   bishops.

   [582] Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hist., III. 329, says of the English
   monasteries that they were the stronghold of papal influence which the
   pope supported as a counterpoise to that of the diocesan bishops. For
   this reason the popes never made appointments of English abbots, and
   seldom, if ever, interfered with the elections by the monks

   [583] Dr. Jessopp, p. 155, says of the English monks: "After all, it
   must be confessed that the greatest of all delights to the
   thirteenth-century monks was eating and drinking. The dinner in a great
   abbey was clearly a very important event of the day. It must strike any
   one who knows much of the literature of this age, that the weak point
   in the monastic life of the thirteenth century was the gormandizing."
   He says, however, that little is heard of drunkenness. The ale brewed
   in the convents was an important item in the year's menu. Richard of
   Marisco, bishop of Durham, gave the Abbey of St. Albans the tithes of
   Eglingham, Northumberland, to help the monks make a better ale, "taking
   compassion upon the weakness of the convent's drink."

   [584] See Hauck, III. 493. "Das Mönchthum," he says, "war in Lothringen
   die führende Macht."

   [585] The Fourth Lateran instructed them to meet every three years.

   [586] Hauck, III. 442.

   [587] So also were the abbots of Bury St. Edmunds, St. Augustine at
   Canterbury, Croyland, Peterborough, Evesham, Glastonbury, and
   Gloucester; but the abbot of Glastonbury had the precedence, till
   Adrian IV. gave it to the abbot of St. Albans.

   [588] M. Paris and other English chroniclers are continually damning
   these Mendicant tax gatherers for their extortion. They were raising
   money for the pope in England as early as 1234.

   [589] Hurter, Innocent III., IV. 238. Gasquet gives an elaborate list
   of the monastic houses of England, pp. 251-318, and an account of the
   religious orders represented in England, together with instructive
   engravings, 211 sqq. According to Gasquet's list there were more than
   fifteen hundred conventual houses in England alone.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 63. The Monks of Cluny.

   Literature.--See Lit. vol. IV, pp. 367 and 861; Mabillon: Ann. ord. S.
   Bened., III.-V., Paris, 1706-1708; Statuta Cluniacensia, Migne, 189,
   1023-47.--Bernard et Bruel: Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye de Cluni,
   to 1300, 6 vols. Paris, 1876-93; Consuetudines monasticae, vol. I.;
   Consuet. Farfenses, ed. by Albers, Stuttgart, 1900. The consuetudines
   are statutes and customs which convents adopted supplementary to the
   Rules of their orders. These of Farfa, a convent in Italy, were taken
   down from Odilo of Cluny and enforced at Farfa.

   The Lives of St. Bernard.--C. A. Wilkens: Petrus der Ehrwürdige,
   Leipzig, 1857, 277 pp.--M. Kerker; Wilhelm der Selige, Abt zu Hirschau,
   Tübingen, 1863.--Witten: Der Selige Wilhelm, Abt von Hirschau, Bonn,
   1890.--Champly: Hist. de l'abbaye de Cluny, Mâcon, 1866.--L'Huillier:
   Vie de Hugo, Solesmes, 1887.--K. Sackur: Die Cluniacenser bis zur Mitte
   des 11ten Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. Halle, 1892-94.--H. Kutter: Wilhelm von
   St. Thierry, ein Representant der mittelalterlichen Frömmigkeit,
   Giessen, 1898.--Maitland: The Dark Ages, 1890, pp. 350-491.--Hauck,
   vol. III.--Art. Hirschau, in Herzog, VIII. 138 sqq.

   The convent of Cluny, [590] ht of its influence in the eleventh and
   twelfth centuries. Founded in 910 by Duke William of Aquitaine, and
   directed by a succession of wise abbots, it gained an eminence, second
   only to that of Monte Cassino among the monasteries of the West, and
   became the nursery of a monastic revival which spread over Europe from
   the Adriatic to Scotland.

   No religious locality in the Latin church enjoyed a purer fame than
   Cluny. Four of its abbots, Odo, Majolus, Odilo, and Hugh, attained the
   dignity of canonized saints. Three popes were among its monks, Gregory
   VII., [591] Calixtus II., his successor, met at Cluny. Kings joined
   with popes in doing it honor.

   The Cluniacs re-enforced the rule of St. Benedict in the direction of
   greater austerity. In Lorraine and Germany the Cluny influence began to
   be felt after the monastic reform, led by such men as Abbot Gerhard of
   Brogne in the tenth century, had run its course. [592] d were in full
   sympathy with Cluny. Hirschau in the Black Forest became a centre of
   Cluniac influence in Southern Germany and one of the chief centres of
   intelligence of the age. [593] ceived a thorough scholastic training at
   the convent of St. Emmeram, Regensburg. He was in correspondence with
   Anselm and visited Gregory VII. in Rome about the year 1075. The
   convent became a Gregorian stronghold in the controversy over the right
   of investiture. With the rule of Cluny before him William, in 1077,
   drew up a similar code for Hirschau, known as the Constitutiones
   Hirsaugienses, and introduced the white dress of the Cluniacs which
   gave rise to the sneer that the monks were cleansing their garments
   instead of their hearts. [594] The second house in England was the
   important establishment, St. Pancras at Lewes, set up by Gundrada and
   the Earl of Warren, the Conqueror's son-in-law, 1077. [595] were called
   priories and their heads priors or deans. [596] he adjournment of the
   synod of Clermont. Hugo began the erection of the great basilica in
   1089, which was dedicated by Innocent II. in 1131. It was the next
   greatest church after St. Peter's in the West.

   Under Pontius, the seventh abbot, 1109-22, the current of decay ran
   deep and strong. The convent had become rich in lands and goods. The
   plain furnishings had been discarded for rich appointments, and
   austerity of habits gave way to self-indulgence. Papal favors were
   heaped upon Pontius, and Pascal, his godfather, sent him the dalmatic.
   [597] e diocese.

   Pontius gave way completely to worldly ambition, and assumed the title
   of archabbot, which was the exclusive prerogative of the head of the
   convent of Monte Cassino. Charges were made against him by the bishop
   of Macon and, forced to resign, he set his face towards Jerusalem as a
   pilgrim. The pilgrimage did not arouse any feelings of submission, and
   on his return the deposed abbot made an effort to seize his former
   charge. He forced the convent gates and compelled the monks to swear
   him fealty. The sacred vessels of gold and silver were melted down and
   divided among the wild intruders. The devastation was then carried
   beyond the convent walls to the neighboring estates. The anathema was
   laid upon Pontius by Honorius II., and, summoned to Rome, he was thrown
   into prison, where he died, impenitent, 1126. This was one of the most
   notorious cases of monastic malversation of office in the Middle Ages.

   Peter the Venerable had been elected abbot of Cluny during Pontius'
   absence in the East and filled the office for nearly forty years,
   1122-57. He was the friend of St. Bernard, one of the most eminent of
   the mediaeval monks and one of the most attractive ecclesiastical
   personages of his age. Born in Auvergne and trained in a Cistercian
   convent, he was only twenty-eight when he was made abbot. Under his
   administration Cluny regained its renown. In addition to the study of
   the Bible, Peter also encouraged the study of the classics, a course
   which drew upon him bitter attacks. He visited the Cluniac houses
   abroad in England and Spain.

   On the tenth anniversary of his official primacy, Peter welcomed two
   hundred priors and twelve hundred and twelve members of the order at
   Cluny. Four hundred and sixty monks constituted the family of the
   mother house. No less than two thousand convents are said to have
   acknowledged the Cluniac rule, two of which were at Jerusalem and Mt.
   Tabor. In 1246 Peter introduced through a General Chapter seventy six
   new rules, re-enforcing and elaborating the Benedictine code already in
   force. [598]

   To the labors of abbot Peter added the activity of an author. He wrote
   famous tracts to persuade the Jews and Mohammedans, and against the
   heretic Peter de Bruys. His last work was on miracles, [599]

   It was while this mild and wise man held office, that Abaelard knocked
   at Cluny for admission and by his hearty permission spent within its
   walls the last weary hours of his life.

   During Peter's incumbency St. Bernard made his famous attack against
   the self-indulgence of the Cluniacs. Robert, a young kinsman of
   Bernard, had transferred his allegiance from the Cistercian order to
   Cluny. Bernard's request that he be given up Pontius declined to grant.
   What his predecessor had declined to do, Peter did. Perhaps it was not
   without feeling over the memory of Pontius' action that Bernard wrote,
   comparing [600]

   This tract, famous in the annals of monastic controversial literature,
   Bernard opened by condemning the lack of spirituality among his own
   brethren, the Cistercians. "How can we," he exclaims, "with our bellies
   full of beans and our minds full of pride, condemn those who are full
   of meat, as if it were not better to eat on occasion a little fat, than
   be gorged even to belching with windy vegetables!" He then passed to an
   arraignment of the Cluniacs for self-indulgence in diet, small talk,
   and jocularity. At meals, he said, dish was added to dish and eggs were
   served, cooked in many forms, and more than one kind of wine was drunk
   at a sitting. The monks preferred to look on marble rather than to read
   the Scriptures. Candelabra and altar cloths were elaborate. The art and
   architecture were excessive. The outward ornamentations were the proof
   of avarice and love of show, not of a contrite and penitent heart. He
   had seen one of them followed by a retinue of sixty horsemen and having
   none of the appearance of a pastor of souls. He charged them with
   taking gifts of castles, villas, peasants, and slaves, and holding them
   against just complainants. [601] In spite of these sharp criticisms
   Peter remained on terms of intimacy with Bernard. He replied without
   recrimination, and called Bernard the shining pillar of the Church. A
   modification of the rule of St. Benedict, when it was prompted by love,
   he pronounced proper. But he and Bernard, he wrote, belonged to one
   Master, were the soldiers of one King, confessors of one faith. As
   different paths lead to the same land, so different customs and
   costumes, with one inspiring love, lead to the Jerusalem above, the
   mother of us all. Cluniacs and Cistercians should admonish one another
   if they discerned errors one in the other, for they were pursuing after
   one inheritance and following one command. He called upon himself and
   Bernard to remember the fine words of Augustine, "have charity, and
   then do what you will, "habe charitatem et fac quicquid vis. [602]

   After Peter's death the glory of Cluny declined. [603] ater, 1790, the
   order was dissolved by the French Government. The Hotel de Cluny, the
   Cluniac house in Paris, once occupied by the abbot, now serves as a
   museum of Mediaeval Art and Industry under the charge of the French
   government. [604]

   The piety of Western Christendom owes a lasting debt to Cluny for the
   hymn "Jerusalem the Golden," taken from the de contemptu mundi written
   by Bernard of Cluny, a contemporary of Peter the Venerable and St.
   Bernard of Clairvaux. [605]


   Jerusalem the Golden,

   With milk and honey blest,

   Beneath thy contemplation

   Sink heart and voice opprest.

   I know not, oh, I know not

   What social joys are there,

   What radiancy of glory,

   What light beyond compare.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [590] The town now has four thousand inhabitants.

   [591] Hauck, III. 596, thinks there is no doubt Gregory was a Cluniac.

   [592] Hauck, III. 345 sqq.

   [593] A list of the German convents adopting the rule of Cluny, or a
   modified form of it, is given by Hauck, III. 863.

   [594] William erected new buildings at Hirschau to accommodate the
   large accessions of monks and founded a scriptorum and a library. Among
   his writings was a work on music, de musica et tonis. Hirschau was
   turned into a Protestant school by Duke Christoph, 1556. Its buildings
   were destroyed by the army of Louis XIV. The ruins are among the most
   venerable monuments of Württemberg.

   [595] Gundrada had visited Cluny. On her tombstone was placed the
   inscription Intulit ecclesiis Anglorum balsama morum, "she brought the
   balm of good manners to the churches of England." See Stephens, p. 254.

   [596] When the monasteries were repressed by Henry VIII., there were
   thirty-two Cluniac houses in England. Gasquet, 218. Taunton, I. 27,
   speaks of thirty-eight houses and three hospitals in London belonging
   to the Cluniacs.

   [597] The wide-sleeved over-garment stretching to the feet. The mitre,
   the distinctive cap of the bishop, was also frequently sent to abbots.
   One of the first instances was its presentation by Alexander II. to the
   abbot of St. Augustine of Canterbury. The abbot of Fulda received it
   and also the ring from Innocent II., 1137.

   [598] See Migne, 189, 1026 sqq. The volume contains Peter's works.

   [599] Liber duo illustrium miraculorum. A translation of the Koran was
   made under Peter's patronage. A revised edition by Bibliander was
   published at Basel, 1543. These works are contained in Migne, vol. 189,
   507-903, which also prints Peter's letters and sermons, and the hymns
   which are ascribed to him.

   [600] Apologia ad Guillelmum. Migne, 182, 895-918.

   [601] To this charge Peter replied that such property was much better
   in the hands of the monks than of wild laymen.

   [602] Ep., I. 28; Migne, 189, 156. A number of Peter's letters to
   Bernard are preserved, all of them laying stress upon the exercise of
   brotherly affection. In strange contrast to his usual gentleness,
   stands his sharp arraignment of the Jews. See § 77 on Missions to the
   Jews.

   [603] The election of the abbot was taken out of the hands of the
   monks. During the Avignon captivity the popes, and later the French
   king, claimed the right to appoint that official. The Guises had the
   patronage of the abbey for nearly a hundred years. In 1627 Richelieu
   was appointed abbot.

   [604] The Hotel de Cluny was a stopping place for distinguished people.
   There Mary, sister of Henry VIII. of England, resided during her
   widowhood and there James V. of Scotland was married, 1537, to
   Madeleine, daughter of Francis I. The municipality of Cluny purchased
   the abbey buildings and in part dismantled them.

   [605] See Schaff, Christ in Song, and Julian, Hymnology.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 64. The Cistercians.

   Literature.--Exordium parvum ordinis Cisterciensiae, Migne, 166.
   Exordium magnum ord. Cisterc., by Conrad of Eberbach, d. 1220; Migne,
   185.--Manriquez: Ann. ord. Cisterc., 4 vols. Lyons, 1642.--Mabillon:
   Ann. ord. St. Benedict, Paris, 1706-1708.--P. Guignard: Les monuments
   primitifs de la règle Cistercienne, publiés d'après les manuscripts de
   l'abbaye de Citeaux, Dijon, 1878, pp. cxii. 656.--Pierre le Nain: Essai
   de l'hist. de l'ordre de Citeaux, Paris, 1696.--J. H. Newman: The
   Cistercian Saints of England, London, 1844.--Franz Winter: Die
   Cistercienser des nord-östlichen Deutschlands bis zum Auftreten der
   Bettelorden, 3 vols. Gotha, 1868-1871.--L. Janauschek: Origines
   Cisterciensium, Vienna, 1877.--B. Albers: Untersuchungen zu den
   ältesten Mönchsgewohnheiten. Ein Beitrag zur Benedictinerordensregel
   der X-XIIten Jahrhunderte, Munich, 1905.--Sharpe: Architecture of the
   Cisterc., London, 1874.--Cisterc. Abbeys of Yorkshire, in "Fraser's
   Mag.," September, 1876.--Dean Hodges: Fountains Abbey, The Story of a
   Mediaeval Monastery, London, 1904.--Deutsch: art. Cistercienser, in
   Herzog, IV. 116-127; art. Harding, in "Dict. Natl. Biogr.," XXIV.
   333-335; the Biographies of St. Bernard. For extended Lit. see the work
   of Janauschek.

   With the Cluniac monks the Cistercians divide the distinction of being
   the most numerous and most useful monastic order of the Middle Ages,
   [606] ernardins in France. Two popes, Eugenius III. and Benedict XII.,
   proceeded from the order. Europe owes it a large debt for its service
   among the half-barbarian peasants of Eastern France, Southern Germany,
   and especially in the provinces of Northeastern Germany. Its convents
   set an example of skilled industry in field and garden, in the training
   of the vine, the culture of fish, the cultivation of orchards, and in
   the care of cattle. [607]

   The founder, Robert Molêsme, was born in Champagne, 1024, and after
   attempting in vain to introduce a more rigorous discipline in several
   Benedictine convents, retired to the woods of Molêsme and in 1098
   settled with twenty companions on some swampy ground near Citeaux,
   [608] , [609]

   Alberic, Robert's successor, received for the new establishment the
   sanction of Pascal II., and placed it under the special care of the
   Virgin. She is said to have appeared to him in the white dress of the
   order. [610]

   Under the third abbot, Stephen Harding, an Englishman, known as St.
   Stephen, who filled the office twenty-five years (1110-1134), [611]
   anions entered the convent, and the foundation of four houses followed,
   1113-1115,--La Ferté, Potigny, Clairvaux, and Morimond,--which
   continued to have a rank above all the other Cistercian houses
   subsequently founded.

   New houses followed rapidly. In 1130 there were 30 Cistercian convents,
   in 1168, 288. A rule was framed forbidding the erection of new
   establishments, but without avail, and their number in the fourteenth
   century had risen to 738. [612] were dispensed to Cluny, was highly
   honored by some of the popes. Innocent III. showed them special favor,
   and promised them the precedence in audiences at Rome. [613]

   The carta charitatis, the Rule of Love, the code of the Cistercians,
   dates from Harding's administration and was confirmed by Calixtus
   II.--1119. It commanded the strict observance of the Benedictine Rule,
   but introduced a new method of organization for the whole body. In
   contrast to the relaxed habits of the Cluniacs, the mode of life was
   made austerely simple. The rule of silence was emphasized and flesh
   forbidden, except in the case of severe illness. The conventual menu
   was confined to two dishes. All unnecessary adornment of the churches
   was avoided, so that nothing should remain in the house of God which
   savored of pride or superfluity. The crosses were of wood till the
   statutes of 1157 allowed them to be of gold. Emphasis was placed upon
   manual labor as an essential part of monastic life. A novice at
   Clairvaux writes enthusiastically of the employment of the monks, whom
   he found with hoes in the gardens, forks and rakes in the meadows,
   sickles in the fields, and axes in the forest. [614] [615] r period
   they gave themselves to copying manuscripts. [616] s did the mendicant
   orders. [617] [618] lous servants of the pope and foes of heresy. The
   abbot Arnold was a fierce leader of the Crusades against the
   Albigenses.

   Following the practice introduced at the convent of Hirschau, the
   Cistercians constituted an adjunct body of laymen, or conversi. [619]
   They were denied the tonsure and were debarred from ever becoming
   monks. The Cistercian dress was at first brown and then white, whence
   the name Gray Monks, grisei. The brethren slept on straw in cowl and
   their usual day dress.

   The administration of the Cistercians was an oligarchy as compared with
   that of the Cluniacs. The abbot of Cluny was supreme in his order, and
   the subordinate houses received their priors by his appointment. Among
   the Cistercians each convent chose its own head. At the same time the
   community of all the houses was insured by the observance of the Rule
   of 1119, and by yearly chapters, which were the ultimate arbiters of
   questions in dispute. The five earliest houses exercised the right of
   annual visitation, which was performed by their abbots over five
   respective groups. A General Council of twenty-five consisted of these
   five abbots and of four others from each of the five groups. The
   General Chapters were held yearly and were attended by all the abbots
   within a certain district. Those at remote distances attended less
   frequently: the abbots from Spain, every two years; from Sweden and
   Norway, every three years; from Scotland, Ireland, Hungary, and Greece,
   every four years; and from the Orient, every seven years. It became a
   proverb that "The gray monks were always on their feet."

   The Cistercians spread over all Western Europe. The Spanish orders of
   Alcantara and Calatrava adopted their rule. The first Cistercian house
   in Italy was founded 1120 at Tiglieto, Liguria, and in Germany at
   Altenkamp about 1123. [620] [621] Fountains, [622] [623]

   Of all the Cistercian convents, Port Royal has the most romantic
   history. Founded in 1204 by Mathilda de Garlande in commemoration of
   the safe return of her husband from the Fourth Crusade, it became in
   the seventeenth century a famous centre of piety and scholarship. Its
   association with the tenets of the Jansenists, and the attacks of
   Pascal upon the Jesuits, brought on its tragic downfall. The famous
   hospice, among the snows of St. Gotthard, is under the care of St.
   Bernard monks.

   In the thirteenth century the power of the Cistercians yielded to the
   energy of the orders of St. Francis and St. Dominic. It was not a rare
   thing for them to pass over to the newer monastic organizations. [624]
   nstitute a rigid reform. With the Reformation many of the houses were
   lost to the order in England and Germany. The Trappists started a new
   movement towards severity within the order. The French Revolution
   suppressed the venerable organization in 1790. The buildings at
   Citeaux, presided over by a succession of sixty-two abbots, are now
   used as a reformatory institution.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [606] Cardinal Hergenröther says, "The Cistercians reached a much
   higher distinction than the order of Cluny." Kirchengesch., II. 351.

   [607] In England they were careful breeders of horses (Giraldus
   Cambrensis, Speculum ecclesiae, IV. 130, and Brewer's Preface, IV. 24)
   and were noted for their sheep and wool. Their wool was a popular
   article of royal taxation. John seized a year's product to meet the
   payment of Richard's ransom. M. Paris, Luard's ed., II. 399. Henry III.
   forbade the monks to sell their wool. Henry II., 1257, taxed it
   heavily, etc. M. Paris, IV. 324, V. 610. See Stubbs, Const. Hist.,
   I.541, II. 181, 200.

   [608] The name comes from the stagnant pools in the neighborhood.

   [609] He died on a Crusade. At his request his bones were taken back
   and buried at Citeaux, which became the burial place of his successors.

   [610] See Helyot, V. 404. According to Hauck, IV. 337, the Cistercians
   were the first to introduce into Germany the exaggerated cult of the
   Virgin.

   [611] He was a man of much administrative ability. William of
   Malmesbury, IV. 1, speaks of Stephen as "the original contriver of the
   whole scheme, the especial and celebrated ornament of our times." It is
   related that on a journey to Rome, and before entering Citeaux, he
   repeated the whole Psalter. Basil had enjoined the memorizing of the
   Psalter. According to the biographer of abbot Odo of Cluny, the monks
   of Cluny daily repeated 138 Psalms. Maitland, p. 375.

   [612] Janauschek has shown that 1800, the number formerly given, is an
   exaggeration.

   [613] Hurter, IV. 184 sqq.

   [614] Peter de Roya, Ep. St. Bernard, 492; Migne, 182, 711.

   [615] Hauck, IV. 336.

   [616] One of the regulations of the chapter of 1134 enjoined silence in
   the scriptorium. In omnibus scriptoriis ubicunque ex consuetudine
   monachi scribunt silentium teneatur sicut in claustro. Maitland, p.
   450.

   [617] The Cistercians are said to have produced the first Swedish
   translation of the Bible. Hurter, IV. 180.

   [618] St. Bernard declared that the office of the monk is not to
   preach, but to be an ascetic, and that the town should be to him as a
   prison, and solitude as paradise, quod monachus non habet docentis sed
   plangentis officium, quippe cui oppidum carcer esse debet et solitudo
   paradisus. A monk who goes out into the world, he said, turns things
   round and makes his solitude a prison and the town paradise. Ep., 365;
   Migne, 182, 570.

   [619] Called at Hirschau also barbati, the bearded.

   [620] See Hauck, IV. 326 sqq., for the names of the German houses.

   [621] Shortly after Harding's death, William of Malmesbury, IV. I,
   Rolls ed., II. 385, describes the order "as a model for all monks, a
   mirror to the studious, and a goad to the slothful." Gasquet, p. 221,
   says that three-fourths of the hundred Cistercian houses suppressed by
   Henry VIII. were founded in the 12th century.

   [622] The ruins of Fountains Abbey in Yorkshire is described by Motley
   (correspondence, I. 359) as "most picturesque, and the most exquisite,
   and by far the most impressive ruins I have ever seen, and much more
   beautiful than Melrose Abbey." For the ground plan, see Dr. Venables,
   art. Abbey, in Enc. Brit.," I. 19, and photographs of the walls (as
   they are). Hodges.

   [623] Stephens, Hist. of Engl. Church, p. 201.

   [624] As early as 1223 such Cistercians are called fugitives by the
   General Chapter. Contrasting the Cistercians with the Dominicans,
   Matthew Paris, an. 1255, Luard's ed., V. 529, says of them, "They do
   not wander through the cities and towns, but they remain quietly shut
   up within the walls of their domiciles, obeying their superior."
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 65. St. Bernard of Clairvaux.

   Virtus in pace acquiritur, in pressura probatur, approbatur in
   victoria, St. Bernard. [625]

   Literature.--The Works of St. Bernard, ed. by Mabillon, 2 vols. Paris,
   1667, reprinted with additions in Migne, 182-185, Engl. trans. by Saml.
   J. Eales, London, 1889, 2 vols.--Xenia Bernardina, a Memorial ed. by
   Cistercian convents of Austro-Hungary, 6 vols. Vienna, 1891. Leop.
   Janauschek: Bibliographia Bernardina, Vienna, 1891. The tract De
   consideratione, trans. by Bp. J. H. Reinkens, Münster, 1870.

   Biographies.--Contemporary, in Migne, vol. 185: I. the so-called Vita
   prima, in six parts, by William of Thierry (while Bernard was still
   living), Gaufrid of Clairvaux, and Ernald, abbot of Bona Vallis; II.
   the Vita secunda, by Alanus of Auxerre; III. Fragments collected by
   Gaufrid; IV.--a Life, by John The Hermit, full of legendary
   materials.--Modern, by Neander, Berlin, 1813, 1848, 1868, new ed. with
   Introd. and Notes, by * S. M. Deutsch, 2 vols. Gotha, 1889. Engl.
   trans. London, 1843.--Ellendorf, Essen, 1837.--Abbé T. Ratisbonne, 2
   vols. Paris, 1841, etc. Full of enthusiasm for Bernard as a saint.--*
   J. C. Morison, London, 1863; rev. ed. 1868, 1884. Cool and
   impartial.--Capefigue, Paris, 1866.--Chevallier, 2 vols. Lille,
   1888.--Hofmeister, Berlin, 1891.--Eales (Rom. Cath.), London,
   1891.--*Richard S. Storrs, 1892, stimulating and eloquent.--*L'Abbé E.
   Vacandard, 2 vols. Paris, 1895, 2d ed. 1897. A thorough study following
   a number of previous presentations in magazines and brochures.--J.
   Lagardère, Besançon, 1900.--Deutsch, art. Bernhard, in Herzog, II.
   623-639. Also H. Kutter: Wilhelm von St. Thierry, ein Representant der
   mittelalterlichen Frömmigkeit, Giessen, 1898. For other literature see
   chapters, Mystical Theology and Hymns.

   St. Bernard, 1090-1153, founder and abbot of the convent of Clairvaux,
   was the model monk of the Middle Ages, the most imposing figure of his
   time, and one of the best men of all the Christian centuries. He
   possessed a magnetic personality, a lively imagination, a rich culture,
   and a heart glowing with love for God and man. Although not free from
   what might now be called ecclesiastical rigor, he was not equalled by
   any of his contemporaries in services for the Church and man. "In his
   countenance," according to the contemporary biographer who knew him
   well, "there shone forth a pureness not of earth but of heaven, and his
   eyes had the clearness of an angel's and the mildness of a dove's
   eyes." [626] ss as any man of his century. [627]

   In the twelfth century there were at least two other ecclesiastics of
   the first order of genius, Anselm and Innocent III. The former passed
   away a few years after the century opened. Innocent began his papal
   reign two years before it went out. Anselm has pre-eminence as a
   profound theological thinker and dialectician. Innocent ruled the
   world, as pope never ruled it before or since. Between the two fall the
   intellectual genius and activity of Bernard, combining some of the
   qualities of Anselm and Innocent. As a mystical theologian he is allied
   to Anselm, whose Meditations give him a high place in the annals of
   devotional literature. And Bernard was also a statesman, although he
   did not attain the eminence of Innocent and shrank from participation
   in public affairs which were so much to the taste of the great pope.
   Contemporary with himself was Peter Abaelard, whose brilliant mind won
   for him enviable fame as a teacher and thinker. But Abaelard never won
   the confidence of his own age, and is not to be compared with Bernard
   in moral dignity.

   By preference a monk, Bernard figured, with almost equal prominence, in
   the history of the papacy, the Crusades, mysticism, monasticism, and
   hymnology. In the annals of monasticism, the pulpit, and devotional
   literature he easily occupies a place in the front rank. He was called
   the "honey-flowing doctor," doctor mellifluus. Twenty years after his
   death he was canonized by Alexander III. as "shining preeminently in
   his own person by virtue of sanctity and religion, and in the whole
   Church by the light of his doctrine and faith." [628] regard. [629]

   Bernard was descended from a noble family of Burgundy, and was born at
   Fontaines near Dijon. He was one of seven children, six of whom were
   sons. His mother, Aletha, like Nonna and Monica, was a deeply pious
   woman and planted in the son the seeds of religious faith. [630] nvent
   of Citeaux, two of his brothers following him at once, and the rest
   later into the monastic life.

   This was in 1113 that Bernard cast in his lot with the Cistercians, and
   the event proved to be an epoch in the history of that new community.
   His diet was bread and milk or a decoction of herbs. [631] eproached
   himself for this intemperate self-mortification which unfitted his body
   for the proper service of the Lord. But his spirit triumphed over his
   physical infirmities. [632] He studied the Scriptures and the Fathers.
   His writings betray acquaintance with the classics and he quotes
   Seneca, Ovid, Horace, and other classical writers. The works of nature
   also furnished him with lessons, and he seems to have approached the
   modern estimate of nature as an aid to spiritual attainment. "Thou wilt
   find," he wrote, [633] ney from the rocks and oil from the hardest
   stones!" This seems to lose its weight in view of what one of Bernard's
   biographers relates. Bernard travelled the whole day alongside the Lake
   of Geneva, and was so oblivious to the scenery that in the evening, at
   Lausanne, he was obliged to inquire what they had seen on the journey.
   We are probably justified in this case in ascribing an ascetic purpose
   to the monkish writer. [634]

   In 1115, in company with twelve companions, Bernard founded
   Clairvaux--Claravallis, Clear Valley--in a locality which before had
   been called Wormwood, and been the seat of robbers. William of St.
   Thierry, Bernard's close friend and biographer, is in doubt whether the
   name vallis absinthialis came from the amount of wormwood which grew
   there or from the bitter sufferings sustained by the victims of the
   robbers. [635] up their simple house. Then he says, "the hills began to
   distil sweetness, and fields, before sterile, blossomed and became fat
   under the divine benediction." [636]

   In this new cloistral retreat Bernard preached, wrought miracles, wrote
   innumerable letters, [637] received princes and high ecclesiastics.
   From there he went forth on errands of high import to his age. The
   convent soon had wide fame, and sent off many shoots. [638]

   William of St. Thierry [639] stance compels a feeling of rest. William
   says: --

   I tarried with him a few days, unworthy though I was, and whichever way
   I turned my eyes, I marvelled and thought I saw a new heaven and a new
   earth, and also the old pathways of the Egyptian monks, our fathers,
   marked with the recent footsteps of the men of our time left in them.
   The golden ages seemed to have returned and revisited the world there
   at Clairvaux.... At the first glance, as you entered, after descending
   the hill, you could feel that God was in the place; and the silent
   valley bespoke, in the simplicity of its buildings, the genuine
   humility of the poor of Christ dwelling there. The silence of the noon
   was as the silence of the midnight, broken only by the chants of the
   choral service, and the sound of garden and field implements. No one
   was idle. In the hours not devoted to sleep or prayer, the brethren
   kept busy with hoe, scythe, and axe, taming the wild land and clearing
   the forest. And although there was such a number in the valley, yet
   each seemed to be a solitary. [640]

   Here is another description by the novice, Peter de Roya, writing from
   Clairvaux: [641]

   "Its monks have found a Jacob's ladder with angels upon it, descending
   to provide help to the bodies of the monks that they fail not in the
   way, and also ascending, and so controlling the monks' minds that their
   bodies may be glorified. Their song seems to be little less than
   angelic, but much more than human.... It seems to me I am hardly
   looking upon men when I see them in the gardens with hoe, in the fields
   with forks and rakes and sickles, in the woods with axe, clad in
   disordered garments--but that I am looking on a race of fools without
   speech and sense, the reproach of mankind. However, my reason assures
   me that their life is with Christ in the heavens."

   Bernard, to whom monastic seclusion was the highest ideal of the
   Christian life, bent his energies to induce his friends to take the
   vow. Its vigils and mortifications were the best means for developing
   the two cardinal virtues of love and humility. [642] t of Nursia.
   Humblina was married to a husband of rank and had a family. When she
   appeared one day at Clairvaux, Bernard refused to go down to see her,
   for he had insisted before on her taking the veil and she had declined.
   Now she finally communicated to him the bitter cry, "If my brother
   despises my body, let not the servant of God despise my soul." [643]
   sehold, Humblina, after two years, and with her husband's consent,
   retired to the convent of Juilly, where she spent the remainder of her
   days.

   Bernard's attack upon the conventual establishment of Cluny was born of
   mistaken zeal. If of the two men Peter the Venerable appears to much
   better advantage in that controversy, it was different when it came to
   the treatment of the Jews. Here Peter seems to have completely laid
   aside his mild spirit, while Bernard displays a spirit of humaneness
   and Christian charity far beyond his age. In the controversy with
   Abaelard, a subject which belongs to another chapter, the abbot of
   Clairvaux stands forth as the churchman who saw only evil in views
   which did not conform strictly to the doctrinal system of the Church.

   Bernard was a man of his age as well as a monastic. He fully shared the
   feelings of his time about the Crusades. In 1128, at the Synod of
   Troyes, his voice secured recognition for the Knight Templars, "the new
   soldiery." The ignoble failure of the Second Crusade, which he had
   preached with such warmth, 1146, called forth from him a passionate
   lament over the sins of the Crusaders, and he has given us a glimpse
   into the keen pangs he felt over the detractions that undertaking
   called forth. [644] t his fault. He himself was like Moses, who led the
   people towards the Holy Land and not into it. The Hebrews were
   stiff-necked. Were not the Crusaders stiff-necked also and unbelieving,
   who in their hearts looked back and hankered after Europe? Is it any
   wonder that those who were equally guilty should suffer a like
   punishment with the Israelites? To the taunt that he had falsely
   represented himself as having delivered a message from God in preaching
   the Crusade, he declared the testimony of his conscience was his best
   reply. Eugenius, too, could answer that taunt by what he had seen and
   heard. But, after all was said, it was a great honor to have the same
   lot with Christ and suffer being unjustly condemned (Ps. 69:9).

   When, at a later time, Bernard was chosen at Chartres to lead another
   Crusade, the choice was confirmed by the pope, but the Cistercians
   refused to give their consent. [645]

   In the reigns of Innocent II. and Eugenius III. Bernard stood very near
   the papacy. He did more than any other single individual to secure the
   general recognition of Innocent II. as the rightful pope over his
   rival, Anacletus II. He induced the king of France to pronounce in
   favor of Innocent. Bent on the same mission, he had interviews with
   Henry I. of England at Chartres, and the German emperor at Liége. He
   entertained Innocent at Clairvaux, and accompanied him to Italy. It was
   on this journey that so profound were the impressions of Bernard's
   personality and miracles that the people of Milan fell at his feet and
   would fain have compelled him to ascend the chair of St. Ambrose. On
   his third journey to Rome, in 1138, [646] the ark for the Church, in
   which Innocent, all the religious orders, and all Europe were found
   except Anacletus and his two supporters, Roger of Sicily and Peter of
   Pisa. But an attempt, he said, was being made to build another ark by
   Peter of Pisa. If the ark of Innocent was not the true ark, it would be
   lost and all in it. Then would the Church of the East and the Church of
   the West perish. France and Germany would perish, the Spaniards and the
   English would perish, for they were with Innocent. Then Roger, alone of
   all the princes of the earth, would be saved and no other. [647]

   Eugenius III. had been an inmate of Clairvaux and one of Bernard's
   special wards. The tract de consideratione [648] d functions is unique
   in literature, and, upon the whole, one of the most interesting
   treatises of the Middle Ages. Vacandard calls it "an examination, as it
   were, of the pope's conscience." [649] s "most holy father," and whom
   he loves so warmly, that he would follow him into the heavens or to the
   depths, whom he received in poverty and now beholds surrounded with
   pomp and riches. Here he pours out his concern for the welfare of
   Eugenius's soul and the welfare of the Church under his administration.
   He adduces the distractions of the papal court, its endless din of
   business and legal arbitrament, and calls upon Eugenius to remember
   that prayer, meditation, and the edification of the Church are the
   important matters for him to devote himself to. Was not Gregory piously
   writing upon Ezekiel while Rome was exposed to siege from the
   barbarians! Teacher never had opportunity to impress lessons upon a
   scholar more elevated in dignity, and Bernard approached it with a high
   sense of his responsibility. [650]

   As a preacher, Bernard excels in the glow of his imagination and the
   fervor of his passion. Luther said, "Bernard is superior to all the
   doctors in his sermons, even to Augustine himself, because he preaches
   Christ most excellently." [651] [652] pulses of the religious nature.
   His discourse on the death of his brother Gerard is a model of tender
   treatment [653] [654] gory, but also in burning love to the Saviour.
   One of the most brilliant of modern pulpit orators has said, "the
   constant shadow of things eternal is over all Bernard's sermons." [655]
   nditions of his hearers. To rustic people he preached as though he had
   always been living in the country and to all other classes as though he
   were most carefully studying their occupations. To the erudite he was
   scholarly; to the uneducated, simple. To the spiritually minded he was
   rich in wise counsels. He adapted himself to all, desiring to bring to
   all the light of Christ. [656]

   The miraculous power of Bernard is so well attested by contemporary
   accounts that it is not easy to deny it except on the assumption that
   all the miraculous of the Middle Ages is to be ascribed to mediaeval
   credulity. Miracles meet us in almost every religious biographer of the
   Middle Ages. The biographer of Boniface, the apostle of Germany, found
   it necessary to apologize for not having miracles to relate of him. But
   the miracles of Bernard seem to be vouched for as are no other
   mediaeval works of power. The cases given are very numerous. They
   occurred on Bernard's journeys in Toulouse and Italy, nearer home in
   France, and along the Rhine from Basel northward. William of St.
   Thierry, Gaufrid, and other contemporaries relate them in detail. His
   brothers, the monks Gerard and Guido, agree that he had more than human
   power. Walter Map, the Englishman who flourished in the latter years of
   Bernard's life and later, speaks in the same breath of Bernard's
   miracles and his eloquence. [657] ld by saintly men and also by
   deceivers, but he was conscious neither of saintliness nor of fraud.
   [658] [659] ed them that the truth had been made manifest in their
   midst through him, not only in speech but in power. [660] ng them.
   [661]

   These miracles were performed at different periods of Bernard's life
   and, as has been said, in different localities. The bishop of Langres,
   a near relative, says that the first miracle he saw Bernard perform was
   upon a boy with an ulcer on his foot. In answer to the boy's appeal,
   Bernard made the sign of the cross and the child was healed. A mother
   met him carrying her child which had a withered hand and crooked arm.
   The useless members were restored and the child embraced its mother
   before the bystanders. [662]

   Sometimes Bernard placed his hand upon the patient, sometimes made the
   sign of the cross, sometimes offered prayer, sometimes used the
   consecrated wafer or holy water. [663] [664] aching the Second Crusade,
   Hermann, bishop of Constance, with nine others kept a record of them,
   declaring the very stones would cry out if they were not recorded.
   [665] r he had uttered a prayer, she spoke. A lame man walked and a
   blind man received his sight. [666] [667]

   Abaelard and his pupil, Berengar, were exceptions to their age in
   expressing doubts about the genuineness of contemporary miracles, but
   they do not charge Bernard by name with being self-deceived or
   deceiving others. Morison, a writer of little enthusiasm, no credulity,
   and a large amount of cool, critical common sense, says that Bernard's
   "miracles are neither to be accepted with credulity nor denied with
   fury." [668] [669] , and seeks to explain them by the conditions of the
   age and the imposing personality of Bernard as in the case of those
   possessed with evil spirits. [670] cles in the mediaeval convent and in
   the lives of eminent men like Norbert, not to speak of the miracles
   wrought at shrines, as at the shrine of Thomas à Becket and by contact
   with relics. On the other hand, there are few mortal men whom miracles
   would so befit as Bernard.

   Bernard's activity was marked, all through, by a practical
   consideration for the needs of life, and his writings are full of
   useful suggestions adapted to help and ameliorate human conditions. He
   was a student by preference, but there were men in his day of more
   scholastic attainments than he. And yet in the department of
   speculative and controversial theology his writings also have their
   value. In his work on the Freedom of the Will [671] as lost by sin, and
   prevenient grace is required to incline the will to holiness. In his
   controversy with Abaelard he developed his views on the Trinity and the
   atonement. In some of his positions he was out of accord with the
   theology and practice of the Roman Communion. He denied the immaculate
   conception of Mary [672] he opportunity is not afforded. [673]

   Severe at times as Bernard, the Churchman, from the standpoint of this
   tolerant age seems to be, the testimonies to his exalted moral eminence
   are too weighty to be set aside. Bernard's own writings give the final
   and abundant proof of his ethical quality. It shines through his works
   on personal religion, all those treatises and sermons which give him a
   place in the front rank of the mystics of all ages. [674]

   William of St. Thierry, himself no mean theological writer, felt that
   in visiting Bernard's cell he had been "at the very altar of God."
   [675] [676] [677] In his Memoir of St. Malachy, Bernard, as has been
   said, put, an image of his own beautiful and ardent soul." [678] d
   visit he remained to die, 1148. Bernard wrote:--

   "Though he came from the West, he was truly the dayspring on high to
   us. With psalms and hymns and spiritual songs we followed our friend on
   his heavenward journey. He was taken by angels out of our hands. Truly
   he fell asleep. All eyes were fixed upon him, yet none could say when
   the spirit took its flight. When he was dead, we thought him to be
   alive; while yet alive, we thought him to be dead. [679] w was changed
   into joy, faith had triumphed. He has entered into the joy of the Lord,
   and who am I to make lamentation over him? We pray, O Lord, that he who
   was our guest may be our leader, that we may reign with Thee and him
   for evermore. Amen."

   Bernard's sense of personal unworthiness was a controlling element in
   his religious experience. In this regard he forms a striking contrast
   to the self-confidence and swagger of Abaelard. He relied with
   childlike trust upon the divine grace. In one of his very last letters
   he begged his friend the abbot of Bonneval to be solicitous in prayer
   to the Saviour of sinners in his behalf. His last days were not without
   sorrow. His trusted secretary was found to have betrayed his
   confidence, and used his seal for his own purposes. William of St.
   Thierry and other friends had been passing away. Bernard's last journey
   was to Metz to compose a dispute between bishop Stephen and the duke of
   Lorraine. Deutsch, perhaps the chief living authority on Bernard, says:
   "Religious warmth, Genialitaet, is the chief thing in his character and
   among his gifts." [680] [681] deceived by monkish pretension,--"Bernard
   loved Jesus as much as any one can." [682]


   "Jesus, Thou Joy of loving hearts,

   Thou Fount of life, Thou Light of men,

   From the best bliss which earth imparts

   We turn unfilled to Thee again."

   The encomium of Bernard's early biographer Alanus is high praise, but
   probably no man since the Apostles has deserved it more: "The majesty
   of his name was surpassed by his lowliness of heart," [683]

   vincebat tamen sublimitatem nominis humilitas cordis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [625] Ep., 126; Migne, 182, 271.

   [626] Vita prima, III. 1; Migne, 185, 303. Gaufrid, the biographer,
   presents an elaborate description of his qualities. He says, Bernard
   was magnanimus in fide, longanimis in spe, profusus in charitate,
   summur in humilitate, praecipuus in pietate. Alanus in Vita secunda,
   XVII. 47, Migne, 185, 497, gives this high praise, humanissimus in
   affectione, magis tamen forte in fide.

   [627] This was the judgment of Philip Schaff, Literature and Poetry, p.
   282. Bernard not seldom used in his letters such expressions as this,
   Nonne ego puer parvulus, Am I not as a little child? Ep., 365; Migne,
   182, 570.

   [628] The document is given in Migne, 185, 622 sq.

   [629] Calvin says, Inst. IV. 2, 11, "in his de consideratione Bernard
   speaks as though the very truth itself were speaking." Luther, directed
   to Bernard by Staupitz, studied his works, and often appealed to his
   words. Köstlin, Life of Luther, I. 81. He praised Bernard for not
   having depended upon his monk's vow, but upon the free grace of Christ
   for salvation. Denifle, Luther und Lutherthum, I. 56-64, tries to make
   out that Luther falsified when he represented Bernard as putting aside,
   as it were, his monastic profession as a thing meritorious. Luther, in
   an animated passage, declared that at the close of his life Bernard had
   exclaimed, tempus meum perdidi quia perdite vixi, "I have lost my time
   because I have lived badly, but there is one thing that consoles me, a
   contrite and broken heart Thou dost not despise." You see, said Luther,
   how Bernard hung his cowl on the hook and returned to Christ. It seems,
   according to Denifle, that the two clauses were not uttered at the same
   time by Bernard. The exclamation, "I have lost my life," was made in a
   sermon on the Canticles, Migne, 183, 867, and the other part was said
   by Bernard in a time of severe sickness. This is not the place to take
   up Denifle's charge that Luther was playing fast and loose with
   Bernard's ut-terances to make out a case, but it is sufficient to say
   that Luther was inten-ding to emphasize that Bernard depended solely
   upon grace for salvation, and this position is justified by expressions
   enough in Bernard's writings.

   [630] Her piety is greatly praised by contemporaries. The abbot of St.
   Benignus at Dijon begged her body for his convent. William of St.
   Thierry said of her that "she ruled her household in the fear of God,
   was urgent in works of mercy, and brought up her sons in all
   obedience," enutriens filios in omni disciplina. Vita prima, I. 1.

   [631] Migne, 185, 260.

   [632] Virtus vehementius in infirmitate ejus refulgens, etc. Vita
   prima, VIII. 41; Migne, 185, 251.

   [633] To an Englishman, Henry Murdoch, Ep., 106; Migne, 182, 242.
   Aliquid amplius invenies in silvis quam in libris. Ligna et lapides
   docebunt te, quod a magistris audire non possis. An non putas posse te
   sugere mel de petra oleumque de saxo durissimo? etc. The words remind
   us of Shakespeare's oft-quoted lines: books in the running brooks,
   Sermons in stones, and good in everything.

   [634] Vita prima, III. 2; Migne, 185, 306. A mediaeval description of
   the beauties of nature is a rare thing. The Canticle of the Sun, by
   Francis d'Assisi, is an exception. Otto of Freising accompanied
   Frederick Barbarossa on his journey to Rome to receive the imperial
   crown, and speaks with much enthusiasm about the military display of
   the Germans, but had not a word to say about the glories of Rome or its
   monuments. See Fisher, Med. Empire, II. 229.

   [635] Vita prima, I. 5.

   [636] Apud vallem quae prius dicebatur vallis absinthialis et amara,
   coeperunt montes stillare dulcedinem, etc. Vita prima, XIII. 61; Migne,
   185, 260. See also Alanus, Vita secunda, VI. 18.

   [637] His letters include long compositions abounding in allegory and
   moralizations and brief pithy statements, which approach the subject in
   hand with modern directness. Alanus gives a list of churchmen high in
   position going forth from Clairvaux. Vita secunda, XX. 54; Migne, 185,
   154

   [638] Vacandard, vol. II., Appendix, gives a list of sixty-eight
   convents founded by Bernard.

   [639] William was born at Liège about 1085, and died about 1149. In
   1119 he was made abbot of the Cistercian convent of Thierry near
   Rheims. We meet him frequently in the company of Bernard, and in the
   controversies over Abaelard and Gilbert of Poitiers.

   [640] Vita prima, I. 7; Migne, 182, 268.

   [641] The genuineness of the letter is questionable. Ep., 492; Migne,
   182, 706-713.

   [642] Ep., 142; Migne, 182, 297.

   [643] Si despicit frater meus carnem meam, ne despiciat servus Dei
   animam meam. Veniat, proecipiat, quicquid praecperit, facere parata
   sum. Vita secunda, VII. 22; Migne, 185, 482. Was ever sister's appeal
   more tender?

   [644] De consideratione, II. 1; Migne, 182, 743.

   [645] Bernard refers to this election in a letter to Eugenius, Ep.,
   256. "Who am I," he writes, "to establish camps and march at the head
   of armed men?"

   [646] It was on this journey that St. Bernard performed the miracle
   which has a humorous side. While he was crossing the Alps, the devil
   broke one of his carriage wheels. Bernard repaired the damage by
   commanding the devil to take the place of the broken wheel, which he
   did, and the wagon moved on again to the traveller's comfort.

   [647] Vita prima, II. 7, 45; Migne, 185, 294 sq.

   [648] Migne, 182, 727-808.

   [649] "Une sorte d'examen de conscience d'un pape." Vie de S. Bernard,
   II. 454.

   [650] Bernard's view of the functions of the papacy is given in the
   chapter on the Papacy.

   [651] Bindseil, Colloquia, III. 134.

   [652] Deutsch, Herzog, II. 634, says Er besass eine Bibelerkenntniss
   wie wenige.

   [653] For translation see Morison, p. 227 sqq., who calls it, "among
   funeral sermons assuredly one of the most remarkable on record."

   [654] See Dr. Storrs's description, p. 461 sqq.

   [655] Storrs, p. 388.

   [656] Vita prima, III. 13; Migne, 185, 306,

   [657] I. 24, Wright's ed., p. 20.

   [658] Ego mihi nec perfectionis conscius sum nec fictionis. Vita prima,
   III. 7; Migne, 185, 314 sq

   [659] Vita prima, I. 13; Migne, 185, 262.

   [660] Ep., 242; Migne, 182, 436.

   [661] Verecundia, de consid. II. 1; Migne, 185, 744. The word used here
   is signa. See also Vita prima, I. 9; Migne, 185, 252.

   [662] William of St. Thierry, in Vita prima, I. 9; Migne, 186, 253.

   [663] Febricitantibus multis sanctus manus imponens et aquam benedictam
   porrigens ad bibendum, sanitatem o btinuit, etc., Migne, 185, 278.

   [664] The only case I have found which was not a case of healing in
   Bernard's miracles occurred at the dedication of the church of Foigny,
   where the congregation was pestered by swarms of flies. Bernard
   pronounced the words of excommunication against them and the next
   morning they were found dead and people shovelled them out with spades.

   [665] Vita prima, VI.; Migne, 185, 374 sqq.

   [666] Vita prima, IV. 5 sqq.; Migne, 185, 338-359. See Morison's
   remarks, 372 sqq.

   [667] A strange story is told of Bernard's throwing dice with a
   gambler. The stake was Bernard's horse or the gambler's soul. Bernard
   entered into the proposition heartily and won. The gambler is said to
   have led a saintly life thereafter. Gesta Romanorum, Engl. trans. by
   Swan, p. 317.

   [668] Life of Bernard, p. 66. Dr. Morison died 1905.

   [669] Der Heilige Bernhard, I. 135-141; II. 92-95. See also Neander's
   Ch. Hist, Engl. trans. IV. 256 sq.

   [670] "When such works," Neander says in his history, "appear in
   connection with a governing Christian temper actuated by the spirit of
   love, they may perhaps be properly regarded as solitary workings of
   that higher power of life which Christ introduced into human nature."
   These words are adopted by Dr. Storrs, who says "it cannot be doubted
   that a most extraordinary force operated through Bernard on those who
   sought his assistance." Life of Bernard, p. 199 sq.

   [671] De gratia et libero arbitrio.

   [672] Ep., 174; Migne, 182, 332.

   [673] De baptismo aliisque questionibus.

   [674] See chapter on Mysticism.

   [675] Domus ipsa incutiebat reverentiam sui ac si ingrederer ad altare
   Dei, Vita prima, VII. 33; Migne, 185, 246.

   [676] Concordia, V. 38. See Schott, Die Gedanken des Abtes Joachim,
   Brieger's Zeitschrift, 1902, 171.

   [677] Hildegard's Works, Ep., 29; Migne, 197, 189.

   [678] Morison, p. 242.

   [679] Mortuus vivere et vivens mortuus putabatur, Vita St. Malachy,
   XXXI. 74; Migne, 185, 1116. Tender as he is to his Irish friend,
   Bernard described the Irish people as utter barbarians in that age.

   [680] Herzog, II. 634.

   [681] Dogmengeschichte, III. 301.

   [682] Bindseil, Colloquia, III. 152. Bernhardus hat den Jesus so lieb
   als einer sein mag.

   [683] Vita secunda, XVII.; Migne, 185, 498.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 66. The Augustinians, Carthusians, Carmelites, and other Orders.

   Among the greater orders which came into existence before 1200 are the
   Augustinians, the Premonstrants, the Carthusians, and the Carmelites.

   1. The Augustinians were a distinct family from the Benedictines,
   followed the so-called rule of St. Augustine, and were divided into the
   canons regular of St. Augustine and the mendicant friars of St.
   Augustine.

   The bodies of canons regular were numerous, but their organization was
   not compact like that of the stricter monastic orders. [684] te. As
   early as the eleventh century a rule, ascribed to St. Augustine,
   appeared in several forms. It was professed by the clerical groups
   forming the cathedral chapters, and by bodies of priests associated
   with other churches of prominence. [685] church services, as, for
   example, the service of song, and the enforced rule of celibacy,
   encouraged or demanded a plurality of clergymen for a church.

   Moved by the strong impulse in the direction of conventual communities,
   these groups inclined to the communal life and sought some common rule
   of discipline. For it they looked back to Augustine of Hippo, and took
   his household as their model. We know that Augustine had living with
   him a group of clerics. We also know that he commended his sister for
   associating herself with other women and withdrawing from the world,
   and gave her some advice. But so far as is known Augustine prescribed
   no definite code such as Benedict afterwards drew up, either for his
   own household or for any other community.

   About 750 Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, drew up a code for his cathedral
   chapter, whom he enjoined to live together in common, [686]

   In the twelfth century we find many groups of clerics who adopted what
   began to be known as the rule of St. Augustine. [687] [688] IV., 1256,
   definitely recognized the rule.

   The Augustinian rule established a community of goods. Even gifts went
   into the common fund. The clerics ate together and slept in one
   dormitory. They wore a common dress, and no one on returning his suit
   to the clothing room retained any peculiar right to it. The papal
   attempts to unite these groups into a close organization proved to be
   in vain. [689]

   The Augustinian hermits, or Austin friars, as they were called in
   England, were monastics in the true sense. They arose after the canons
   regular, [690] aupitz and Luther belonged. [691]

   The rule of St. Augustine was also adopted with modification by the
   Premonstrants, the Gilbertines of England, [692]

   2. The Premonstrants adopted the Augustinian rule, were called from
   their dress White Canons, and grew with great rapidity. [693] nd one of
   the most influential men of his age. Thrown from his horse during a
   storm, he determined to devote himself in earnest to religion. He gave
   up his position in the Cologne Cathedral and entered the Benedictine
   Convent of Sigeberg. Norbert then travelled about in Germany and France
   as a preacher of repentance, [694] Prémontré, the designated field,
   [695] Premonstrants as he did that of the Cistercians. The first rule
   forbade meat and eggs, cheese and milk. As in the case of the
   Cistercians, their meals were limited to two dishes. At a later date
   the rule against meat was modified. Lay brethren were introduced and
   expected to do the work of the kitchen and other manual services. The
   theological instruction was confined to a few prayers, and the members
   were not allowed to read books. [696]

   Norbert in 1126 was made archbishop of Magdeburg and welcomed the
   opportunity to introduce the order in Northeastern Germany. He joined
   Bernard in supporting Innocent II. against the antipope Anacletus II.
   He died 1134, at Magdeburg, and was canonized in 1582. Peter the
   Venerable and Bernard of Clairvaux praised the order and Norbert
   himself as a man who stood near to God. [697]

   The almost incredible number of one thousand houses is claimed for this
   order in its flourishing period. There was also an order of
   Premonstrant nuns, which is said to have numbered ten thousand women
   during Norbert's lifetime. [698] n this period. [699]

   3. More original and strict were the Carthusians, [700] g in severity
   any of the other orders of the time. [701] [702] Fontaine, in the
   diocese of Langres, which he subsequently exchanged for Chartreuse.
   [703] cting as papal adviser, retired to the Calabrian Mountains and
   established a house. There he died, 1101. He was canonized 1514. In
   1151 the number of Carthusian houses was fourteen, and they gradually
   increased to one hundred and sixty-eight. The order was formally
   recognized by Alexander III., 1170.

   The first Carthusian statutes were committed to writing by the fifth
   prior Guigo, d. 1137. The rule now in force was fixed in 1578, and
   reconfirmed by Innocent XI., 1682. [704] ntral church, at first two and
   two, and then singly. [705] other devotions were performed by each in
   seclusion. The prayers were made in a whisper so as to avoid
   interfering with others. They sought to imitate the Thebaid anchorites
   in rigid self-mortification. Peter the Venerable has left a description
   of their severe austerities. Their dress was thin and coarse above the
   dress of all other monks. [706] fore Easter, and the thirty days before
   Christmas. When one of their number died, each of the survivors said
   two psalms, and the whole community met and took two meals together to
   console one another for the loss. [707] hold. For hygienic purposes,
   the monks bled themselves five times a year, and were shaved six times
   a year. [708] [709] em. [710] y letters, and lauded their devotion to
   God. So at a later time Petrarch, after a visit to their convent in
   Paris, penned a panegyric of the order.

   In England the Carthusians were not popular. [711] ent was founded by
   Henry II., at Witham, 1180. The famous Charterhouse in London (a
   corruption of the French Chartreuse), founded in 1371, was turned into
   a public school, 1611. In Italy the more elaborate houses of the order
   were the Certosa di San Casciano near Florence, the Certosa at Pisa,
   and the Certosa Maria degli Angeli in Rome. [712]

   In recent times the monks of the Chartreuse became famous for the
   Chartreuse liqueur which they distilled. In its preparation the young
   buds of pine trees were used.

   4. The Carmelites, or the Order of the Blessed Mary the Virgin of Mt.
   Carmel, had their origin during the Crusades, 1156. [713] bbess of the
   female community. Their history has been marked by much division within
   the order and bitter controversies with other orders.

   Our first trustworthy notice is derived from Phocas, a Greek monk, who
   visited Mt. Carmel in 1185. Berthold of Calabria, a Crusader, made a
   vow under the walls of Antioch that in case the Christians were
   victorious over Zenki, he would devote himself to the monastic life.
   The prayer was answered, and Berthold with ten companions established
   himself on Mt. Carmel. [714] origin of the order became the subject of
   a violent dispute between the Carmelites and the Jesuits. The Jesuit
   Papebroch precipitated it in 1668 by declaring that Berthold was the
   founder. He was answered by the Carmelite Daniel [715] he origin back
   to Elijah. Appeal was made to Innocent XII., who, in 1698, in the bull
   redemptoris, commanded the two orders to maintain silence till the
   papal chair should render a decision. This has not yet been done. [716]

   The community received its rule about 1208 from Albert, afterwards
   patriarch of Constantinople. It was confirmed by Honorius III., 1226.
   Its original sixteen articles gave the usual regulations against eating
   meat, enjoined daily silence, from vespers to tierce (6 P. M. to 9 A.
   M.), and provided that the monks live the hermit's life in cells like
   the Carthusians. The dress was at first a striped garment, white and
   black, which was afterwards changed for brown.

   With the Christian losses in Palestine, the Carmelites began to migrate
   westwards. In 1238 they were in Cyprus, and before the middle of the
   thirteenth century they were settled in far Western Europe. The first
   English house was at Alnwick, and a general chapter was held at
   Aylesford, 1246.

   From the general of the order, Simon Stock, an Englishman (1245-65),
   dates the veneration of the scapulary, [717] nd release those who have
   worn it. The story is included in the Breviary, [718] the order,
   deliverance from purgatory by Mary, the first Saturday after their
   decease. [719]

   After the success of the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Carmelites,
   with the sanction of Innocent IV., adopted the practice of mendicancy,
   1245, and the coenobite life was substituted for life in solitary
   cells. The rules concerning clothing and food were relaxed to meet the
   climatic conditions of Europe.

   A division took place in the order in 1378. The wing, holding to the
   stricter rule as confirmed by Innocent IV., is known as the Carmelites
   of the Ancient Observance. Both wings have their respective generals.
   The Carmelite name most famous in the annals of piety is that of St.
   Theresa, the Spanish saint who joined herself to the Carmelites, 1533.
   She aided in founding seventeen convents for women and fourteen for
   monks. This new branch, the Barefoot Carmelites, spread to different
   parts of Europe, Mt. Carmel, Africa, Mexico, and other countries. The
   monks wear leathern sandals, and the nuns a light shoe. [720]

   Of the other numerous monastic orders, the following may be mentioned.
   The Antonites, or Brothers of the Hospital of St. Antonius [721] om a
   disease, then widely prevalent, and called St. Anthony's fire, morbus
   sacer. The prayer was answered, and the father and his son devoted
   themselves to a religious life. The order was sanctioned by Urban II.,
   1095, and was intended to care for the sick and poor. In 1118 it
   received from Calixtus II. the church of St. Didier de Mothe,
   containing St. Anthony's bones. In 1218 Honorius III. gave the members
   permission to take monastic vows, and in 1296 Boniface VIII. imposed on
   them the Augustinian rule. They had houses in France, Germany, Hungary,
   and Italy. It used to be the custom on St. Anthony's day to lead horses
   and cattle in front of their convent in Rome to receive a form of
   blessing. [722]

   The Trinitarians, ordo sanctissima Trinitatis de redemptione
   captivorum, had for their mission the redemption of Christian captives
   out of the hands of the Saracens and Moors. Their founder was John of
   Matha (1160-1213). The order was also called the ordo asinorum, Order
   of the Asses, from the fact that its members rode on asses and never on
   horseback. [723] d as the representative of the Virgin Mary, and the
   arrangement as in conformity with the word of Christ, placing John
   under the care of Mary. A church built between the male and female
   cloisters was used in common. The order was founded by Robert d'
   Abrissel (d. 1117), whom Urban II. heard preach, and commissioned as a
   preacher, 1096. Robert was born in Brittany, and founded, 1095, a
   convent at Craon. He was a preacher of great popular power. The nuns
   devoted themselves especially to the reclamation of fallen women. [724]
   [725]

   The Order of Grammont, founded by Stephen of Auvergne, deserves mention
   for the high rank it once held in France. It enjoyed the special
   patronage of Louis VII. and other French sovereigns, and had sixty
   houses in France. It was an order of hermits. Arrested while on a
   pilgrimage, by sickness, Stephen was led by the example of the hermits
   of Calabria to devote himself to the hermit life. These monks went as
   far in denying themselves the necessities of life as it is possible to
   do and yet survive, [726] [727]

   The Brothers of the Sack [728] of rough material cut in the shape of a
   bag. They had convents in different countries, including England, where
   they continued to have houses till the suppression of the monasteries.
   They abstained entirely from meat, and drunk only water. The
   Franciscans derisively called them Bushmen (Boscarioli). They were
   indefatigable beggars. The Franciscan chronicler, Salimbene, [729]
   gars."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [684] See art. Augustiner, in Herzog, II. 254 sqq., and in
   Wetzer-Welte, I. 1655 sqq. Theod. Kolde, D. deutsche Augustiner
   Congregation und Joh. von Staupitz, Gotha, 1879.

   [685] At Campell, near Paris, there were not less than fifty priests,
   whose number was reduced by Innocent III. to twenty-two. See Hurter,
   III. 375. The terms canonicus saecularis and regularis do not occur
   before the twelfth century. Up to that time they were known as clerici
   religiosi, clerici regulares, clerici professi, clerici communiter
   viventes, etc. So Denifle, Archiv für Lit. und Kirchengeschichte for
   1886, p. 174. He quotes Amort, Vetus disciplina canonicorum regul et
   saecul., Venice, 1747, I. 333.

   [686] Chrodegana provided a common table for the clergy of his chapter,
   and a common dormitory. The Roman synods of 1059, 1063, recommended
   priests to have their revenues in common.

   [687] The tradition runs that this rule was prescribed by Innocent II.,
   1139, for all canons regular. Helyot, II. 21.

   [688] In a bull, Dec. 16, 1243, Innocent speaks of the regula S.
   Augustini et ordo. See Potthast, p. 954. The most distinguished convent
   of regular canons in France was the convent of St. Victor.

   [689] The cathedral of Bristol is built up from the old abbey of St.
   Augustine. The Augustinian, or Austin, canons were also called the
   Black Canons in England. They were very popular there. St. Botolph's,
   Colchester, their first English house, was established about 1100. At
   the suppression of the monasteries there were one hundred and seventy
   houses in England, and a much larger number in Ireland. Gasquet, p.
   225. See W. G. D. Fletcher, The Blackfriars in Oxford.

   [690] See Hurter, III. 238.

   [691] In England they had thirty-two friaries at the time of the
   dissolution. Gasquet, 241.

   [692] The Gilbertines, founded by St. Gilbert, rector of Sandringham,
   about 1140, were confined to England. There were twenty-six houses at
   the time of the suppression of the monasteries. The convents for men
   and women used a common church.

   [693] Norbert's Works and Life are given in Migne, vol. 170, and his
   Life in Mon. Ger. XII., 670 sqq.; Germ. trans. by Hertel, in
   Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit, Leipzig, 1881. See also
   Hauck, IV. 350-66; J. von Walter, Die ersten Wanderprediger
   Frankreichs, vol. II. Leipzig, 1906, pp. 119-129, and the art.
   Praemonstratenser, X. 267 sqq., and Norbert, IX. 448 sqq., in
   Wetzer-Welte, and Praemonstratenser, in Herzog, XV. 606 sqq., and the
   literature there given; and Gasquet, The Engl. Praemonstratensians, in
   transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc., vol. XVII. London, 1903.

   [694] Walter puts Norbert in the group of the itinerant preachers of
   the age.

   [695] Pratum monstratum.

   [696] Hurter, IV. 206.

   [697] Bernard, Sermon, XXII.; Ep., 56

   [698] See Hurter, IV. 208.

   [699] In England there were more than thirty Premonstrant convents at
   the suppression of the monasteries. Bayham and Easley are their best
   preserved abbeys.

   [700] Consuetudines Carthusienses, printed among Bruno's Works in
   Migne, 153, 651-759. Peter Dorland, Chronicon Carthusianae, Col. 1608.
   For literature see Wetzer-Welte, art. Karthäuser, VII. 203, and the
   art. Bruno, vol. II. 1356-63. Bruno's Works in Migne, 152, 153. In his
   Com. on the Romans he anticipates Luther by inserting sola, "alone" in
   Rom. 3:28, "a man is justified by faith alone, without the works of the
   law." See Dr. Fr. Duesterdieck, Studien u. Kritiken, 1903, p. 506.

   [701] The device of the order is a globe surmounted by a lion with the
   motto Stat crux dum volvitur orbis, "The cross stands while the globe
   turns."

   [702] The following legend was invented to account for Bruno's
   decision. In 1082 he was present at the mortuary services over Raymond,
   canon of Notre Dame, Paris. When the words were said, "Quantas habes
   iniquitates et peccata?""how many sins and iniquities hast thou?" the
   dead man rose up and replied, "justo dei judicio accusatus sum," "I am
   accused by the just judgment of God." The next day at the repetition of
   the words, the dead rose again and exclaimed, "justo dei judicio
   judicatus sum," "I am judged by the just judgment of God." The third
   day the dead man rose for the third time and cried out, "justo dei
   judicio condemnatus sum," "I am condemned by the just judgment of God."
   This incident was inserted into the Roman Breviary, but removed by
   order of Urban VIII., 1631. Hergenröther says the legend is still
   defended by the Carthusians. Kirchengesch., II. 353.

   [703] Peter the Venerable says of a visit to Chartreuse, Ep., VI. 24,
   inaccessibiles pene nivibus et glacie altissimas rupes non abhorrui, "I
   shrank not back from the high rocks made inaccessible by snow and ice."
   Hurter's description, IV. 150, makes the location attractive.

   [704] Nova collectio statutorum Ord. Carthusiensis, Paris, 1682.

   [705] For the plan of a Carthusian monastery, see Dr. Venables' art.
   Abbey, in "Enc. Brit.," I. 20 sq.

   [706] Vestes vilissimas ac super omne religionis propositum
   abjectissimas ipsoque visu horrendas assumpserunt. Pet. Ven., De
   miraculis, II. 28.

   [707] A movement among the Carthusians to pass over into other orders,
   where the discipline was less rigid, was severely rebuked by Innocent
   III. Hurter, IV. 161.

   [708] Medicinis, excepto cauterio et sanguinis minutione perraro
   utimur, quoted by Hurter, IV. 154, from the Constitutions of Guigo.
   Bleeding for medicinal purposes seems to have been common in convents.
   It was practised in the convent of Heisterbach, Caesar of Heisterbach,
   Dial., XI. 2. According to the life of Bernard of Thiron, it was the
   custom in some convents for monks suffering from headache or other
   physical ailments to have the abbot place his hands on their bodies,
   trusting to his miraculous power for healing. See Walter, Die ersten
   Wanderprediger Frankreichs, Leipzig, 1906, II. p. 50.

   [709] And yet they have furnished at least four cardinals, seventy
   archbishops and bishops, and have had rich churches noted for their
   works of art like the one in Naples, or the church at Pavia, where
   lapis lazuli is freely used. See Hurter, IV. 158.

   [710] Pet. Ven., Epp., I. 24, IV. 38. Peter gives a list of the books
   he sent.

   [711] "The discipline was too rigid, the loneliness too dreadful for
   our tastes and climate." Jessopp, The Coming of the Friars, p. 125.

   [712] The order was suppressed in France at the time of the Revolution.
   The monks, however, were permitted to return to Grand Chartreuse in
   1816, paying a rental of 3000 francs to the government. The mother
   convent has again been broken up by the Associations Law of 1903. There
   were at that time one hundred and fifty monks in the house. Some of
   them went to Piedmont, and others to Tarragona, Spain, where they have
   set up a distillery for their precious liqueur.

   [713] Ordo B. M. V. de Monte Carmelo is the name given by Innocent IV.
   The brethren are called fratres eremiti de monte Carmelo, by Honorius
   III., in his sanction of the order, 1226. The art. Carmelite, in
   Wetzer-Welte, II. 1966-1976, and Karmeliter, in Herzog, X. 84-88, give
   a good account and contain lists of literature. Potthast, I. No. 7524.

   [714] The convent on Mt. Carmel is a conspicuous object as you approach
   the coast from the Mediterranean, and from the hills round about
   Nazareth. The present building was erected in 1828, and is an hour's
   walk from Haifa. Napoleon used the former buildings for a hospital
   during his Syrian campaign.

   [715] Speculum Carmelitarum seu historia Eliani ordinis, 4 vols.
   Antwerp, 1680.

   [716] Benedict XIII., in 1725, gave quasi-sanction to the order's claim
   by permitting it to erect a statue to Elijah in St. Peter's. It bears
   the inscription Universus ordo Carmelitarum fundatori suo St. Eliae
   prophetae erexit.

   [717] The Carmelites are often called the Brotherhood of the Scapulary.
   The scapulary is a sleeveless jacket covering the breast and back, and
   was originally worn over the other garments when the monk was at work.
   The garment has been the frequent subject of papal decree down to Leo
   XIII., 1892. July 16 has been set apart since 1587 as a special
   festival of the scapulary, and is one of the feasts of the Virgin. A
   work has been written on the proper use of the scapulary, by Brocard:
   Recueil des instructions sur la devotion au St. Scapulaire de Notre
   Dame de Monte Carmelo, Gand, 4th ed. 1875. Simon Stock was one hundred
   when he died.

   [718] Hergenröther-Kirsch, Kirchengesch., II. 362, says it is
   introduced as a matter of "pious opinion," fromme Meinung.

   [719] The original bull has not been found, and its authenticity has
   been a subject of warm dispute, in the Catholic church. The pertinent
   words of Mary are Ego mater gratiose descendam sabbato post eorum
   mortem et, quot inveniam in purgatorio, liberabo. "I, mother, will
   graciously descend on the Sabbath after their death, and whomever I
   find in purgatory I will free." One ground for doubting the
   authenticity of the bull is that Mary promises to forgive sins. Paul
   V., in 1613, decreed that this "pious faith" should be preached. See
   art. Sabbatina, in Wetzer-Welte, X. 1444-1447

   [720] By the decision of Clement VIII., 1593, the Barefoot monks became
   an independent order, and elect their own general superior. Hurter, IV.
   213, concludes his short account of the Carmelites by saying, that
   among other things which they used to exaggerate to a ridiculous extent
   was the number of their houses, which they gave at 7500, and of their
   monks, which they gave as 180,000.

   [721] Falco, Antonianae Hist. compendium, Lyons, 1534. Uhlhorn, D.
   christl. Liebesthätigkeit d. Mittelalters, Stuttg. 1884, 178-186, 343
   sqq.

   [722] The Antonites regarded St. Anthony as the patron of stable
   animals, a view popularly held in Italy. An example of this belief is
   given in the Life of Philip Schaff, 56 sq.

   [723] The Trinitarians were also called Maturines, from their house in
   Paris near St. Mathurine's chapel. They had a few houses in England. A
   Spanish order with the same design, the Ordo B. V. M. de Mercede
   redemptionis captivorum, was founded by Peter Nolasco and Raymond of
   Pennaforte. See Hurter, IV. 219.

   [724] The last abbess died 1799. Since 1804 the abbey of Font Evraud
   has been used as a house for the detention of convicts. Henry II. of
   England and Richard Coeur de Lion were buried at Font Evraud. For the
   literature of the order, see Herzog, VI. 125, and J. von Walter, Die
   ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs, Studien zur Gesch. des Mönchthums,
   Robert von Abrissel, I. Leipzig, 1903.

   [725] Ut capillos non nutriant suos. Walter, Wanderprediger, II. 112.

   [726] Hurter, IV. 140. See art. Grammont, in Wetzer-Welte, VI. 990 sqq.

   [727] Walter, II. 143.

   [728] Fratres saccati, fratres de sacco, saccophori, etc. See art.
   Sackbrüder, in Herzog, XVII. 327. Gasquet, 241 sq.

   [729] See Coulton, p. 301.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 67. Monastic Prophets.

   St. Hildegard and Joachim of Flore.

   Literature.--Hildegard's works in Migne, vol. 197, and some not there
   given in Pitra: Analecta sacra. For a list see Preger: Geschichte der
   deutschen Mystik, I. 13-36.--Lives by Godefrid and Theodorich,
   contemporaries in Migne.--Dahl, Mainz, 1832.--Clarius, with translation
   of Hildegard's letters, 2 vols. Regensburg, 1854.--Richaud, Aix,
   1876.--J. P. Schmelzeis, Freiburg, 1897.--P. Franche, Paris,
   1903.--Benrath, in Herzog, VIII. 71 sq.--Hildegard's Causae et curae,
   ed. by Kaiser, Leipzig, 1903, is a sort of mediaeval manual of
   medicine.

   Joachim's published works, Liber concordiae novi et veteris Testamenti,
   Venice, 1519; Expositio in Apocalypsin and Psalterium decem chordarum,
   Venice, 1527. The errors of Joachim are given in Mansi, xxii. 981 and
   Denifle: Chartularium Univ., Par I. 272-275.--Salimbene: Chronicon,
   Parma, 1857; Coulton's trans., London, 1906.--Luna Consentinus, d.
   1224, perhaps an amanuensis: Synopsis virtutum b. Joach. in Ughelli,
   Italia sacra, IX. 205 sqq.--Gervaise: Hist. de l'abbé Joachim, 2 vols.
   Paris, 1745.--Reuter: Gesch. der Aufklärung, 1877, pp. 191-218.--Renan
   in Nouvelles études d'hist. rel., Paris, 1884, pp. 217-323.--*Denifle:
   Das Evangelium aeternum und die Commission zu Anagni, in Archiv für
   Lit.- und Kirchengesch., 1885, pp. 49-142. *Döllinger: Die Papstfabeln
   des Mittelalters, 2d ed. by J. Friedrich, Stuttgart, 1890; Engl. trans.
   of 1st ed. by H. B. Smith, N. Y., 1872, pp. 364-391.--*Artt: Joachim,
   in Wetzer-Welte by Ehrle, VI. 1471-1480, and in Herzog by Deutsch, IX.
   227-232.--*E. Schott: Die Gedanken Joachims in Brieger's Zeitschrift,
   1902, pp. 157-187.

   The monasteries also had their prophets. Men's minds, stirred by the
   disasters in Palestine, and by the spread of heresy in Europe, here and
   there saw beyond the prevailing ritual of church and convent to a new
   era in which, however, neither hierarchy nor convent would be given up.
   In the twelfth century the spirit of prophecy broke out almost
   simultaneously in convents on the Rhine and in Southern Italy. Its
   chief exponents were Hildegard of Bingen, Elizabeth of Schoenau, and
   Joachim, the abbot of Flore. [730] saw visions, and Joachim was the
   seer of a new age.

   Hildegard (1098-1179), abbess of the Benedictine convent of
   Disebodenberg, near Bingen on the Rhine, was the most prominent woman
   in the church of her day. [731] t, though in a lesser degree, she was
   to Germany. She received letters from four popes, Eugenius, Anastasius,
   Adrian, and Alexander III., from the emperors Konrad III. and Frederick
   Barbarossa, from Bernard and many ecclesiastics in high office as well
   as from persons of humble position. Her intercessions were invoked by
   Frederick, by Konrad for his son, [732] nd through her." [733]

   Infirm of body, Hildegard was, by her own statement, the recipient of
   visions from her childhood. As she wrote to St. Bernard, she saw them
   "not with the external eye of sense but with the inner eye." The deeper
   meanings of Scripture touched her breast and burnt into her soul like a
   flame." [734] tness, coming from the open heavens, transfused her brain
   and inflamed her whole heart and breast like a flame, as the sun
   lightens everything upon which his rays fall. [735] en places but while
   she was awake and in pure consciousness, using the eyes and ears of her
   inner man according to the will of God. [736] encouraged her to
   continue in her course. [737]

   It is reported by contemporaries of this godly woman that scarcely a
   sick person came to her without being healed. [738] er which, as in one
   case, healed paralysis of the tongue.

   As a censor of the Church, Hildegard lamented the low condition of the
   clergy, announced that the Cathari would be used to stir up Christendom
   to self-purification, called attention to the Scriptures and the
   Catholic faith as the supreme fonts of authority, and bade men look for
   salvation not to priests but to Christ.

   She was also an enthusiastic student of nature. Her treatises on herbs,
   trees, and fishes are among the most elaborate on natural objects of
   the Middle Ages. She gives the properties of no less than two hundred
   and thirteen herbs or their products, and regarded heat and cold as
   very important qualities of plant life. They are treated with an eye to
   their medicinal virtue. Butter, she says, is good for persons in ill
   health and suffering from feverish blood and the butter of cows is more
   wholesome than the butter of sheep and goats. Licorice, [739] the
   stomach for the process of digestion. The "basilisca," which is cold,
   if placed under the tongue, restores the power of speech to the palsied
   and, when cooked in wine with honey added, will cure fevers provided it
   is drunk frequently during the night. [740]

   A kindred spirit to Hildegard was Elizabeth of Schoenau, who died 1165
   at the age of thirty-six. [741] he saw Stephen, Laurentius, and many of
   the other saints. In the midst of them usually stood "the virgin of
   virgins, the most glorious mother of God, Mary." [742] represented
   herself as being "rapt out of the body into an ecstasy." [743] and
   impiety. On one occasion she saw Christ sitting at the judgment with
   Pilate, Judas, and those who crucified him on his left hand and also,
   alas! a great company of men and women whom she recognized as being of
   her order. [744] a place in the annals of German mysticism.

   Joachim of Flore, [745] s first abbot of the Cistercian convent of
   Corazza in Calabria, and then became the founder and abbot of St. John
   in Flore. Into this convent he introduced a stricter rule than the rule
   of the Cistercians. It became the centre of a new order which was
   sanctioned by Coelestin III., 1196.

   Joachim enjoyed the reputation of a prophet during his lifetime. [746]
   conciliar and papal examination. The Fourth Lateran condemned his
   treatment of the Trinity as defined by Peter the Lombard. Peter had
   declared that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit constitute a certain
   supreme essence, quaedam summa res, and this, according to Joachim,
   involved a substitution of a quaternity for the Trinity. Those who
   adopted Joachim's view were condemned as heretics, but Joachim and the
   convent of Flore were distinctly excepted from condemnation. [747]

   Joachim's views on the doctrine of the Trinity are of slight
   importance. The abbot has a place in history by his theory of
   historical development and his eschatology. His opinions are set forth
   in three writings of whose genuineness there is no question, an
   exposition of the Psalms, an exposition of the Apocalypse, and a
   Concord of the Old and New Testaments. [748]

   Interwoven with his prophecies is Joachim's theory of historical
   development. There are three ages in history. The Old Testament age has
   its time of beginning and bloom. So has that of the New Testament. But
   a third age is to follow. The basis for this theory of three periods is
   found in a comparison of the Old and New Testaments, a comparison which
   reveals a parallelism between the leading periods of the history of
   Israel and the periods of Christian history. This parallelism was
   disclosed to Joachim on an Easter night, and made as clear as day.

   The first of the three ages was the age of the Father, the second the
   age of the Son, of the Gospel, and the sacraments, the third, the age
   of the Holy Spirit which was yet to come. The three were represented by
   Peter, Paul, and John. The first was an age of law, the second of
   grace, the third of more grace. The first was characterized by fear,
   the second by faith, the third was to be marked by charity. The first
   was the age of servants, the second of freedmen, the third of friends.
   The first brought forth water, the second wine, the third was to bring
   forth oil. The first was as the light of the stars, the second of the
   dawn, the third of the perfect day. The first was the age of the
   married, and corresponded to the flesh; the second of priests, with the
   elements of the flesh and the Spirit mixed; the third of monks, and was
   to be wholly spiritual. Each of these ages had a beginning, a maturity,
   and an end. [749] begun in the days of Joachim himself. The
   consummation was to begin in 1260.

   The Gospel of the letter is temporal not eternal, and gives way in the
   third period to the Eternal Gospel, Rev. 14:6. Then the spiritual
   meaning of the Gospel will be fully known. Joachim did not mean to deny
   the permanent authority of the two Testaments, when he put into his
   third period the full understanding of them, in the spiritual sense,
   and the complete embodiment of their teachings in life and conduct. The
   Eternal Gospel he described, not as a newly written revelation, but as
   the spiritual and permanent message of Christ's Gospel, which is hidden
   under the surface of the letter. This Gospel he also called the
   Spiritual Gospel, and the Gospel of the Kingdom. [750] [751] urified.
   The Eternal Gospel was to be proclaimed by a new order, the "little
   ones of Christ." [752] [753]

   It was in the conception of the maturition of the periods as much as in
   the succession of the periods that the theory of development is brought
   out. [754] to correspond to the seven seals of the Apocalypse. The
   first seal is indicated in the Old Testament by the deliverance from
   Egypt, in the New by the resurrection of Christ; the second seal
   respectively by the experiences in the wilderness and the persecutions
   of the ante-Nicene Church; the third by the wars against the Canaanites
   and the conflict with heresy from Constantine to Justinian; the fourth
   by the peril from the Assyrians and the age lasting to Gregory III., d.
   741 the fifth by the Babylonian oppression and the troubles under the
   German emperors; and the sixth by the exile, and the twelfth Christian
   century with all the miseries of that age, including the violence of
   the Saracens, and the rise of heretics. The opening of the seventh seal
   was near at hand, and was to be followed by the Sabbatic rest.

   Joachim was no sectary. He was not even a reformer. Like many of his
   contemporaries he was severe upon the vices of the clergy of his day.
   "Where is quarrelling," he exclaims, "where fraud, except among the
   sons of Juda, except among the clergy of the Lord? Where is crime,
   where ambition, except among the clergy of the Lord?" [755] [756] f and
   his writings dutifully to the Church, [757] [758] empt from empty
   formalism and bitter disputes.

   An ecclesiastical judgment upon Joachim's views was precipitated by the
   Franciscan Gerardus of Borgo San Donnino, who wrote a tract called the
   Introduction to the Eternal Gospel, [759] expounding what he considered
   to be Joachim's teachings. He declared that Joachim's writings were
   themselves the written code of the Eternal Gospel, [760] the ages of
   the Father and the Son. Of this last age the abbot of Flore was the
   evangelist.

   When Gerard's work appeared, in 1254, it created a great stir and was
   condemned by professors at Paris, the enemies of the Franciscans,
   William of St. Amour among the number. The strict wing of the
   Franciscans, the Spirituals, adopted some of Joachim's views and looked
   upon him as the prophet of their order. Articles of accusation were
   brought before Innocent IV. His successor, Alexander IV., in 1255
   condemned Gerardo and his book without, however, passing judgment upon
   Joachim. [761] Franciscan chronicler Salimbene was also for a while a
   disciple of Joachim, and reports that the prophet predicted that the
   order of the Friars Minor should endure to the end while the order of
   Preachers should pass away. [762] ned the writings of Joachim. A
   century after Joachim's death, the Franciscan Spirituals, John Peter
   Olivi and Ubertino da Casale, were identified with his views. The
   traces of Joachimism are found throughout the Middle Ages to their
   close. Joachim was the millenarian prophet of the Middle Ages.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [730] Among others who were expecting the millennium soon to dawn, was
   Norbert, who wrote to St. Bernard that the age in which he lived was
   the age of antichrist. Bernard, Ep., 56; Migne, 182, 50, wrote back
   taking a contrary view.

   [731] The name of Héloïse was perhaps as widely known, but it was for
   her connection with Abelard, not for her works in the Church. The Latin
   form of Hildegard is Hildegardis. M. Paris, Luard's Ed., V. 195, in his
   summary of the events of 1200-1250, mentions Hildegard and Elizabeth of
   Thuringia as the prominent religious female characters of the period,
   but Hildegard died 1177.

   [732] Ep., XXVI. sq.; Migne, 197, 185 sq.

   [733] Ep., XXII. On the other hand, Hildegard asked Bernard to pray for
   her.

   [734] animam meam sicut flammam comburens, Migne, 197, 190. St.
   Bernard, writing to Hildegard, spoke of the "sweetness of her holy
   love," and Hildegard compares the abbot of Clairvaux to the eagle and
   addresses him as the most mild of fathers, mitissime pater.

   [735] non visiones in somnis, nec dormiens, nec in phrenesi, nec
   corporeis oculis aut auribus exterioris, nec in abditis locis percepi,
   sed eas vigilans, circumspiciens in pura mente oculis et auribus
   interioris hominis, etc. Scivias, I. Praefatio, Migne, 197, 384.

   [736] Scivias. See Migne, 197, 93. This is the chief collection of her
   visions. Migne, 197, 383-739.

   [737] Ep., I.; Migne, 197, 146.

   [738] Migne, 197, 117.

   [739] de plantis, Migne, 197, 1139.

   [740] Migne, 197, 1210.

   [741] Her writings are given in Migne, 195, 119-196. First complete
   edition by F. W. C. Roth: Die Visionen der heiligen Elizabeth, Brünn,
   1884. See Preger: Gesch. d. deutschen Mystik, 1, 37-43.

   [742] Migne, 195, 146.

   [743] acorpore rapta sum in exstasim, p. 135, oreram in exstasi et
   vidi, p. 145.

   [744] Migne, 195, 146.

   [745] After the convent St. Johannes in Flore, which he founded. The
   members of Joachim's order are called in the papal bull, Florentii
   fratres, Potthast, No. 2092, vol. I. 182.

   [746] When Richard Coeur de Lion was in Sicily on his way to Palestine
   in 1190, he was moved by Joachim's fame to send for him. The abbot
   interpreted to him John's prophecy of anti-christ, whom he declared was
   already born, and would in time be elevated to the Apostolic chair and
   strive against everything called of God. De Hoveden, Engl. trans., II.
   pp. 177 sqq.

   [747] Joachim had set forth his views against the Lombard in a tract to
   which the council referred. See Mansi, xxii., and Hefele-Knöpfler, V.
   880 sq.

   [748] Joachim, in a list, 1200, gives these three writings and also
   mentions works against the Jews and on the articles of the Christian
   faith. Schott, p. 170, counts twenty-four works, genuine and ungenuine,
   which are ascribed to him. Among those pronounced ungenuine are the
   commentaries on Jeremiah and Isaiah which were much used by the
   Franciscans from the middle of the thirteenth century on. They call
   Rome, Babylon and show a bitter hostility to the pope, representations
   which are in conflict with Joachim's genuine writings. They also abound
   in detailed prophecies of events which actually occur-red. "If these
   books were genuine," says Döllinger, p. 369, "the exact fulfilment of
   the many predictions would present the most wonderful phenomenon in the
   history of prophecy."

   [749] principium, fructificatio, finis.

   [750] See Denifle, pp. 53 sqq.

   [751] spiritualis ecclesia, also called ecclesia contemplativa,
   Denifle, pp. 56 sqq.

   [752] Parvuli Christi or parvuli de latina ecclesia, a name for monks.

   [753] In some passages Joachim also speaks of two orders. See
   Döllinger, 376.

   [754] So Schott, p. 180, Die Fructification ist nichts anders als ein
   neuer Ausdruck für den Entwicklungsgedanken.

   [755] See Schott, 175.

   [756] Döllinger, 379; Schott, 178, etc.

   [757] The Fourth Lateran Council, Canon II.

   [758] He also quotes freely from Jerome, Ambrose, Gregory the Great,
   and other Fathers.

   [759] Introductorius in Evangelium aeternum.

   [760] Or the "Gospel of the Holy Spirit." See Denifle, p. 60.

   [761] The practical English monk, M. Paris, speaks of Joachim's
   doctrines as "new and absurd." III. p. 206.

   [762] Coulton's Reproduction, pp. 105, 163.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 68. The Mendicant Orders.

   For literature, see §§ 69, 72.

   A powerful impulse was imported into monasticism and the life of the
   mediaeval Church by the two great mendicant orders, [763] though not
   without a struggle. [764] which they rendered in the first years of
   their career are not more than counterbalanced by their evil activity
   in later periods when their convents became a synonym for idleness,
   insolence, and ignorance.

   The appearance of these two organizations was without question one of
   the most momentous events of the Middle Ages, [765] . At the time when
   the spirit of the Crusades was waning and heresies were threatening to
   sweep away the authority, if not the very existence of the hierarchy,
   Francis d'Assisi and Dominic de Guzman, an Italian and a Spaniard,
   united in reviving the religious energies and strengthening the
   religious organization of the Western Church. As is usually the case in
   human affairs, the personalities of these great leaders were more
   powerful than solemnly enacted codes of rules. They started monasticism
   on a new career. They embodied Christian philanthropy so that it had a
   novel aspect. They were the sociological reformers of their age. They
   supplied the universities and scholastic theology with some of their
   most brilliant lights. The prophecies of Joachim of Flore were regarded
   as fulfilled in Francis and Dominic, who were the two trumpets of Moses
   to arouse the world from its slumber, the two pillars appointed to
   support the Church. The two orders received papal recognition in the
   face of the recent decree of the Fourth Lateran against new monastic
   orders.

   Two temperaments could scarcely have differed more widely than the
   temperaments of Francis and Dominic. Dante has described Francis as an
   Ardor, inflaming the world with love; Dominic as a Brightness, filling
   it with light.


   The one was all seraphical in Ardor,

   The other by his wisdom upon earth

   A Splendor was of light cherubical. [766]

   Neither touched life on so many sides as did Bernard. They were not
   involved in the external policies of states. They were not called upon
   to heal papal schisms, nor were they brought into a position to
   influence the papal policy. But each excelled the monk of Clairvaux as
   the fathers of well-disciplined and permanent organizations.

   Francis is the most unpretentious, gentle, and lovable of all monastic
   saints. [767] the elements of a Christian apostle, Dominic of an
   ecclesiastical statesman. Francis we can only think of as mingling with
   the people and breathing the free air of the fields; Dominic we think
   of easily as lingering in courts and serving in the papal household.
   Francis' lifework was to save the souls of men; Dominic's lifework was
   to increase the power of the Church. The one sought to carry the
   ministries of the Gospel to the masses; the other to perpetuate the
   integrity of Catholic doctrine. Francis has been celebrated for the
   humbleness of his mind and walk; Dominic was called the hammer of the
   heretics.

   It is probable that on at least three occasions the two leaders met.
   [768] erhoods in one organization. Dominic asked Francis for his cord,
   and bound himself with it, saying he desired the two orders to be one.
   Again, 1218, they met at the Portiuncula, Francis' beloved church in
   Assisi, and on the basis of what he saw, Dominic decided to embrace
   mendicancy, which his order adopted in 1220. Again in 1221 they met at
   Rome, when Cardinal Ugolino sought to manipulate the orders in the
   interest of the hierarchy. This Francis resented, but in vain,

   It was the purpose neither of Francis nor Dominic to reform existing
   orders, or to revive the rigor of rules half-obeyed. It may be doubted
   whether Francis, at the outset, had any intention of founding an
   organization. His object was rather to start a movement to transform
   the world as with leaven. They both sought to revive Apostolic
   practice.

   The Franciscan and Dominican orders differed from the older orders in
   five important particulars.

   The first characteristic feature was absolute poverty. Mendicancy was a
   primal principle of their platforms. The rules of both orders, the
   Franciscans leading the way, forbade the possession of property. The
   corporation, as well as the individual monk, was pledged to poverty.
   The intention of Francis was to prohibit forever the holding of
   corporate property as well as individual property among his followers.
   [769]

   The practice of absolute poverty had been emphasized by preachers and
   sects in the century before Francis and Dominic began their careers,
   and sects, such as the Humiliati, the Poor Men of Lombardy, and the
   Poor Men of Lyons, were advocating it in their time. Robert d'Abrissel,
   d. 1117, had for his ideal to follow "the bare Christ on the cross,
   without any goods of his own." [770] r man," pauper Christi, and says
   that this "man, poor in spirit, followed unto death the Poor Lord."
   [771] reacher, Vitalis of Savigny, who lived about the same time, his
   biographer said that he decided to bear Christ's light yoke by walking
   in the steps of the Apostles. [772] o follow closely the example of the
   Apostles, and they regarded Christ as having taught and practised
   absolute poverty. Arnold of Brescia's mind worked in the same
   direction, as did also the heretical sects of Southern France and
   Northern Italy. The imitation of Christ lay near to their hearts, and
   it remained for Francis of Assisi to realize most fully this pious
   ideal of the thirteenth century. [773]

   The second feature was their devotion to practical activities in
   society. The monk had fled into solitude from the day when St. Anthony
   retired to the Thebaid desert. The Black and Gray Friars, as the
   Dominicans and Franciscans were called from the colors of their dress,
   threw themselves into the currents of the busy world. To lonely
   contemplation they joined itinerancy in the marts and on the
   thoroughfares. [774] ed. [775]

   A third characteristic of the orders was the lay brotherhoods which
   they developed, the third order, called Tertiaries, or the penitential
   brothers, fratres de poenitentia. [776] e. But the third order of the
   Franciscans and Dominicans were lay folk who, while continuing at their
   usual avocations, were bound by oath to practise the chief virtues of
   the Gospel. There was thus opened to laymen the opportunity of
   realizing some of that higher merit belonging theretofore only to the
   monastic profession. Religion was given back to common life.

   A fourth feature was their activity as teachers in the universities.
   They recognized that these new centres of education were centres of
   powerful influence, and they adapted themselves to the situation.
   Twenty years had scarcely elapsed before the Franciscans and Dominicans
   entered upon a career of great distinction at these universities.
   Francis, it is true, had set his face against learning, and said that
   demons had more knowledge of the stars than men could have. Knowledge
   puffeth up, but charity edifieth. To a novice he said, "If you have a
   psaltery, you will want a breviary; and if you have a breviary, you
   will sit on a high chair like a prelate, and say to your brother,
   'Bring me a breviary.' " To another he said, "The time of tribulation
   will come when books will be useless and be thrown away." [777] hing
   schools, and, in spite of vigorous opposition, both orders gained
   entrance to the University of Paris. The Dominicans led the way, and
   established themselves very early at the seats of the two great
   continental universities, Paris and Bologna. [778] r convent at Paris,
   St. Jacques, established in 1217, they turned into a theological
   school. Carrying letters of recommendation from Honorius III., they
   were at first well received by the authorities of the university. The
   Franciscans established their convent in Paris, 1230. Both orders
   received from the chancellor of Paris license to confer degrees, but
   their arrogance and refusal to submit to the university regulations
   soon brought on bitter opposition. The popes took their part, and
   Alexander IV. [779] manded the authorities to receive them to the
   faculty. Compliance with this bull was exceedingly distasteful, for the
   friars acknowledged the supreme authority of a foreign body. The
   populace of Paris and the students hooted them on the streets and
   pelted them with missiles. It seemed to Humbert, the general of the
   Dominicans, as if Satan, Leviathan, and Belial had broken loose and
   agreed to beset the friars round about and destroy, if possible, the
   fruitful olive which Dominic, of most glorious memory, had planted in
   the field of the Church. [780] [781]

   At Paris and Oxford, Cologne, and other universities, they furnished
   the greatest of the Schoolmen. Thomas Aquinas, Albertus Magnus,
   Durandus, were Dominicans; John of St. Giles, Alexander Hales, Adam
   Marsh, Bonaventura, Duns Scotus, Ockham, and Roger Bacon were of the
   order of St. Francis. Among other distinguished Franciscans of the
   Middle Ages were the exegete Nicolas of Lyra, the preachers Anthony of
   Padua, David of Augsburg, Bernardino of Siena, and Bertholdt of
   Regensburg (d. 1272); the missionaries, Rubruquis and John of Monte
   Corvino; the hymn-writers, Thomas of Celano and Jacopone da Todi. Among
   Dominicans were the mystics, Eckhart and Tauler, Las Casas, the
   missionary of Mexico, and Savonarola.

   The fifth notable feature was the immediate subjection of the two
   orders to the Apostolic see. The Franciscans and Dominicans were the
   first monastic bodies to vow allegiance directly to the pope. No
   bishop, abbot, or general chapter intervened between them and him. The
   two orders became his bodyguard and proved themselves to be the bulwark
   of the papacy. Such organized support the papacy had never had before.
   The legend represents Innocent III. as having seen in a vision the
   structure of the Lateran supported by two monks. [782] [783] d wherever
   they went, and they were omnipresent in Europe, they made it their
   business to propound the principle of the supremacy of the Holy See
   over princes and nations and were active in strengthening this
   supremacy. In the struggle of the empire with the papacy, they became
   the persistent enemies of Frederick II. who, as early as 1229, banished
   the Franciscans from Naples. When Gregory IX. excommunicated Frederick
   in 1239, he confided to the Franciscans the duty of publishing the
   decree amidst the ringing of bells on every Sunday and festival day.
   And when, in 1245, Innocent IV. issued his decree against Frederick,
   its announcement to the public ear was confided to the Dominicans.

   Favor followed favor from the Roman court. In 1222 Honorius III.
   granted, first to the Dominicans and then to the Franciscans, the
   notable privilege of conducting services in their churches in
   localities where the interdict was in force. [784] ing his followers
   not to seek favors from the pope, was set aside. In 1227 Gregory IX.
   granted his order the right of general burial in their churches [785]
   [786] mass in all their oratories and churches. [787] [788]

   Orthodoxy had no more zealous champions than the Franciscans and
   Dominicans. They excelled all other orders as promoters of religious
   persecution and hunters of heretics. In Southern France they wiped out
   the stain of heresy with the streams of blood which flowed from the
   victims of their crusading fanaticism. They were the leading
   instruments of the Inquisition. Torquemada was a Dominican, and so was
   Konrad of Marburg. As early as 1232 Gregory IX. confided the execution
   of the Inquisition to the Dominicans, but the order of Francis demanded
   and secured a share in the gruesome work. Under the lead of Duns Scotus
   the Franciscans became the unflagging champions of the doctrine of the
   immaculate conception of Mary which was pronounced a dogma in 1854, as
   later the Jesuits became the unflagging champions of the dogma of papal
   infallibility.

   The rapid growth of the two orders in number and influence was
   accompanied by bitter rivalry. The disputes between them were so
   violent that in 1255 their respective generals had to call upon their
   monks to avoid strife. The papal privileges were a bone of contention,
   one order being constantly suspicious lest the other should enjoy more
   favor at the hand of the pope than itself.

   Their abuse of power called forth papal briefs restricting their
   privileges. Innocent IV. in 1254, in what is known among the orders as
   the "terrible bull," [789] n except as the parochial priest gave his
   consent. Innocent, however, was no sooner in his grave than his
   successor, Alexander IV., announced himself as the friend of the
   orders, and the old privileges were renewed.

   The pretensions of the mendicant friars soon became unbearable to the
   church at large. They intruded themselves into every parish and
   incurred the bitter hostility of the secular clergy whose rights they
   usurped, exercising with free hand the privilege of hearing confessions
   and granting absolution. It was not praise that Chaucer intended when
   he said of the Franciscan in his Canterbury Tales,--He was an easy man
   to give penance.

   These monks also delayed a thorough reformation of the Church. They
   were at first reformers themselves and offered an offset to the Cathari
   and the Poor Men of Lyons by their Apostolic self-denial and popular
   sympathies. But they degenerated into obstinate obstructors of progress
   in theology and civilization. From being the advocates of learning,
   they became the props of popular ignorance. The virtue of poverty was
   made the cloak for vulgar idleness and mendicancy for insolence.

   These changes set in long before the century closed in which the two
   orders had their birth. Bishops opposed them. The secular clergy
   complained of them. The universities ridiculed and denounced them for
   their mock piety and vices. William of St. Amour took the lead in the
   opposition in Paris. His sharp pen compared the mendicants to the
   Pharisees and Scribes and declared that Christ and his Apostles did not
   go around begging. To work was more scriptural than to beg. [790] r
   intrusive insolence, but, as a rule, the popes were on their side.

   The time came in the early part of the fifteenth century when the great
   teacher Gerson, in a public sermon, enumerated as the four persecutors
   of the Church, tyrants, heretics, antichrist, and the Mendicants. [791]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [763] Ordines mendicantium..

   [764] The practice of mendicancy was subsequently adopted by the
   Carmelites, 1245, the Augustinian friars, 1256, and several other
   orders. In 1274 Gregory X. abolished all mendicant orders except the
   Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinian friars, and Carmelites.

   [765] Wilhelm Kothe: Kirchliche Zustände Strassburgs im 14ten
   Jahrhundert, Freib. im Br., 1903, says the mendicant monks were
   distrusted in Strassburg from the beginning and the Dominicans had to
   remain outside of the walls till 1250, and their attempt at that time
   to build a chapel stirred up a warm conflict.

   [766] Paradiso, canto XI. Longfellow's trans.

   [767] Harnack says: "If ever man practised what he preached, that man
   was Francis." Monachism, p. 68.

   [768] Karl Müller accepts the evidence which Sabatier gives. See
   Literatur-Zeitung, 1895, p. 181.

   [769] This does not mean that the Franciscans in their early period
   were idlers. They were expected to work. Sabatier, S. François, VIII.
   p. 138.

   [770] nudus nudum Christum in cruce sequi, Walter, Wanderprediger.

   [771] Pauperem dominum ad mortem pauper spiritu pauper sequebatur,
   Walter, II. 44.

   [772] Leve jugum Christi per apostolorum vestigia ferre decrevit,
   Walter, II. 83.

   [773] Walter, Wanderprediger Frankreichs, p. 168, has brought this out
   well.

   [774] Hergenröther says, "Chivalry reappeared in them in a new form. In
   happy unison were blended peace and battle, contemplation and active
   life, faith and love, prudent moderation and flaming enthusiasm."
   Kirchengeschichte, II. 369.

   [775] "Of one thing," says Trevelyan, "the friar was never accused. He
   is never taunted with living at home in his cloister and allowing souls
   to perish for want of food." England in the Age of Wycliffe, p. 144.

   [776] So called in the bull of Gregory IX., 1228; Potthast, I. p. 703.

   [777] See the quotations from the Speculum andVita secunda of Celano,
   in Seppelt, pp. 234 sqq. Also Sabatier, S. François, ch. XVI.

   [778] For the relations of the mendicant orders with the University of
   Paris, see Denifle, Chartularium Univ. Parisiensis, I.; Seppelt, Der
   Kampf der Bettelorden an der Univ. Paris in der Mitte des 13ten Jahrh.;
   Felder, Gesch. der wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franciskanerorden bis
   c. 1250.

   [779] Chartul., I. 285.

   [780] Chartul., I. 309-313, gives Humbert's long letter.

   [781] Chartul., I. 381. See chapter on Universities.

   [782] Villani, V. 25, says, "This vision was true, for it was evident
   the Church of God was falling through licentiousness and many errors,
   not fearing God."

   [783] Bishop Creighton, Hist. Lectures, p., 112, says, "The friars were
   far more destructive to ecclesiastical jurisdiction than any
   Nonconformist body could be, at the present day, to the influence of
   any sensible clergyman." He is speaking of the Anglican Church.

   [784] The bulls are dated March 7 and 29. See Potthast, I. 590. The
   same privilege was conceded to the Carmelites, April 9, 1229.

   [785] Potthast, I. 697, 721.

   [786] Potthast, I. 701, 706.

   [787] June 10, 1228, Potthast, I. 707.

   [788] See Potthast, Nos. 6508, 6542, 6654, etc.

   [789] Potthast, II. 1280. Innocent died a few weeks after issuing this
   bull and, as is said, in answer to the prayers of the mendicants. Hence
   came the saying, "from the prayers of the Preachers, good Lord, deliver
   us." A litanis praedicatorum libera nos, Domine.

   [790] In his treatise de periculis novissorum temporum, "The Perils of
   the Last Times," Basel, 1555, William has been held up as a precursor
   of Rabelais and Pascal on account of his keen satire. He was answered
   by Bonaventura and by Thomas Aquinas in hiscontra impugnantes
   religionem. Alexander IV. ordered William's treatise burnt, and in the
   bull, dated Oct. 5, 1256, declared it to be "most dangerous and
   detestable," valde perniciosum et detestabilem. See Potthast, II. 1357.
   When an edition of Williaim's treatise appeared at Paris, 1632, the
   Mendicants secured an order from Louis XIII. suppressing it. William
   was inhibited from preaching and teaching and retired to Franche-Comte,
   where he died. See Chartularium Univ. Parisiensis, I. Nos. 295, 296,
   314, 318, 321, 332, 339, 343, 315, etc.

   [791] Matthew Paris in his résumé of the chief events of 1200-1250 has
   this to say of the decay of the orders, "These Preachers and Minorites
   at first led the life of poverty and greatest sanctity and devoted
   themselves assiduously to preaching, confessions, divine duties in the
   church, reading and study, and abandoned many revenues, embracing
   voluntary poverty in the service of God and reserving nothing in the
   way of food for themselves for the morrow, but within a few years, they
   got themselves into excellent condition and constructed most costly
   houses, etc." Luard's ed., V. 194.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 69. Franciscan Literature.

   I. St. Francis: Works in Latin text, ed. by Wadding, Antwerp, 1623, by
   de la Haye, Paris, 1841, Col., 1849, Paris, 1880-Quaracchi,
   1904.--Bernardo da Fivizzano: Oposcoli di S. Fr. d'Assise, Florence,
   1880. Gives the Latin text and Ital. trans., the Rule of 1223, St.
   Francis' will, letters, etc.--French trans. by Ed. d'Alencon: Les
   Opuscules de S. François, Paris, 1905.--H. Böhmer: Analekten zur Gesch.
   des Franc. von Assisi, Francisci opuscula, regula poenitentium, etc.,
   mit einer Einleittung, Tübingen, 1904.--Writings of St. Francis of
   Assisi, trans. by Father Paschal Robinson, Phil., 1906.

   Lives.--1. Thomas of Celano: Vita prima, written 1228 at the command of
   Gregory IX., to justify the canonization of Francis, Rome, 1880.--2.
   Th. of Celano: Vita secunda, written about 1247 and revealing the
   struggles within the Franciscan order, ed. by Fivizzano, Rome, 1880.
   Both lives ed. by H. G. Rosedale: Thomas de Celano, St. F. d'Assisi
   with a crit. Introd. containing a description with every extant version
   in the original Latin, N. Y., 1904. Also Ed. d'Alençon: Th. a Celano,
   S. Franc. Assisiensis vita et miracula, etc., pp. lxxxvii, 481, Rome,
   1906.--Fr. of Assisi according to Th. of Celano. His descriptions of
   the Seraphic Father, 1229-1257, Introd. by H. G. Rosedale, Lond.,
   1904.--3. Legenda trium sociorum, the Legend of the Three Companions,
   Leo, Angelo, and Rufino, intimate associates of Francis. Written in
   1246 and first publ. in full by the Bollandists as an appendix to
   Celano's Lives, Louvaine, 1768, Rome, 1880. It has been preserved in a
   mutilated condition. The disputes within the order account for the
   expurgation of parts to suit the lax or papal wing.--4. Speculum
   perfectionis seu S. Francesci Assisiensis legenda antiquissima, auctore
   fratre Leone, nunc primum edidit, Paul Sabatier, Paris, 1898; also ed.
   by Ed. Lemmens, Quaracchi, 1901. Sabatier dates it 1227. Eng. trans. by
   Constance, Countess de la Warr, Lond., 1902. See note below.--5.
   Legenda major, or Aurea legenda major, by Bonaventura, in Peltier's
   ed., and Quaracchi, 1898, Engl. trans., Douai, 1610, and by Miss
   Lockhart with Pref. by Card. Manning, Lond., 3d ed., 1889. Written in
   obedience to the order of the Franciscan Chapter and approved by it at
   Pisa, 1263. Here the legendary element is greatly enlarged. Once
   treated as the chief authority, it is now relegated to a subordinate
   place, as it suppresses the distinctive element represented by Francis'
   will.--6. Liber conformitatum, by Bartholomew Albericus of Pisa, d.
   1401. Institutes forty comparisons between Francis and Christ. Luther
   called it der Barfussmönche Eulenspiegel und Alkoran, The owls'
   looking-glass and Koran of the Barefoot monks.--7. Actus B. Francesci
   et sociorum ejus, ed. Sabatier, Paris, 1902. A collection of sayings
   and acts of Francis, handed down from eye-witnesses and others,
   hitherto unpubl. and to be dated not later than 1328.--8. Legenda of
   Julian of Spires. About 1230.--9. Legenda of Bernard of Bess, publ. in
   the Analecta Franciscana III., Quaracchi, near Florence. A
   compilation.--10. Francisci beati sacrum commercium cum domina
   paupertate, with an Ital. trans. by Ed. d'Alençon, Rome, 1900. Engl.
   trans., The Lady Poverty, by Montgomery Carmichael, N. Y., 1902. Goes
   back, at least, to the 13th century, as Ubertino da Casale was
   acquainted with it.--11. The Fioretti, or Little Flowers of St.
   Francis, first publ., 1476, ed. Sabatier, Paris, 1902, pp. xvi., 250.
   Engl. trans. by Abby L. Alger, Boston, 1887, and Woodroffe, London,
   1905. Belongs to the 14th century. A collection of legends very popular
   in Italy. Sabatier says none of them are genuine, but that they
   perfectly reveal the soul of St. Francis,--12. Fratris Fr. Bartholi de
   Assisio Tractatus de indulgentia S. Mariae de Portiuncula, ed.
   Sabatier, Paris, 1900. Belongs to the 14th century. See Lit.-zeitung,
   1901, 110 sqq.--13. Regula antiqua fratrum et sororum de poenitentia
   seu tertii ordinis S. Francisci, nunc primum ed., Sabatier, Paris,
   1901. See S. Minocchi: La Leggenda antica. Nuova fonte biogr. di S.
   Francesco d'Assisi tratto da un codice Vaticana, Florence, 1905, pp.
   184. Unfavorably noticed by Lempp, in Lit.-zeitung, 1906, p. 509, who
   says that the contents of the MS. were for the most part drawn from the
   Speculum perfectionis.

   Modern Biographies.--By Chavin De Malan, Paris, 1841, 2d ed., 1845.--K.
   Hase, Leip. 1856, 2d ed., 1892. First crit. biog.--Mrs. Oliphant,
   Lond., 1870.--Magliano, 2 vols., Rome, 1874, Eng. trans., N. Y.,
   1887.--L. de Chérancé, Paris, 1892, Engl. trans., 1901.--Henry Thode,
   Berlin, 1885, 1904.--*Paul Sabatier, a Protestant pastor: Vie de S.
   François d'Assise, Paris, 1894. 33d ed., 1906. Crowned by the French
   Academy. Engl. trans. by L. S. Houghton, N. Y., 1894. I use the 27th
   ed.--W. J. Knox-Little, Lond., 1896.--P. Doreau, Paris, 1903, p.
   648.--A. Barine: S. Fr. d'Assisi et le légende des trois Compagnons,
   Paris, 1901.--J. Herkless: Francis and Dominic, N. Y., 1904.--H. v.
   Redern, Schwerin, 1905.--*G. Schnürer: Franz von Assisi. Die Vertiefung
   des religiösen Lebens im Abendlande zur Zeit der Kreuzzüge, Munich,
   1905.--Nino Tamassia: S. Francesco d'Assisi e la sua leggenda, Padua,
   1906, p. 216.--F. Van Ortroy: Julien de Spire, biographe de St.
   François, Brussels, 1890.--J. E. Weis: Julian von Speier, d. 1285,
   Munich, 1900.--Ed. Lempp: Frère Elie de Cortona, Paris, 1901.--H.
   Tilemann: Speculum perfectionis und Legenda trium sociorum, Ein Beitrag
   zur Quellenkritik der Gesch. des hl. Franz. von Assisi, Leip.
   1902.--Potthast: Bibl. Hist., II. 1319 sqq. gives a list of ninety
   biographies. For further Lit. see Zöckler in Herzog, VI. 197-222, and
   "Engl. Hist. Rev." 1903, 165 sqq., for a list and critical estimate of
   the lit., W. Goetz: Die Quellen zur Gesch. des hl. Franz von Assisi,
   Gotha, 1904. First published in Brieger's Zeitschrift and reviewed in
   Lit.-zeitung, 1905, pp. 8-10.

   II. The Franciscans: Earliest Chronicles.--Jordanus Da Giano: de
   primitivorum fratrum in Teutoniam missorum conversatione et vita
   memorabilia, for the years 1207-1238, in Analecta Franciscana, pp.
   1-19.--Thomas of Eccleston, a Franciscan: de adventu Minorum in
   Angliam, 1224-1250 in the Analecta Franciscana and best in Monumenta
   Franciscana, ed. by J. S. Brewer, with valuable Preface, London, 1858,
   Engl. trans. by Cuthbert, London, 1903. The volume also contains the
   Letters of Adam de Marisco, etc.; vol. II., ed. by Richard Howlett,
   with Preface, contains fragments of Eccleston and other English
   documents bearing on the Franciscans.--Analecta Franciscana sive
   chronica aliaque documenta ad historiam Minorum spectantia, Quaracchi,
   1885.--Bullarium Franciscanum sive Romanorum pontificum constitutiones,
   epistolae, diplomata, etc., vols. I.-IV., Rome, 1759, ed. by J. H.
   Sbaraglea and Rossi, vols. V., VII., Rome, 1898-1904, ed. by Conrad
   Eubel; the collection extends to 1378.--Seraphicae legationis textus
   originales, Quaracchi, 1897, containing the Rule of 1223 and other
   documents. Luke Wadding: Annales Minorum, 7 vols., Lyons, 1625-1648,
   the most valuable history of the order.--Denifle and Ehrle give
   valuable materials and criticisms in Archiv für Lit. und
   Kirchengeschichte d. Mittelalters, vol. I. 145 sqq.; 509-569, III. 553
   sqq.; VI. 1I sqq., Berlin, 1885-1891.--Karl Müller: Die Anfänge des
   Minoriten-ordens und der Bussbruderschaften, Freib., 1885.--A. G.
   Little: The Grey-friars in Oxford, Oxford, 1891.--Eubel: Die
   avignonesische Obedienz der Mendikanten-Orden, etc., zur Zeit des
   grossen Schismas beleuchtet durch die von Clement VII. und Benedict
   XIII. an dieselben gerichteten Schreiben, Paderborn, 1900.--Pierre
   Madonnet: Les origines de l'ordre de poenitentia, Freib., 1898; also
   Les règles et le gouvernement de l'ordre de poenitentia am XIIIe siècle
   (1212-1234), Paris, 1902.--F. X. Seppelt: Der Kampf der Bettelorden an
   der Universität Paris in der Mitte des 13ten Jahrh. Heiligenstadt,
   1892.--F. Glaser: Die franziskanische Bewegung. Ein Beitrag zur Gesch.
   sozialer Reformideen im Mittelalter, Stuttg., 1903.--H. Felder: Gesch.
   der wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franziskanerorden bis c. 1250,
   Freib., 1904, pp. 557. Ricard St. Clara: St. Claire d'Assise, Paris,
   1895.--E. Wauer: Entstehung und Ausbreitung des Klarissenordens
   besonders in deutschen Minoritenprovinzen, Leip., 1906.--E. Knoth:
   Ubertino da Casale, Marburg, 19 Bibliothek zu Breslau befindlichen
   handschrift-lichen Aufzeichnungen von Reden und Tractaten Capistrans,
   etc., 2 Parts, Breslau, 1903-1905.--L. de Chérancé: St. Antoine de
   Padoue, Paris, 1906.--Helyot: Relig. Orders, VII. 1-421.--Lea. Hist. of
   the Inquisition, I. 242-304.--M. Creighton: The Coming of the Friars,
   in Lectures and Addresses, pp. 69-84.--A. Jessopp: The Coming of the
   Friars.--Stevenson: Life of Grosseteste, London, 1899, pp.
   59-87.--Hauck, IV. 366-483.

   Note on the recent literature on St. Francis. A phenomenal impulse was
   given to the study of the life of St. Francis by the publication of
   Sabatier's biography in 1804. This biography, Karl Müller placed "at
   the summit of modern historical workmanship.," Lit.-zeitung, 1895, pp.
   179-186. It showed a mastery of the literature before unknown and a
   profound sympathy with the spirit of the Italian saint. It has
   revolutionized the opinion of Protestants in regard to him, and has
   given to the world a correct picture of the real Francis. Strange that
   a Protestant pastor should have proved himself the leading modern
   student of Francis and one of his most devoted admirers! Sabatier has
   followed up his first work with tireless investigations into the early
   literature and history of St. Francis and the Franciscans, giving up
   his pastorate, making tour after tour to Italy, and spending much time
   in Assisi, where he is held in high esteem, and is pointed out as one
   of the chief sights of the place. He has been fortunate in his
   discoveries of documents and, as an editor, he has created a new
   Franciscan literature. His enthusiasm and labors have stimulated a
   number of scholars in Germany, Italy, and Switzerland to make a
   specialty of the early Franciscan literature such as Minocchi,
   Madonnet, Müller, Lempp, and Schnürer. His Life of St. Francis has been
   put on the Index because it is said to misrepresent Catholic customs.

   While Sabatier's presentation of Francis' career and character may be
   said to have gained general acceptance, except among Franciscans, there
   is a large difference of opinion in regard to the dates of the early
   documents and their original contents. This literary aspect of the
   subject has become greatly complicated by the publication of
   manuscripts which differ widely from one another and the divergent
   criticisms of scholars. This confusion has been likened by Müller,
   Lit.-zeitung, 1902, p. 593, and Lempp, Lit. zeitung, 1906, p. 509, to a
   thicket through which it is almost impossible to see a path. The
   confusion grows out of the determined policy of Gregory IX. and the
   conventual wing of the early Franciscans to destroy all materials which
   show that Francis was opposed to a strict discipline within the order
   and insisted upon the rule of absolute poverty. The Franciscan chapter
   of 1264 ordered all biographies of Francis, written up to that time,
   destroyed, except the biography by Bonaventura. St. Francis' insistence
   upon the rule of absolute poverty, the original Rule, and his will,
   were to be utterly effaced. The new study, introduced by the clear eye
   of Sabatier, has gone back of this date, 1264, and rescued the portrait
   of the real Francis.

   The attention of scholars is chiefly concentrated on the Speculum
   perfectionis published by Sabatier, 1898, and the original Rule of the
   Franciscan Tertiaries. The Speculum perfectionis is a life of Francis
   and, according to Sabatier (Introd. li.), is the first biography,
   dating back to 1227. The discovery of the document is one of the most
   interesting and remarkable of recent historical discoveries. The way it
   came to be found was this:--

   Materials for the Life of Francis are contained in a volume entitled
   Speculum vitae St. Francisci et sociorum ejus, published first at
   Venice, 1504, and next at Paris, 1509. In studying the Paris edition of
   1509, Sabatier discovered 118 chapters ascribed to no author and
   differing in spirit and style from the other parts. He used the
   document in the construction of his biography and was inclined to
   ascribe it to the three companions of Francis,--Leo, Angelo, and
   Rufino. See Vie de S. François, pp. lxxii. sq. At a later time he found
   that in several MSS. these chapters were marked as a distinct document.
   In the MS. in the Mazarin library he found 124 distinctive chapters. In
   these are included the 16 of the Paris edition of 1509. These chapters
   Sabatier regards as a distinct volume, the Speculum perfectionis,
   written by Leo, the primary composition bearing on Francis' career and
   teachings. The date for its composition is derived from the Mazarin MS.
   which gives the date as MCCXXVIII. This date Sabatier finds confirmed
   by indications in the document itself, p. xxii. etc.

   This sympathetic, lucid, and frank narrative puts Francis in a new
   light, as a martyr to the ambitious designs of Gregory IX. who set
   aside the rule of absolute poverty which was most dear to Francis'
   heart and placed over him a representative of his own papal views. Leo,
   so Sabatier contends (Introd. p. li.), wrote his work immediately after
   the announcement by Elias of Cortona of the intention to erect an
   imposing cathedral over the "Little Poor Man." Leo was unable to
   suppress his indignation and so uttered his protest against the violent
   manipulation of Francis' plan and memory.

   Serious objection has been raised to Sabatier's date of the Speculum
   perfectionis. In agreement with Minocchi,--Tilemann, Goetz, and others
   have adopted the date given in the Ognissanti (a convent in Florence)
   MS. namely MCCCXVII, and by a careful study of the other lives of
   Francis conclude that the Speculum is a compilation. Some of its
   contents, however, they agree, antedate Thomas a Celano's Vita secunda
   or second Life of Francis or are still older. Müller, Lit.-zeitung,
   1899, 49-52, 1902, p. 598, and Lempp, while not accepting the early
   date of 1227, place the document in the first half of the 13th century
   and regard it as an authority of the first rank, eine Quelle ersten
   Ranges. It shows a deep penetration into the real mind and soul of
   Francis, says Lempp, Lit.-zeitung, 1905, pp. 9 sq. Tilemann also
   ascribes to the document the highest value. For the numerous articles
   in Reviews, by Minocchi, van Ortroy, etc., see Tilemann, Speculum
   perfectionis, p. 4.

   If Sabatier has given us the real Francis of history, as there is
   reason to believe he has, then the spectacle of Francis' loss of
   authority by the skilled hand of Cardinal Ugolino, Gregory IX., is one
   of the most pathetic spectacles in history and Francis stands out as
   one of the most unselfish and pure-minded men of the Christian
   centuries.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 70. St. Francis d'Assisi.


   "Not long the period from his glorious birth,

   When, with extraordinary virtue blest,

   This wondrous sun began to comfort earth,

   Bearing, while yet a child, his father's ire,

   For sake of her whom all as death detest,

   And banish from the gate of their desire,

   Before the court of heaven, before

   His father, too, he took her for his own;

   From day to day, then loved her more and more,

   Twelve hundred years had she remained, deprived

   Of her first spouse, deserted and unknown,

   And unsolicited till he arrived.


   But lest my language be not clearly seen,

   Know, that in speaking of these lovers twain,

   Francis and Poverty henceforth, I mean."

   --Dante, Paradiso XI., Wright's trans.

   High up in the list of hagiography stands the name of Francis of
   Assisi, the founder of the order of the Franciscans. Of all the Italian
   saints, he is the most popular in Italy and beyond it. [792]

   Francesco,--Francis,--Bernardone, 1182-1226, was born and died in
   Assisi. His baptismal name was Giovanni, John, and the name Francis
   seems to have been given him by his father, Pietro Bernardone, a rich
   dealer in textile fabrics, with reference to France, to which he made
   business journeys. Francis studied Latin and was imperfectly acquainted
   with the art of writing. He had money to spend, and spent it in
   gayeties. In a war between Assisi and Perugia he joined the ranks, and
   was taken prisoner. When released, he was twenty-two. During an illness
   which ensued, his religious nature began to be stirred. He arose from
   his bed disgusted with himself and unsatisfied with the world. Again he
   enlisted, and, starting to join Walter of Brienne in Southern Italy, he
   proceeded as far as Spoleto. But he was destined for another than a
   soldier's career. Turning back, and moved by serious convictions, he
   retired to a grotto near Assisi for seclusion. He made a pilgrimage to
   Rome, whether to do penance or not, is not known. His sympathies began
   to go out to the poor. He met a leper and shrank back in horror at
   first, but, turning about, kissed the leper's hand, and left in it all
   the money he had. He frequented the chapels in the suburbs of his
   native city, but lingered most at St. Damian, an humble chapel, rudely
   furnished, and served by a single priest. This became to his soul a
   Bethel. At the rude altar he seemed to hear the voice of Christ. In his
   zeal he took goods from his father and gave them to the priest. So far
   as we know, Francis never felt called upon to repent of this act. Here
   we have an instance of a different moral standard from our own. How
   different, for example, was the feeling of Dr. Samuel Johnson, when,
   for an act of disobedience to his father, he stood, as a full-grown
   man, a penitent in the rain in the open square of Litchfield, his head
   uncovered!

   The change which had overcome the gay votary of pleasure brought upon
   Francis the ridicule of the city and his father's relentless
   indignation. He was cast out of his father's house. Without any of
   those expressions of regret which we would expect from a son under
   similar circumstances, he renounced his filial obligation in public in
   these words: "Up to this time I have called Pietro Bernardone father,
   but now I desire to serve God and to say nothing else than 'Our Father
   which art in heaven.' " Henceforth Francis was devoted to the religious
   life. He dressed scantily, took up his abode among the lepers, washing
   their sores, and restored St. Damian, begging the stones on the squares
   and streets of the city. This was in 1208.

   Francis now received from the Benedictine abbot of Mt. Subasio the gift
   of the little chapel, Santa Maria degli Angeli. [793] [794] ter years
   he secured from Honorius III. the remarkable concession of plenary
   indulgence for every one visiting the chapel between vespers of Aug. 1
   to vespers of Aug. 2 each year. This made the Portiuncula a shrine of
   the first rank.

   In 1209 Francis heard the words, "Preach, the kingdom of heaven is at
   hand, heal the sick, cleanse the lepers, cast out devils. Provide
   neither silver nor gold, nor brass in your purses." Throwing away his
   staff, purse, and, shoes, he made these Apostolic injunctions the rule
   of his life. He preached repentance and gathered about him Bernardo di
   Quintavallo, Egidio, and other companions. The three passages
   commanding poverty and taking up the cross, Matt. xvi:24-26; xix:21;
   Luke ix:1-6, were made their Rule. [795] ould not earn their bread,
   went barefoot [796]

   They were to preach, but especially were they to exemplify the precepts
   of the Gospel in their lives. Living was the most important concern,
   more important than sermons and than learning. Learning, Francis
   feared, would destroy humility. To a woman who came to him for alms he
   gave a copy of the New Testament, which they read at matins, the only
   book in the convent at the time. The convent did not even possess a
   breviary. [797] had the double sense of a man without education and a
   man with little more than a primary education. It was also used of
   laymen in contrast to clerics. Francis' education was confined to
   elemental studies, and his biographers are persistent in emphasizing
   that he was taught directly of God. [798] [799]

   In 1210 Francis and some of his companions went to Rome, and were
   received by Innocent III. [800] s that the pope, in order to test his
   sincerity, said, "Go, brother, go to the pigs, to whom you are more fit
   to be compared than to men, and roll with them, and to them preach the
   rules you have so ably set forth." Francis obeyed, and returning said,
   "My Lord, I have done so." [801]

   The brotherhood increased rapidly. The members were expected to work.
   In his will Francis urged the brethren to work at some trade as he had
   done. He compared an idle monk to a drone. [802] to sell the very
   ornaments of the altar rather than refuse an appeal for aid. He felt
   ashamed when he saw any one poorer than himself. [803] e called Poverty
   his bride, mother, sister, and remained devoted to her with the
   devotion of a knight. [804] , seated "on the throne of her neediness,"
   received them and Francis praised her as the inseparable companion of
   the Lord, and "the mistress and queen of the virtues." Poverty replied
   that she had been with Adam in paradise, but had become a homeless
   wanderer after the fall until the Lord came and made her over to his
   elect. By her agency the number of believers was greatly increased, but
   after a while her sister Lady Persecution withdrew from her. Believers
   lost their fortitude. Then monks came and joined her, but her enemy
   Avarice, under the name of Discretion, made the monks rich. Finally
   monasticism yielded completely to worldliness, and Poverty removed
   wholly from it. Francis now joined himself to Poverty, who gave him and
   his companions the kiss of peace and descended the mountain with them.
   A new era was begun. Henceforth the pillow of the friends was a stone,
   their diet bread and water, and their convent the world. [805]

   In 1212 Clara of Sciffi entered into the horizon of Francis' life. She
   was twelve years his junior and sixteen when she first heard him preach
   at the Cathedral of Assisi. The sermon entered her soul. With Francis'
   aid she escaped from her father's house, and was admitted to vows by
   him. [806] A younger sister, Agnes, followed Clara. The Chapel of St.
   Damian was set apart for them, and there the order of Clarisses was
   inaugurated. Clara outlived Francis, and in 1253 expired in the
   presence of brothers Leo, Angelo, and Ginefro.

   In 1217 Francis was presented to Honorius III. and the curia. At the
   advice of Cardinal Ugolino, later Gregory IX., he prepared himself and
   memorized the sermon. Arrived in the pontiff's presence, he forgot what
   he had prepared and delivered an impromptu discourse, which won the
   assembly.

   Francis made evangelistic tours through Italy which were extended to
   Egypt and Syria 1219. Returning from the East the little Poor Man, il
   poverello, found a new element had been introduced into the brotherhood
   through the influence of the stern disciplinarian Ugolino. This violent
   change made the rest of the years a time of bitter, though scarcely
   expressed, sorrow for him. Passing through Bologna in 1220, he was
   pained to the depths at seeing a house being erected for the brothers.
   Cardinal Ugolino had determined to manipulate the society in the
   interest of the curia. He had offered Francis his help, and Francis had
   accepted the offer. Under the cardinal's influence, a new code was
   adopted in 1221, and still a third in 1223 in which Francis'
   distinctive wishes were set aside. The original Rule of poverty was
   modified, the old ideas of monastic discipline introduced, and a new
   element of absolute submission to the pope added. The mind of Francis
   was too simple and unsophisticated for the shrewd rulers of the church.
   The policy of the ecclesiastic henceforth had control of the order.
   [807] This was the condition of affairs Francis found on his return
   from Syria. He accepted it and said to his brethren, "From henceforth I
   am dead for you. Here is brother Peter di Catana whom you and I will
   obey," and prostrating himself, he promised the man who had superseded
   him obedience and submission. [808]

   This forced self-subordination of Francis offers one of the most
   touching spectacles of mediaeval biography. Francis had withheld
   himself from papal privileges. He had favored freedom of movement. The
   skilled hand of Ugolino substituted strict monastic obedience.
   Organization was to take the place of spontaneous devotion. Ugolino
   was, no doubt, Francis' real as well as professed friend. He laid the
   foundation of the cathedral in Assisi to his honor, and canonized him
   two years after his death. But Francis' spirit he did not appreciate.
   Francis was henceforth helpless to carry out his original ideas, [809]

   These ideas are reaffirmed in Francis' famous will. This document is
   one of the most affecting pieces in Christian literature. Here Francis
   calls himself "little brother," frater parvulus. All he had to leave
   the brothers was his benediction, the memory of the early days of the
   brotherhood, and counsels to abide by the first Rule. This Rule he had
   received from no human teacher. The Almighty God himself had revealed
   it unto him, that he ought to live according to the mode of the Holy
   Gospel. He reminded them how the first members loved to live in poor
   and abandoned churches. He bade them not accept churches or houses,
   except as it might be in accordance with the rule of holy poverty they
   had professed. He forbade their receiving bulls from the papal court,
   even for their personal protection. At the same time, he pledged his
   obedience to the minister-general and expressed his purpose to go
   nowhere and do nothing against his will "for he is my lord." Through
   the whole of the document there runs a chord of anguish. [810]

   Francis' heart was broken. Never strong, his last years were full of
   infirmities. Change of locality brought only temporary relief. The
   remedial measures of the physician, such as the age knew, were
   employed. An iron, heated to white heat, was applied to Francis'
   forehead. Francis shrank at first, but submitted to the treatment,
   saying, "Brother Fire, you are beautiful above all creatures, be
   favorable to me in this hour." He jocosely called his body, Brother
   Ass. [811] all bounds. They fought for fragments of his clothing, hairs
   from his head, and even the parings of his nails.

   Two years before his death Francis composed the Canticle to the Sun,
   which Renan has called the most perfect expression of modern religious
   feeling. [812] in the records of his age, and puts him into
   companionship with that large modern company who see poems in the
   clouds and hear symphonies in flowers. He loved the trees, the stones,
   birds, and the plants of the field. Above all things he loved the sun,
   created to illuminate our eyes by day, and the fire which gives us
   light in the night time, for "God has illuminated our eyes by these
   two, our brothers."

   Francis had a message for the brute creation and preached to the birds.
   "Brother birds," he said on one occasion, "you ought to love and praise
   your Creator very much. He has given you feathers for clothing, wings
   for flying, and all things that can be of use to you. You have neither
   to sow, nor to reap, and yet He takes care of you." And the birds
   curved their necks and looked at him as if to thank him. He would have
   had the emperor make a special law against killing or doing any injury
   to, our sisters, the birds." [813] [814] ple the taming of the fierce
   wolf of Gubbio. He was the terror of the neighborhood. He ran at
   Francis with open mouth, but laid himself down at Francis' feet like a
   lamb at his words, "Brother Wolf, in the name of Jesus Christ, I
   command you to do no evil to me or to any man." Francis promised him
   forgiveness for all past offences on condition of his never doing harm
   again to human being. The beast assented to the compact by lowering his
   head and kneeling before him. He became the pet of Gubbio.

   The last week of his life, the saint had repeated to him again and
   again the 142d Psalm, beginning with the words, "I cry with my voice
   unto Jehovah," and also his Canticle to the Sun. He called in brothers
   Angelo and Leo to sing to him about sister Death. [815] f Cortona, who
   had aided the Roman curia in setting aside Francis' original Rule,
   remonstrated on the plea that the people would regard such hilarity in
   the hour of death as inconsistent with saintship. But Francis replied
   that he had been thinking of death for two years, and now he was so
   united with the Lord, that he might well be joyful in Him. [816] [817]
   ed so that once more his face might be towards Assisi. He could no
   longer see, but he could pray, and so he made a supplication to heaven
   for the city. [818] Oct. 3, 1226, to use Brother Leo's words, he
   "migrated to the Lord Jesus Christ whom he had loved with his whole
   heart, and followed most perfectly."

   Before the coffin was closed, great honors began to be heaped upon the
   saintly man. The citizens of Assisi took possession of the body, and
   Francis' name has become the chief attraction of the picturesque and
   somnolent old town. He was canonized two years later. [819] the pontiff
   laid the corner stone of the new cathedral to Francis' memory. It was
   dedicated by Innocent IV. in 1243, and Francis' body was laid under the
   main altar. [820] ern sculptor, Dupré, in front, represents the great
   mendicant in the garb of his order with arms crossed over his chest,
   and his head bowed. Francis was scarcely dead when Elias of Cortona
   made the astounding announcement of the stigmata. These were the marks
   which Francis is reported to have borne on his body, corresponding to
   the five wounds on Christ's crucified body. In Francis' case they were
   fleshy, but not bloody excrescences. The account is as follows. During
   a period of fasting and the most absorbed devotion, Christ appeared to
   Francis on the morning of the festival of the Holy Cross, in the rising
   sun in the form of a seraph with outstretched wings, nailed to the
   cross. The vision gone, Francis felt pains in his hands and side. He
   had received the stigmata. This occurred in 1224 on the Verna, [821]

   The historical evidence for the reality of these marks is as follows.
   It was the day after Francis' death that Elias of Cortona, as vicar of
   the order, sent letters in all directions to the Franciscans,
   announcing the fact that he had seen the stigmata on Francis' body. His
   letter contained these words: "Never has the world seen such a sign
   except on the Son of God. For a long time before his death, our brother
   had in his body five wounds which were truly the stigmata of Christ,
   for his hands and feet have marks as of nails, without and within, a
   kind of scars, while from his side, as if pierced by a lance, a little
   blood oozed." The Speculum Perfectionis, perhaps the first biography of
   Francis, refers to them incidentally, but distinctly, in the course of
   a description of the severe temptations by which Francis was beset.
   [822] declares that a few saw them while Francis was still alive.
   Gregory IX. in 1237 called upon the whole Church to accept them, and
   condemned the Dominicans for calling their reality in question. [823] e
   marks.

   On the other hand, a very strong argument against their genuineness is
   the omission of all reference to them by Gregory IX. in his bull
   canonizing Francis, 1228. Francis' claim to saintship, we would think,
   could have had no better authentication, and the omission is
   inexplicable. [824]

   Three explanations have been given of the stigmata on the supposition
   that Francis' body really bore the scars. 1. They were due to
   supernatural miracle. This is the Catholic view. In 1304 Benedict XI.
   established a festival of the stigmata. 2. They were the product of a
   highly wrought mental state proceeding from the contemplation of Christ
   on the cross. This is the view of Sabatier. [825] who from a desire to
   feel all the pains Christ felt, picked the marks with his own fingers.
   [826] them. On the other hand, the historical attestation is such that
   an effort is required to deny them. So far as we know, Francis never
   used the stigmata to attest his mission. [827]

   The study of the career of Francis d'Assisi, as told by his
   contemporaries, and as his spirit is revealed in his own last
   testament, makes the impression of purity of purpose and humility of
   spirit,--of genuine saintliness. He sought not positions of honor nor a
   place with the great. With simple mind, he sought to serve his
   fellow-men by republishing the precepts of the Gospel, and living them
   out in his own example. He sought once more to give the Gospel to the
   common people, and the common people heard him gladly. He may not have
   possessed great strength of intellect. He lacked the gifts of the
   ecclesiastical diplomat, but he certainly possessed glowing fervor of
   heart and a magnetic personality, due to consuming love for men. He was
   not a theological thinker, but he was a man of practical religious
   sympathies to which his deeds corresponded. He spoke and acted as one
   who feels full confidence in his divinely appointed mission. [828]

   Few men of history have made so profound an impression as did Francis.
   His personality shed light far and near in his own time. But his
   mission extends to all the centuries. He was not a foreigner in his own
   age by any protest in matters of ritual or dogma, but he is at home in
   all ages by reason of his Apostolic simplicity and his artless
   gentleness. Our admiration for him turns not to devotion as for a
   perfect model of the ideal life. Francis' piety, after all, has a
   mediaeval glow. But, so far as we can know, he stands well among those
   of all time who have discerned the meaning of Christ's words and
   breathed His spirit. So Harnack can call him the "wonderful saint of
   Assisi," and Sabatier utter the lofty praise, that it was given to him
   to divine the superiority of the spiritual priesthood." [829]

   The Canticle of The Sun


   O most high, almighty, good Lord God, to Thee belong praise, glory,
   honor, and all blessing!

   Praised be my Lord God with all His creatures, and specially our
   brother the sun, who brings us the day and who brings us the light;
   fair is he and shines with a very great splendor: O Lord he signifies
   to us Thee!

   Praised be my Lord for our sister the moon, and for the stars, the
   which He has set clear and lovely in heaven.

   Praised be my Lord for our brother the wind and for air and cloud,
   calms and all weather by the which Thou upholdest life in all
   creatures.

   Praised be my Lord for our sister water, who is very serviceable unto
   us and humble and precious and clean.

   Praised be my Lord for our brother fire, through whom Thou givest us
   light in the darkness; and he is bright and pleasant and very mighty
   and strong.

   Praised be my Lord for our mother the earth, the which doth sustain us
   and keep us, and bringeth forth divers fruits and flowers of many
   colors, and grass.

   Praised be my Lord for all those who pardon one another for His love's
   sake, and who endure weakness and tribulation; blessed are they who
   peaceably shall endure, for Thou, O most Highest, shalt give them a
   crown.

   Praised be my Lord for our sister, the death of the body, from which no
   man escapeth. Woe to him who dieth in mortal sin! Blessed are they who
   are found walking by the most holy will, for the second death shall
   have no power to do them harm.

   Praise ye and bless the Lord, and give thanks unto Him and serve Him
   with great humility. [830]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [792] The former unfavorable view of most Protestant historians
   concerning Francis is no longer held. Hallam, Middle Ages, II. 197,
   called him "a harmless enthusiast, pious and sincere, but hardly of
   sane mind." Lea, representing the present tendency, goes far, when he
   says. "No human creature since Christ has more fully incarnated the
   ideal of Christianity than Francis." Hist. of Inquis., I. 260. Harnack
   says, "If ever a man practised what he preached, it was St. Francis."
   An anonymous writer, reviewing some of the Franciscan literature in the
   Independent, 1901, p. 2044, seriously pronounced the judgment that
   "Since the Apostles, Francis received into his being the love of Christ
   toward men and the lower creatures more fully than any other man, and
   his appearance has been an epoch of spiritual history only less
   significant than that of the original Good Tidings." More judicious is
   Sabatier's verdict, Vie de S. Franc., p. viii., "that Francis is
   pre-eminently the saint of the Middle Ages. Owing nothing to the
   Church, he was truly theodidact."

   [793] The Speculum perfectionis, pp. 94 sqq., leaves no room for
   doubting the gift of the church to Francis. The gift was made on
   condition that the chapel should always remain the centre of the
   brotherhood.

   [794] That is, in the cell a few yards from Portiuncula. Both
   Portiuncula and the cell, which has been turned into a chapel, are now
   under the roof of the basilica.

   [795] Sabatier limits the Rule to these passages of Scripture. Thomas
   of Celano, Vita sec., II. 10, says that Francis "used chiefly the words
   of the Holy Gospel" but says further that "he added a few other things
   which were necessary for a holy life pauca tamen inseruit alia."

   [796] In case of necessity the wearing of sandals was permitted.
   Speculum, p. 8.

   [797] Speculum, 38; 2 Cel. 3, 35. The woman was expected to sell the
   book.

   [798] On the meaning of idiota, see Felder, p. 61, and Böhmer, p. xi.
   Felder, pp. 59 sqq., makes an effort to parry the charges that Francis
   lacked education and disparaged education for his order. Celano calls
   him vir idiota and says nullis fuit scientiae studiis innutritus. He
   also speaks of him as singing in French as he walked through a forest.
   See the notes in Felder.

   [799] See Böhmer, pp. xiii. sq., 69 sq.

   [800] Giotto has made the meeting with Innocent seated on his throne
   the subject of one of his frescoes. A splendid contrast indeed, the
   sovereign of kings and potentates and yet the successor of Peter,
   recognizing the humble devotee, whose fame was destined to equal his
   own! The date usually given is 1209. Sabatier gives reasons for the
   change to 1210. St. François, p. 100.

   [801] M. Paris, Luard's ed., III. 132. Sabatier remarks that the
   incident has a real Franciscan color and is to be regarded as having
   some historic basis.

   [802] Spectulum, p. 49. See also Cel. 10; 2 Cel. 97. Sabatier insists
   that Francis had "no intention of creating a mendicant order, but a
   working order." S. François, p.138. Denifle also called attention to
   this feature, Archiv, 1885, p. 482.

   [803] Speculum, xvii.

   [804] Celano in his first Life speaks of the sacred intercourse between
   Francis and holy Poverty, commercium cum sancta paupertate. The work
   entitled Sacrum commercium, etc., relates in full the story accounting
   for Francis' espousal of Poverty.

   [805] Jacopone da Todi took up the idea and represented Poverty going
   through the earth and knocking at the door of convent after convent,
   and being turned away. Hase, with reference to Francis' apotheosis of
   Poverty, says, that Diogenes was called a mad Socrates, and so Francis
   was a mad Christ, ein verrückter Christus. KirchenGesch. II. 382. In
   its opening chapter the Commercium explains the beatitude, "Blessed are
   the poor in spirit," to refer to the renunciation of worldly goods, and
   puts into the hands of Poverty the keys of the kingdom of heaven.

   [806] Francis was a deacon and never a priest. According to Thomas à
   Celano, Francis was austere in his relations to women, and knew only
   two women by sight. Sabatier, pp. 169 sq., pronounces this portraiture
   false and speaks of "the love of St. Francis and St. Clara." Here, as
   in other places, the biographer allows himself the license of the
   idealist. Francis' last message to Clara is given in the Speculum
   Perfectionis, pp. 180 sqq. The Franciscan Rule of 1223 forbids,
   suspicious conferences with women, "but allows the friars to enter
   monastaries of nuns by permission of the Holy See. See Robinson, p. 73.

   [807] According to the Speculum, pp. 1-4, 76, Francis made three Rules.
   Sabatier defines them as the Rule of 1210, confirmed by Innocent III.,
   the Rule of 1221, confirmed by Honorius III., which in part
   misrepresented Francis' views. The Rule of 1223 went further in this
   direction and completely overthrew Francis' original intention. The
   first clause of the Rule of 1228 runs, "Brother Francis promises
   obedience and reverence to the lord pope, Honorius, and his
   successors." This rule is still in force in the first Franciscan order.
   Madonnet substantially agrees with Sabatier as does Karl Müller. Father
   Robinson, himself a Franciscan friar, pp. 25-31, 182, following the
   Quaracchi editors, who are Franciscans also, denies the genuineness of
   the Rule of 1221, and holds that there were only two Rules, and that
   there is no conflict between them. This conclusion is in the face of
   Francis' will and the plain statement of Leo's Legenda which, however,
   Robinson pays little attention to.

   [808] See Sabatier, S. François, p. 23. Peter of Catana died March 10,
   1221, a year after his elevation.

   [809] Almost everything done in the order after 1221 was done either
   "without Francis' knowledge or against his, will and mind," are the
   words of Sabatier. S. François, p. 316.

   [810] For the Latin text of this remarkable writing see Speculum,
   309-313. Sabatier gives a French trans., in his S. Francois, 389 sqq.

   [811] This designation was not original with Francis. In the fourth
   century Hilarion called his body the ass which ought to have chaff and
   not barley. Schaff, Ch. Hist. III., 190.

   [812] Nouvelles Etudes d'hist. rel., 2d ed., Paris, 1844, pp. 333-35l.
   No reasonable doubt is possible that Francis was the author of the
   Canticle, now that the Speculum has been published (pp. 234 sqq., and
   Sabatier's remarks, 278-288).

   [813] Speculum, 223-226. See Longfellow's poem, The Sermon of St.
   Francis.

   [814] Little Flowers of Francis, 93-99. Anthony of Padua, also a
   Franciscan, according to the same authority, pp. 166 sqq., preached to
   the fishes at Rimini and called upon them to praise God, seeing they
   had been preserved in the flood and saved Jonah. The fishes ascended
   above the water and opened their mouths and bowed their heads. The
   people of the city were attracted and Anthony used the occasion to
   preach a powerful sermon. In the legend of St. Brandon, it is narrated
   that when St. Brandon sang, the fishes lay as though they slept. Aurea
   Legenda, Temple Classics, vol. V.

   [815] Speculum, p. 241.

   [816] Quoniam, gratia Spiritus sancti cooperante, ita sum unitus et
   conjunctus cum Domino meo quod per misericordiam suam bene possum In
   ipso altissimo jocundari. Speculum, p. 237.

   [817] Mortem cantando suscepit. 2 Cel., 3, 139.

   [818] Speculum, 244 sq.

   [819] Potthast, 8236, 8240, vol. I. 709-710.

   [820] There, after much searching, it is said to have been found, 1818.
   Plus VII., in 1822, declared it to be the genuine body of Francis.

   [821] Sabatier gives a charming description of the region, showing his
   own intense sympathy with nature.

   [822] p. 194. It is at first sight striking that the author does not
   give a detailed description of this wonderful event. From another
   standpoint the passing reference may be regarded as a stronger
   testimony to its reality. See Sabatier's observations, Speculum, pp.
   lxvi. sqq. It will be remembered that Sabatier places this document in
   1227, only seven months after Francis' death.

   [823] In three bulls, Potthast, 10307, 10308, 10309, vol. I. 875.

   [824] The evidence for the genuineness is accepted by Sabatier, S.
   François, 401 sqq. Among other testimonies he adduces a Benediction
   upon Leo ostensibly written by Francis' own hand, and found among the
   archives of Assisi. See Speculum, p. lxvii. sq. On the margin of this
   document Leo has written his authentication. He vouches for the scene
   on the Verna and the stigmata. If this document be genuine, as Sabatier
   insists, it is the most weighty of all the testimonies. Hase stated, as
   strongly as it can be stated, the view that the whole tale was a fraud,
   invented by Elias, Francis of Assisi, 143-202, and Kirchengeschichte,
   II. 385 sqq. Elias was the only eye-witness, and it is contrary to all
   laws that he should have denied the people the privilege of looking at
   the marks, after the saint was dead, if they had really been there. On
   the contrary, he hurried the body to the grave. Hase makes a strong
   case, but it must be remembered that he wrote without having before him
   the later evidence brought to light by Sabatier

   [825] S. François, 401 sqq. Sabatier does not regard them as miraculous
   but as unusual, as, for example, are the mathematical powers and
   musical genius of youthful prodigies. According to Hase, this was also
   Tholuck's explanation. See art. Stigmatization, in Herzog, XIV.
   728-734, which takes the same view and compares the scars to the
   effects of parental states before childbirth.

   [826] So Hausrath. The first Franciscan chronicler, Salimbene, d. 1287,
   no doubt expressed the feeling of his age when he said, "Never man on
   earth but Francis has had the five wounds of Christ." The Dominicans
   claimed the stigmata for St. Catherine of Siena, but Sixtus IV., in
   1475, prohibited her being represented with them.

   [827] Bonaventura's legendary Life makes Francis a witness to the
   stigmata, but he evidently is seeking to establish the fact against
   doubts.

   [828] In his will he refers again and again to his divine appointment
   Deus mihi dedit, "God has given to me."

   [829] Monasticism, Engl. trans., p. 67, and S. François, p. viii.

   [830] The version of Matthew Arnold, Essays in Criticism, 1st series. A
   recent translation is given in Robinson; the Writings of St. Francis,
   pp. 150 sqq., by the Franciscan, Stephen Donovan. Böhmer, p. 65, gives
   the Latin text.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 71. The Franciscans.

   "Sweet Francis of Assisi, would that he were here again!"

   --Tennyson.

   The Brethren Minor--fratres minores, or Minorites, the official title
   of the Franciscans--got their name from the democratic faction in
   Assisi, the Minores, whom Francis at a time of feud reconciled to the
   party of the aristocrats. Before the curia at Rome, Francis insisted
   upon the application of the name as a warning to the members not to
   aspire after positions of distinction. [831] hey spread rapidly in
   Italy and beyond; but before the generation had passed away to which
   Francis belonged, the order was torn by internal strife, growing out of
   the attempt to conserve the principles originally laid down by Francis.
   The history of no other order has anything to show like this protracted
   conflict within its own membership over a question of principle. The
   protracted dispute has an almost unique place in the polemic theology
   of the Middle Ages.

   According to the Rule of 1210 and Francis' last will they were to be a
   free brotherhood devoted to evangelical poverty and Apostolic practice,
   rather than a close organization bound by precise rules. [832] ed and
   went his own path. He builded upon a few texts of Scripture. From 1216,
   when Cardinal Ugolino became associated with the order as patron and
   counsellor, a new influence was felt, and rigid discipline was
   substituted for the freer organization of Francis.

   At the chapter of 1217, the decision was made to send missionaries
   beyond the confines of Italy. Elias of Cortona, once a mattress-maker
   in Assisi and destined to be notorious for setting aside Francis'
   original plan, led a band of missionaries to Syria. Others went to
   Germany, Hungary, France, Spain and England. As foreign missionaries,
   the Franciscans showed dauntless enterprise, going south to Morocco and
   east as far as Pekin. They enjoy the distinction of having accompanied
   Columbus on his second journey to the New World and were subsequently
   most active in the early American missions from Florida to California
   and from Quebec along the St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes and
   southward to the Gulf of Mexico.

   The Rule of 1221, by its lack of unity and decision, betrays two
   influences at work, one proceeding from Ugolino and one from Francis.
   There are signs of the struggle which had already begun several years
   before. The Rule placed a general at the head of the order and a
   governing body was constituted, consisting of the heads of the
   different houses. Poverty, however, is still enjoined and the duty of
   labor is emphasized that the members might be saved from becoming
   idlers. The sale of the products of their labor was forbidden except as
   it might benefit the sick.

   The Rule of 1223, which is briefer and consists of twelve chapters,
   repeats the preceding code and was solemnly approved by the pope
   November 29 of the same year. This code goes still further in setting
   aside the distinguished will of Francis. The mendicant character of the
   order is strongly emphasized. But obedience to the pope is introduced
   and a cardinal is made its protector and guardian. The Roman Breviary
   is ordered to be used as the book of daily worship. Monastic discipline
   has taken the place of biblical liberty. The strong hand of the
   hierarchy is evident. The freedom of the Rule of 1210 has disappeared.
   [833] last testament to the original freedom of his brotherhood and
   against the new order of things, the papal party did all in its power
   to suppress altogether.

   The Clarisses, the Minorite nuns, getting their name from Clara of
   Sciffi who was canonized in 1255, were also called Sisters of St.
   Damian from the Church of St. Damian. Francis wrote a Rule for them
   which enforced poverty [834] by Francis' advice soon came to depend
   upon alms. [835] [836]

   The Tertiaries, or Brothers and Sisters of Penitence, [837] arisses
   being reckoned as the second, and received papal recognition for the
   first time in the bull of Nicolas IV., 1289. [838] s no doubt. They are
   called by Gregory IX. in 1228 the Brothers of the Third Order of St.
   Francis. [839] cis included all classes of laics, men and women,
   married and unmarried. His object was to put within the reach of laymen
   the higher practice of virtue and order of merit associated with the
   monastic life. It is quite probable that Francis took his idea from the
   Humiliati, known as the Poor Men of Lombardy, Pauperes Lombardici, or
   perhaps from the Waldenses, known as the Poor Men of Lyons and also
   well known in Northern Italy in Francis' day. The Humiliati had groups
   of laymen in the twelfth century living according to semi-conventual
   rules. In 1184 they were condemned by Lucius III. There seem to have
   been three grades, the lay Humiliati, who in the ordinary avenues of
   life observed specific ascetic practices; second, those who were living
   in convents as monks or nuns; and third, canons, who were priests and
   lived together in common. These three grades were sanctioned by
   Innocent III. in 1201 and were protected by later popes, as for example
   Innocent IV. [840]

   It is possible that Francis' first plan was for an organization of
   laymen, and that the idea of an organization of monks developed later
   in his mind. The division of the Franciscans into three grades was
   permanently established by the chapter of 1221. [841] ters sets forth
   the required style of dress, the asceticisms they were to practise, and
   the other regulations they were to observe. They were to abstain from
   all oaths except in exceptional cases, provided for by the pope, to
   make confession three times a year, have if possible the advice of the
   diocesan in making their wills, receive to their number no one accused
   of heresy, and were neither to use deadly weapons nor to carry them.
   [842] husbands, and all who had families were enjoined to care for them
   as a part of the service of God (VI. 6). [843]

   To follow the history of the Franciscans from 1223, the stricter party,
   who sought to carry out Francis' practice of strict Apostolic poverty
   and his views as set forth in his last will, were known as the
   Observants, or Spirituals, or Zealots. The party, favoring a relaxation
   of Francis' Rule and supported by Gregory IX., were often called the
   Conventuals from occupying convents of their own, especially more
   pretentious buildings in cities. [844] and far into the fourteenth
   [845] r lives as martyrs for their principles.

   The matter in dispute among the Franciscans was the right of the order
   as a corporation to hold property in fee simple. The papal decisions in
   favor of such tenure began with the bull of Gregory IX., 1230. It
   allowed the order to collect money through "faithful men" appointed for
   districts, these monies to be applied to the rearing of conventual
   buildings, to missions, and other objects, and to be held in trust for
   the givers. This privilege was elaborated by Innocent IV., 1245, and
   was made to include the possession of books, tools, houses, and lands.
   Innocent made the clear distinction between tenure in fee simple and
   tenure for use and granted the right of tenure for use. By this was
   meant that the order might receive gifts and bequests and hold them
   indefinitely as for the donors. This was equivalent to perpetual
   ownership, and might be compared to modern thousand-year leases.
   Innocent also made the tenure of all property within the order subject
   to the immediate supervision of the pope.

   Determined resistance was offered by the Observants to these papal
   decrees, and they were persecuted by Elias of Cortona, who vigorously
   pushed the papal policy. But they were strong and Elias was deposed
   from the headship of the order by the chapter of 1227. He was
   reinstated in 1232, but again deposed in 1239. He espoused the cause of
   Frederick II., and died 1253.

   One of the leading men of the wing true to Francis was Brother Leo, the
   author of what is probably the first biography of Francis, the Speculum
   Perfectionis, the Mirror of Perfection. When the project was bruited of
   erecting the great church at Assisi over Francis' remains and Elias
   placed a marble vessel on the site to receive contributions, Leo, who
   regarded the project as a profanation of the memory of the saint,
   dashed the vessel to pieces. For this act he was banished, amidst
   tumult, from Assisi. [846]

   It seemed for a while doubtful which party would gain the upper hand.
   The Observants were in power under John of Parma, general of the order
   for ten years, 1247-1257, when he was obliged to resign and retire into
   strict monastic seclusion. John was followed by Bonaventura, 1257-1274,
   the great Schoolman, who, in the main, cast his influence on the side
   of the Conventuals. The Observants became identified with the dreams of
   Joachim of Flore and applied his prophecy of a new religious order to
   themselves. These views became a new source of discord and strife
   lasting for more than a century. Bonaventura pronounced against the
   adoption of Joachim's views by condemning Gerardo Borgo's Introduction
   to Joachim's writings. The Life of St. Francis, written by Bonaventura
   at the mandate of the General Chapter of Narbonne, 1260, and declared
   the authoritative biography of the saint by the Chapter of 1263,
   suppressed Francis' will and other materials favorable to the
   contention of the Observants, and emphasized the churchly and
   disciplinary elements of the order. The Observants, from this time on,
   fought a brave but hopeless battle. They could not successfully wage
   war against the policy pushed by the papal court.

   The report that Gregory X., through the acts of the council of Lyons,
   1274, intended to force the order to hold property, stirred opposition
   into a flame and a number of the Observants were thrown into prison,
   including Angelo Clareno, an influential author. Nicholas III., in the
   bull Exiit qui seminat, [847] ht. He insisted upon the principle that
   the pope is the ultimate owner of the property of the order. The bull
   expressly annulled St. Francis' prohibition forbidding the order to
   seek privileges from the pope. The Franciscan general, Bonagratia, and
   his two successors, accepted the bull, but Peter Olivi, d. 1298, who
   had acquired wide influence through his writings, violently opposed it.
   Coelestin V. sought to heal the division by inviting the Observants to
   join the order of the Coelestin hermits which he had founded, and
   Angelo Clareno, who had been released from prison, took this course. It
   was opposed by Olivi and the Observant preacher Ubertino da Casale,
   [848]

   And so the century in which Francis was born went out with the
   controversy still going on with unabated warmth. A somewhat new aspect
   was given to the controversy in the fourteenth century. The dogmatic
   question was then put into the foreground, whether Christ and his
   Apostles practised absolute poverty or not. In 1323 John XXII. sought
   to put a final stop to the dissension by giving papal authority to the
   statement that they did not practise absolute poverty. Thus the
   underlying foundation of the strict Franciscan Rule was taken away.

   In another respect the Franciscans departed from the mind of their
   founder. Francis disparaged learning. In 1220 he reprimanded and then
   cursed Pietro Staccia, a doctor of laws, for establishing a Franciscan
   school at Bologna. On hearing of a famous doctor, who had entered the
   order, he is reported to have said, "I am afraid such doctors will be
   the destruction of my vineyard. True doctors are they who with the
   meekness of wisdom exhibit good works for the betterment of their
   neighbors." To Anthony of Padua, Francis wrote--and the genuineness of
   the letter is not disputed--"I am agreed that you continue reading
   lectures on theology to the brethren provided that kind of study does
   not extinguish in them the spirit of humility and prayer." [849]
   university culture. In 1255 an order called upon Franciscans, going out
   as missionaries, to study Greek, Arabic, Hebrew, and other languages.

   The order spread rapidly from Palestine to Ireland. [850] eaujolais, a
   brother-in-law of the French king. The first successful attempt to
   establish branches in Germany was made, 1221, by Caesar of Spires, who
   had been converted by Elias of Cortona on his journey to Syria. He was
   accompanied by twelve priests and thirteen laymen, among them, Thomas
   of Celano and Jordan of Giano upon whose account we depend for the
   facts. The company separated at Trent, met again at Augsburg, and then
   separated once more, carrying their propaganda along the Rhine and to
   other parts of the country. Houses were established at Mainz, Worms,
   Spires, and Cologne which in 1522 were united into a custody. The year
   following four German custodies were added. [851] servant wing, and had
   to suffer severe persecution and was put to death in prison.

   As for England, nine Franciscans, four of them clerics, only one of
   whom was in priest's orders, landed at Dover, 1224, and went to
   Canterbury, and then to London. The account of their early labors on
   English soil, by Thomas of Eccleston, a contemporary, [852] e Black
   Friars. At Oxford they received a warm welcome. Grosseteste announced
   their advent with a sermon from the words, "They that sat in darkness
   have seen a great light." It was as if the door to a new religious era
   had been opened. Of their settlement in St. Ebbe's parish, Oxford, it
   was said that "there was sown a grain of mustard seed which grew to be
   greater than all the trees." They were quickly settled at Cambridge,
   Norwich, Northampton, Yarmouth, and other centres. They were the first
   popular preachers that England had seen, and the first to embody a
   practical philanthropy. [853] rapidity. Sanitary precautions were
   unknown. Stagnant pools and piles of refuse abounded. [854]

   Partly from necessity and partly from pure choice these ardent
   religionists made choice of quarters in the poorest and most neglected
   parts of the towns. In Norwich they settled in a swamp through which
   the city sewerage passed. At Newgate, now a part of London, they betook
   themselves to Stinking Lane. At Cambridge they occupied the decayed
   gaol.

   No wonder that such zeal received recognition. The people soon learned
   to respect the new apostles. Adam Marsh joined them, and he and
   Grosseteste, the most influential English ecclesiastic of his day,
   lectured in the Franciscan school at Oxford. The burgesses of London
   and other towns gave them lands, as did also the king, at Shrewsbury.
   In 1256 the number of English friars had increased to 1242, settled in
   forty-nine different localities. [855] hem. Most of the great English
   Schoolmen belonged to the Franciscan order. Eccleston describes the
   godly lives of the early English Franciscans, their abstinence, and
   their lightheartedness. [856] Robert Kilwarby, was sitting in the
   archepiscopal chair of Canterbury; to another Franciscan, Bonaventura,
   was offered the see of York, which he declined.

   In time, the history of the Franciscans followed the usual course of
   human prosperity. [857] from their first estate. With honors and lands
   came demoralization. They gained an unsavory reputation as collectors
   of papal revenues. Matthew Paris' rebukes of their arrogance date back
   as far as 1235, and he said that Innocent IV. turned them from fishers
   of men into fishers of pennies. At the sequestration of the religious
   houses by Henry VIII., the Franciscan convent of Christ's Church,
   London, was the first to fall, 1532. [858]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [831] Speculum, p. 76. Domine, said Francis, minores ideo vocati sunt
   fratres mei ut majores fieri non proesumant.

   [832] See Sabatier, S. François, pp. 80 sqq. Also Madonnet, Les
   Origines de l'ordo de Poenitentia, pp. 4, 21 sq. etc., who presents
   this feature of Francis' society in its early days in a clear light.

   [833] See Sabatier, Vie de S. François, pp. 273 sqq.

   [834] This Rule has only recently been found and published in the
   Seraphicae legislationis textus originales, Quaracchi, 1897. See
   Robinson, pp. 76sqq.

   [835] See Speculum, p. 181 and note.

   [836] Finally by Urban IV., 1263. See Potthast, II. 1515. Affiliated
   houses were erected at Burgos, Spain, 1219; Rheims, France, 1220;
   Prague, 1235, etc.

   [837] Frates et sorores de poenitentia.

   [838] See Potthast, II. 1856.

   [839] Potthast, I. 703. Nicolas IV., however, speaks of a rule given by
   Francis.

   [840] See the art. Humiliaten in Herzog, VIII. 447-449, by Zöckler who
   quotes H. Tiraboschi, Memorie degli Humiliati, 3 vols. Modena, 1766.
   Sabatier, Regula antique, p. 15, upon the basis of Jacques de Vitry and
   other authorities, says the Humiliati were at the height of their zeal
   and activity in 1220. He confesses that the Tertiary Rule, the Regula
   Antiqua, is probably in part a copy of the Rule of the Humiliati
   sanctioned by Innocent III. and says, "Perhaps we have heretofore
   ascribed an undue originality to the Franciscan movement."

   [841] See Walter Goetz, Die Regel des Tertiarierordens, in Brieger's
   Zeitschrift, 1902, pp. 97 sqq.

   [842] VI. 3, arma mortalia contra quempiam non recipiant vel secum
   ferant. This most interesting statement was changed by Nicolas IV. in
   1289 so that it read, "The brethren shall not carry arms of attack
   except for the defence of the Roman Church, the Christian faith, or
   their country, or unless they have authority from their superiors." The
   Humiliati received papal exemption from Honorius III. against going to
   war. See Sabatier, Regula antiq., p. 22, Note.

   [843] The development of the Tertiary order is a matter of dispute.
   Sabatier has recently made known two rules of the Tertiary order; the
   first, found in Florence, the second which he himself discovered in the
   convent of Capistrano in the Abruzzi. To compare them with the Rule
   contained in Nicolas IV.'s bull, supra montem, 1289, the Rule of
   Nicolas has 20 chapters, the Florentine 19, that of Capistrano 13. See
   the table given by Walter Goetz, p. 100. Sabatier in his edition of the
   Capistrano Rule, Regula Antiqua, p. 12, puts it very close to the death
   of Francis, between 1228 and 1234. Les Règles, etc., p. 153, goes
   further and puts it back to 1221, thus making it the second Rule of St.
   Francis. At any rate, it must for the present be regarded as the oldest
   form of the Rule. Goetz, p. 105, while dating the Regula Antiqua much
   earlier than 1289, is inclined to regard it as a compilation. In 1517
   Leo X. perfected the regulations concerning Tertiary orders and divided
   the members into two classes, those taking no vows and living in the
   ordinary walks of life and those who live in convents. The best general
   treatment of the subject is furnished by Karl Müller, Die Anf1nge des
   Minoritenordens., pp. 115-171, and Madonnet who gives a convenient list
   of the papal utterances on the Tertiaries, Les Règles, etc., pp. 146
   sq.

   [844] The Observants looked to Portiuncula as the centre of the order,
   the Conventuals to the cathedral of Assisi.

   [845] Ubertino da Casale's interpretation of Francis' purpose is given
   by Knoth, pp. 99 sq.

   [846] Sabatier, Speculum, pp. li sq.

   [847] Potthast, II. 1746.

   [848] Ubertino, during seven days of rigid seclusion on the Verna,
   wrote the ascetic workArbor vitae crucifixae. See Knoth, 9-14.

   [849] 2 Lempp, Anthony of Padua, p. 439.

   [850] The Franciscans became guardians of the holy places in Palestine.
   In answer to my question put to a Franciscan in Nazareth, whether the
   Church of the Annunciation there was the veritable place where Mary had
   received the message of the angel, he replied, "Most certainly! We
   Franciscans have been in this land 600 years and have thoroughly
   investigated all these matters."

   [851] See Hauck, IV. pp. 378 sq.

   [852] All that we know about his life is gotten from his account of the
   Franciscans in England. He died about 1260. Eccleston gives the names
   of the nine first missionaries. Mon. Franc., pp. 5 sqq. Agnellus of
   Pisa stood at their head. Three of the clerics were Englishmen.

   [853] Creighton, p. 107.

   [854] See the descriptions of Jessopp, Coming of the Friars, pp. 21
   sqq., and Brewer's Mon. Franc., pp. xv. sq.

   [855] 54 Mon. Franc., p. xli.

   [856] He tells a comic story of William de Madeley, at Oxford, who,
   finding a pair of shoes, put them on and went to matins. Going to sleep
   be dreamt he was attacked by thieves, and thrust out his feet to show
   that he was a friar. But lo! the shoes were still on, and starting up
   he flung them out of the window. Another poor friar, Gilbert de Vyz, so
   he relates, was badly treated by the devil. It happened at Cornhill.
   The devil at his final visit exclaimed, "Sir, do you think you have
   escaped me?" De Vyz picked up a handful of lice and threw it at the
   devil, and he vanished. p. 13.

   [857] John L'Estrange says that, at the time they were falling out of
   favor, one English will out of every three conveyed property to the
   Franciscans. Quoted by Howlett in his Preface to Mon. Franc., II. p.
   xxvii.

   [858] According to Gasquet, p. 237, there were sixty-six Franciscan
   houses. Addis and Scannell's Catholic Dict., p.388, gives a list of
   sixty-four. The first house of the Franciscan nuns, or Poor Clares, was
   founded outside of Aldgate, London, 1293, and was known as "the
   Minories," a name the locality still retains. At the time of the
   dissolution of the monasteries they had three houses in England.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 72. St. Dominic and the Dominicans.

   Literature.--The earliest Life by Jordanus, Dominic's successor as head
   of the order: de principiis ordinis praedicatorum in Quétif-Echard, who
   gives five other early biographies (Bartholomew of Trent, 1244-1251,
   Humbert de Romanis, 1250, etc.), and ed. by J. J. Berthier, Freib., i.
   Schw., 1892.--H. D. Lacordaire, d. 1861: Vie de S. Dominique, Paris,
   1840, 8th ed. 1882. Also Hist. Studies of the Order of S. Dom.
   1170-1221, Engl. trans., N. Y., 1869.--E. Caro: S. Dom. et les
   Dominicains, Paris, 1853.--A. T. Drane: Hist. of St. Dom., Founder of
   the Friar Preachers, London, 1891.--Balme et Lelaidier: Cartulaire ou
   hist. diplomatique de S. Dom., Paris, 1892.--J. Guiraud: S. Dom.,
   Paris, 2d ed., 1899.--For titles of about thirty lives, see Potthast,
   II. 1272.--Quétif-Echard: Script. ord. Praedicatorum, 2 vols. Paris,
   1719-1721.--Ripoll and Bermond: Bullarium ord. Praed., 8 vols. Rome,
   1737 sqq.--Mamachi: Annal. ord. Praed., Rome, 1756.--Monumenta ord.
   fratrum Praed. hist., ed. by B. M. Reichert, Louvaine and Rome, 10
   vols., 1897-1901. Vol. III. gives the acts of the general chapters of
   the order, 1220-1308.--A. Danzas: Etudes sur les temps primitifs de
   l'ordre de S. Dom., Paris, 1873-1885.--*Denifle: Die Constitutionen des
   Predigerordens vom Jahre 1228, and Die Constitutionen des Raymunds von
   Peñaforte 1238-1241 in Archiv für Lit. und Kirchengesch., 1885, pp.
   165-227 and 1889, 530-565.--Helyot: Bel. Orders.--Lea: Hist. of
   Inquisition, I. 242-304, etc. Wetzer-Welte, art. Dominicus, III.
   1931-1945.--W. Lescher: St. Dominic and the Rosary, London, 1902.--H.
   Holzapfel: S. Dom. und der Rosenkranz, Munich, 1903.

   The Spaniard, Dominic, founder of the order of preachers, usually
   called the Dominicans, [859] int of Assisi, and his career has little
   to correspond to the romantic features of his contemporary's career.
   Dominic was of resolute purpose, zealous for propagating the orthodox
   faith, and devoted to the Church and hierarchy. His influence has been
   through the organization he created, and not through his personal
   experiences and contact with the people of his age. This accounts for
   the small number of biographies of him as compared with the large
   number of Francis.

   Domingo, or Dominic, was born 1170 at Calaroga, Spain, and died Aug. 6,
   1121, in Bologna. [860] of philosophy and theology, and he is said to
   have excelled as a student. About 1195, he was made canon at Osma,
   which gives its name to the episcopal diocese, within whose bounds he
   was born. In 1203 he accompanied his bishop, Diego d'Azeveda, to France
   [861] on a mission to secure a bride for the son of Alfonzo VIII. of
   Castile. This and subsequent journeys across the Pyrenees brought him
   into contact with the Albigenses and the legates despatched by Innocent
   III. to take measures to suppress heresy in Southern France. Dominic
   threw himself into the movement for suppressing heresy and started upon
   a tour of preaching. At Prouille in the diocese of Toulouse, he erected
   an asylum for girls to offset the schools established by the
   Albigenses, for the training of the daughters of impoverished noblemen.
   He was on intimate terms with Simon de Montfort, but, so far as is
   known, he took no active part in the Albigensian crusade except as a
   spiritual adviser. [862] heretics received the support of Fulke, bishop
   of Toulouse, who in 1215 granted him one-sixth of the tithes of his
   diocese. Among the first to ally themselves to Dominic was Peter
   Cellani, a citizen of Toulouse, who gave him a house.

   An epoch in Dominic's career was his visit in Rome during the sessions
   of the Fourth Lateran Council, when he received encouragement from
   Innocent III. who declined to assent to the proposal of a new order and
   bade him adopt one of the existing monastic constitutions. [863] c
   chose the rule of the canons regular of St. Augustine, [864] ation, and
   confirmed it in the possession of goods and houses. An unreliable
   tradition states that Honorius also conferred upon Dominic the
   important office of Master of the Palace, magister palatii. The office
   cannot be traced far beyond Gregory IX. [865]

   The legendary accounts of his life represent the saint at this time as
   engaged in endless scourgings and other most rigorous asceticisms.
   Miracles, even to the raising of the dead, were ascribed to him.

   In 1217 Dominic sent out monks to start colonies. The order took quick
   root in large cities,--Paris, Bologna, and Rome,--the famous professor
   of canon law at Paris, Reginald, taking its vows. Dominic himself in
   1218 established two convents in Spain, one for women in Madrid and one
   for men at Seville. The first Dominican house in Paris, the convent of
   St. Jacques, gave the name Jacobins to the Dominicans in France and
   Jacobites to the party in the French Revolution which held its meetings
   there. In 1224 St. Jacques had one hundred and twenty inmates. The
   order had a strong French element and included in its prayers a prayer
   for the French king. From France, the Dominicans went into Germany.
   Jordanus and other inmates of St. Jacques were Germans. They quickly
   established themselves, in spite of episcopal prohibitions and
   opposition from other orders, in Cologne, Worms, Strassburg, Basel, and
   other German cities. [866] [867] great friary in that city.

   The first General Chapter was held 1220 in Bologna. Dominic preached
   with much zeal in Northern Italy. He died, lying on ashes, at Bologna,
   Aug. 6, 1221, and lies buried there in the convent of St. Nicholas,
   which has been adorned by the art of Nicholas of Pisa and Michael
   Angelo. As compared with the speedy papal recognition of Francis and
   Anthony of Padua, the canonization of the Spanish saint followed
   tardily, thirteen years after his death, July 13, 1234. [868]

   At the time of Dominic's death, the preaching friars had sixty convents
   scattered in the provinces of Provence, Northern France, Spain,
   Lombardy, Italy, England, Germany, and Hungary, each of which held its
   own chapter yearly. To these eight provinces, by 1228, four others had
   been added, Poland, Denmark, Greece, and Jerusalem. [869] not assumed.
   At the head of the whole body stands a grand-master. [870] [871] ey are
   not the oldest. They were revised under Raymund de Peñaforte, the third
   general. [872]

   Mendicancy was made the rule of the order at the first General Chapter,
   1220. [873] nk, renounced all right to possess property. The mendicant
   feature was, however, never emphasized as among the Franciscans. It was
   not a matter of conscience with the Dominicans, and the order was never
   involved in divisions over the question of holding property. The
   obligation of corporate poverty was wholly removed by Sixtus IV., 1477.
   Dominic's last exhortation to his followers was that, they should have
   love, do humble service, and live in voluntary poverty." [874] taken
   much to heart by them.

   Unlike the man of Assisi, Dominic did not combine manual labor with the
   other employments of his monks. For work with their hands he
   substituted study and preaching. The Dominicans were the first
   monastics to adopt definite rules of study. When Dominic founded St.
   Jacques in Paris, and sent seventeen of his order to man that convent,
   he instructed them to "study and preach." Cells were constructed at
   Toulouse for study. [875] ology was required before a license was given
   to preach, [876]

   Preaching and the saving of souls were defined as the chief aim of the
   order. [877] of the order was not study, but that study was most
   necessary for preaching and the salvation of souls. Study, said
   another, is ordained for preaching, and preaching for the salvation of
   men, and this is the final end. [878] tside the cloister until he was
   twenty-five. [879] t renowned orator in the nineteenth century. The
   mission of the Dominicans was predominantly with the upper classes.
   They represented the patrician element among the orders.

   The annals of the Inquisition give to the Dominican order large space.
   The Dominicans were the most prominent and zealous, "inquisitors of
   heretical depravity." Dante had this in mind when he characterized
   Dominic as "Good to his friends, dreadful, to his enemies," "Benigno ai
   suoi ed ai nimici crudo." [880]

   In 1232 the conduct of the Inquisition was largely committed to their
   care. Northern France, Spain, and Germany fell to their lot. [881] n
   indelible blot upon the name of the order. The student of history must
   regard those efforts to maintain the orthodox faith as heartless, even
   though it may not have occurred to the participants to so consider
   them. The order's device, given by Honorius, was a dog bearing a
   lighted torch in his mouth, the dog to watch, the torch to illuminate
   the world. The picture in their convent S. Maria Novella, at Florence,
   represents the place the order came to occupy as hunters of heretics.
   It portrays dogs dressed in the Dominican colors, black and white,
   chasing away foxes, which stand for heretics, while pope and emperor,
   enthroned and surrounded by counsellors, look on with satisfaction at
   the scene. It was in connection with his effort to exterminate heresy
   that Dominic founded, in 1220, the "soldiery of Christ," composed of
   men and women, married and unmarried. Later, the order called itself
   the Brothers and Sisters of Penitence, or the Third Order, or
   Tertiaries of St. Dominic. As was the case with the Franciscan
   Tertiaries, some of them lived a conventual life.

   The rosary also had a prominent place in the history of the Dominicans.
   An untrustworthy tradition assigns to Dominic its first use. During the
   crusades against the Albigenses, Mary, so the story runs, appeared to
   Dominic, and bade him use the rosary as a means for the conversion of
   the heretics. It consists of fifteen pater nosters and one hundred and
   fifty ave Marias, told off in beads. The Dominicans early became
   devotees of the rosary, but soon had rivals in the Carmelites for the
   honor of being the first to introduce it. The notorious Dominican
   inquisitor and hunter of witches, Jacob Sprenger, founded the first
   confraternity of the rosary. Pius V. ascribed the victory of Lepanto,
   157l, to its use. In recent times Pius IX. and Leo XIII. have been
   ardent devotees of the rosary. Leo, in his encyclical of Sept. 1, 1883,
   ascribed its introduction to the great Dominic, as a balm for the
   wounds of his contemporaries." This encyclical represents Mary as
   "placed on the highest summit of power and glory in heaven ... who is
   to be besought that, by her intercession, her devout Son may be
   appeased and softened as to the evils which afflict us." [882]

   Leo XIII. paid highest honor to the Dominicans when he pronounced
   Thomas Aquinas the authoritative teacher of Catholic theology and
   morals, and the patron of Catholic schools.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [859] Ordo praedicatorum, fratres praedicatores, or simply
   praedicatores, as in the papal bulls and the constitutions of the
   order.

   [860] His descent from the noble family of Guzman has been disputed by
   the Bollandists.

   [861] Jordanus says, they went ad Marchias, which probably refers to
   the domain of Hugo of Lusignan, Count de la Marche, and not to Denmark,
   as often represented.

   [862] The bull canonizing Dominic says, haereticos caritative ad
   poenitentiam et conversionem fidei hortabatur, he affectionately
   exhorted heretics to return to the faith.

   [863] Potthast, I. 436.

   [864] See Denifle, Archiv, 1885, p. 169, who says that Dominic took as
   the basis of his rule the rule of the Premonstrants and insists that
   his followers were canons regular. Denifle was a Dominican, and in his
   able article gives too much credit to Dominic for originality.

   [865] This important office according to Echard at first gave to the
   incumbent the right to fix the meaning of Scripture at the Pontifical
   court. It has since come to have the duty of comparing all matters with
   the catholic doctrine before they are presented to the pope, selecting
   preachers for certain occasions, conferring the doctors'degree, etc.
   Wetzer-Welte avoids giving offence to the Dominicans by making the
   ambiguous statement, III. 1934, that Dominicgewissermassen der erste
   Mag. palatii wurde.

   [866] Hauck, IV. 391-394.

   [867] At the suppression of the monasteries under Henry VIII., the
   Dominicans had 68 houses in England (Gasquet, p. 237), or 57 according
   to Addis and Scannell, Dict., p. 301.

   [868] Potthast, I. 810.

   [869] See the Constitution of 1228, Denifle, pp. 212, 215.

   [870] Magister generalis. In 1862 Pius IX. limited his tenure of office
   to twelve years. Since 1272 he has lived at St. Maria sopra Minerva in
   Rome.

   [871] May 16, 1227. See Potthast, I. 684. Denifle makes much of this
   point, pp. 176-180.

   [872] Denifle gives the best edition in Archiv for 1885, pp. 193-227.

   [873] Denifle, pp. 181 sqq., states that the idea of poverty was in
   Dominic's mind before Honorius sanctioned the order, and that it was
   thoroughly as original with him as it was with Francis. This view seems
   to be contradicted by the bull of Honorius, 1216, which confirms
   Dominic and his followers in the possession of goods. Jordanus, c. 27,
   states that the principle of poverty was adopted that the preachers
   might be freed from the care of earthly goods, ne predicationis
   impediretur officium sollicitudine terrenorum. Francis adopted this
   principle as a means of personal sanctification; Dominic, in order that
   he and his followers might give themselves up unreservedly to the work
   of saving souls.

   [874] Caritatem habete, humilitatem servite, pauperitatem voluntariam
   possidete.

   [875] Denifle, pp. 185 sqq.

   [876] Nullus fiat publicus doctor, nisi per 4 annos ad minus theologiam
   audierit. Const., 1228, II. 30.

   [877] Ordo noster specialiter ob praedicationem et animarum salutem ab
   initio institutus. Prol. to Constitution of 1228.

   [878] Quoted by Denifle, p. 190.

   [879] Const. II. 31-33.

   [880] Paradiso, XII.

   [881] See Potthast, II. 9386, 9388 (Gregory IX., 1284), etc. The
   Franciscans were made inquisitors in Italy and Southern France. See
   chapter on the Inquisition.

   [882] Leo commended the rosary in repeated encyclicals, Aug. 30, 1884,
   1891, etc., coupling plenary indulgence for sin with its use. He also
   ordered the title regina sanctissimi rosarii, "queen of the most holy
   rosary," inserted into the liturgy of Loreto. On the history of the
   rosary, see Lea, Hist. of Auric. Conf., III. 484 sqq., and especially
   the dissertation St. Dominikus und der Rosenkranz, by the Franciscan,
   Heribert Holzapfel. This writer declares, point blank, that the rosary
   was not invented nor propagated by Dominic. There is no reference to it
   in the original Constitution of 1228, which contains detailed
   prescriptions concerning prayer and the worship of the Virgin, nor in
   any of the eighteen biographical notices of the thirteenth century.
   Holzapfel makes the statement, p. 12, that the entire thirteenth and
   fourteenth centuries know nothing of any association whatsoever of St.
   Dominic with the rosary. Sixtus IV., 1478, was the first pope to
   commend the rosary; but Sixtus does not associate it with the name of
   Dominic. Such association began with Leo X. What has become of the
   author of this bold denial of the distinct statement of Leo XIII. in
   his encyclical of ten years before, September, 1883, I do not know.
   Holzapfel distinctly asserts his opposition to the papal deliverances
   on the rosary, when he says, p. 37, "High as the regard is in which the
   Catholic holds the authority of Peter's successors in religious things,
   he must be equally on his guard against extending that authority to
   every possible question." Perhaps Father Holzapfel's pamphlet points to
   the existence of a remainder of the hot feeling which used to exist
   between the Thomists and Scotists.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER IX.

   MISSIONS.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 73. Literature and General Survey.

   Literature: I. For Northeastern Germany. - H. Hahn: Gesch. d. kathol.
   Mission, 5 vols., Col., 1857-1865.--G. F. Maclear: Hist. of Christ.
   Missions during the M. A., London, 1863.--C. A. H. Kalkar: Gesch. d.
   röm.-kathol. Mission, German trans., Erlang., 1867.--Th. Smith: Med.
   Missions, Edinburg, 1880.--P. Tschackert: Einführung d. Christenthums
   in Preussen, in Herzog, IX. 25 sqq.--Lives of Otto of Bamberg by Ebo
   and Herbord (contemporaries) in Jaffé; Bibl. Rerum Germanic., Berlin,
   1869, vol. V. trans. in Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit,
   Leipzig, 1869.--Otto's Letters in Migne, vol. 173.--Mod. Lives by F. X.
   Sulzbeck, Regensb., 1865, and J. A. Zimmermann, Freib. im Br.,
   1875.--For copious Lit. see Potthast: Bibl. Hist., II. 1504 sq.--For
   Vicelinus, see Chronica Slavorum Helmodi (a friend of Vicelinus), ed.
   by Pertz, Hann., 1868. Trans. by Wattenbach in Geschichtschreiber der
   deutschen Vorzeit, Leipzig, 1888.--Winter: Die Praemonstratenser d.
   12ten Jahrhunderts und ihre Bedeutung für das nordöstl. Deutschland.
   Ein Beitrag zur Gesch. der Christianisirung und Germanisirung des
   Wendenlandes, Leipzig, 1865. Also Die Cisterzienser des nordöstl.
   Deutschlands, 3 vols., Gotha, 1868.--E. O. Schulze: D. Kolonisierung
   und Germanisirung der Gebiete zw. Saale und Elbe, Leipzig,
   1896.--Edmund Krausch: Kirchengesch. der Wendenlande, Paderb.,
   1902.--Hauck. III. 69-150, 623-655.--Ranke: Weltgesch., VIII.
   455-480.--The arts. Albert of Riga, Otto von Bamberg, Vicelinus, and
   Wenden in Wetzer-Welte and Herzog. See Lit. under Teutonic Knights, p.
   296.

   II. For The Mohammedans. - Works on Francis d'assisi, see § 69.--For
   Raymundus Lullus: Beati Raymundi Lulli doctoris illuminati et
   martyrisopera, ed. by John Salzinger, Mainz, 1721-1742, 10 vols. (VII.,
   X. wanting). His Ars magna (opera quae ad artem universalem pertinent),
   Strassburg, 1598. Last ed., 1651. Recent ed. of his Poems Obras
   rimadas, Palma, 1859. For the ed., of Raymund's works publ. at Palma
   but not completed see Wetzer-Welte, Raim. Lullus, X. 747-749.--Lives by
   Perroquet, Vendome, 1667; Löw, Halle, 1830.--*A. Helfferich: R. Lull
   und die Anfänge der Catalonischen Literatur, Berlin, 1858; W. Brambach,
   Karlsr., 1893; André, Paris, 1900.--*S. M. Zwemer: Raymund Lull, First
   Missionary to the Moslems, New York, 1902.--Lea: Hist. of the Inquis.,
   III. 563-590.--Reusch: Der Index, etc., I. 26-33.--Zöckler, in Herzog,
   XI. 706-716.

   III. For The Mongols. - D'Ohson: Hist. des Mongols, Paris, 1824.--H. H.
   Howorth: Hist. of the Mongols, 3 vols., London, 1876-1880.--Abbé Huc:
   Le Christianisme en Chine, en Tartare et en Thibet, Paris, 1857.--Külb:
   Gesch. der Missionsreisen nach der Mongolei während des 13ten und 14ten
   Jahrhunderts, 3 vols., Regensb., 1860.--Col. Henry Yule: Travels and
   Life of Marco Polo, London, 1871; Rev. ed. by H. Cordier, New York,
   1903.--R. K. Douglas (Prof. of Chinese in King's Col., London): Life of
   Jenghiz Khan.--Gibbon, chaps. XLVII., LXIV.; Ranke, VIII. 417-455; and
   arts. Rubruquis, Mongolen, etc., in Herzog, Wetzer-Welte.

   The missionary operations of this period display little of the zeal of
   the great missionary age of Augustine, Columba, and Boniface, and less
   of achievement. The explanation is to be found in the ambitions which
   controlled the mediaeval church and in the dangers by which Europe was
   threatened from without. In the conquest of sacred localities, the
   Crusades offered a substitute for the conversion of non-Christian
   peoples. The effort of the papacy to gain supreme control over all
   mundane affairs in Western Christendom, also filled the eye of the
   Church. These two movements almost drained her religious energies to
   the full. On the other hand the Mongols, or Tartars, breaking forth
   from Central Asia with the fierceness of evening wolves, filled all
   Europe with dread, and one of the chief concerns of the thirteenth
   century was to check their advance into the central part of the
   continent. The heretical sects in Southern France threatened the unity
   of the Church and also demanded a share of attention which might
   otherwise have been given to efforts for the conversion of the heathen.

   Two new agencies come into view, the commercial trader and the
   colonist, corresponding in this century to the ships and trains of
   modern commerce and the labors of the geographical explorer in Africa
   and other countries. Along the shores of the Baltic, at times, and in
   Asia the tradesman and the explorer went in advance of the missionary
   or along the same routes. And in the effort to subdue the barbarous
   tribes of Northeastern Germany to the rules of Christendom, the sword
   and colonization played as large a part as spiritual measures.

   The missionary history of the age has three chapters, among the pagan
   peoples of Northeastern Germany and along the Baltic as far as Riga,
   among the Mohammedans of Northern Africa, and among the Mongols in
   Central and Eastern Asia. The chief missionaries whose names have
   survived are Otto of Bamberg and Vicelinus who labored in Northeastern
   Europe, Rubruquis, and John of Monte Corvino who travelled through
   Asia, Francis d'Assisi and Raymundus Lullus who preached in Africa.

   The treatment which the Jews received at the hand of the Church also
   properly belongs here.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 74. Missions in Northeastern Germany.

   At the beginning of this period the Wends, [883] covered by Pommerania,
   Brandenburg intermingled, and parts of Saxony, which were neither
   German nor Slavic but Lithuanian. [884] mburg, bordering on the
   territories of these tribes, had done little or nothing for, their
   conversion. Under Otto I. Havelberg, Meissen, Merseburg, and other
   dioceses were established to prosecute this work. At the synod of
   Ravenna, 967, Otto made the premature boast that the Wends had been
   converted.

   The only personality that looms out above the monotonous level of
   Wendish history is Gottschalk, who was converted in England and bound
   together a number of tribes in an extensive empire. He was interested
   in the conversion of his people, and churches and convents were built
   at Mecklenburg, Lübeck, Oldenburg, and other centres. But with
   Gottschalk's murder, in 1066, the realm fell to pieces and the Wend
   tribes from that time on became the object of conquest to the dukes of
   Poland and Saxony. Attempts to Christianize them were met with violent
   resistance. Wends and Germans hated one another. [885] [886] aves, and
   idols.

   Two centuries were required to bring the territories occupied by these
   peoples, and now for the most part inhabited by Germans, under the sway
   of the Church. The measures employed were the instructions of the
   missionary, the sword as wielded by the Teutonic Knights, and the
   colonization of the lands with German colonists. The sacraments and
   ritual of the Church were put in the forefront as conditions of union
   with the Church. The abolition of barbarous customs was also insisted
   upon. The bishopric and the convent were made the spiritual citadels of
   the newly evangelized districts.

   The first to labor among the Wends, who was actuated by true missionary
   zeal, was the Spanish Cistercian, Bernard. He was without any knowledge
   of the language and his bare feet and rude monastic garb were little
   adapted to give him an entrance to the people whose priests were well
   clad.

   Bernard was followed by Otto, bishop of Bamberg, 1102-1139, who made
   his first tour at Bernard's instance. He won the title of Apostle of
   Pommerania. In 1124 he set his face towards the country, furnished with
   the blessing of Honorius II. and well supplied with clerical helpers.
   He won the goodwill of the Pommeranian duke, Wratislaw, who, in his
   youth, as a prisoner of war, had received baptism. The baptism of seven
   thousand at Pyritz has a special interest from its hearing on the
   practice of immersion followed at that time. Tanks were sunk into the
   earth, the rims rising knee high above the ground. Into these, as the
   chronicler reports, [887] [888]

   At Stettin he destroyed the temple of the god Triglar, and sent the
   triple head of the idol to Rome as a sign of the triumph of the cross.

   In 1128 Otto made a second tour to Pommerania. He spoke through an
   interpreter. His instructions were followed by the destruction of
   temples and the erection of churches. He showed his interest in the
   material as well as spiritual well-being of the people and introduced
   the vine into the country. [889]

   Vicelinus, d. 1154, the next most important name in the history of
   missions among the Wends, preached in the territory now covered by
   Holstein and the adjoining districts. He had spent three years in study
   at Paris and was commissioned to his work by Adalbert, archbishop of
   Bremen-Hamburg. The fierce wars of Albert the Bear, of North Saxony,
   1133-1170, and Henry the Lion, 1142-1163, against the Wagrians and
   Abotrites, the native tribes, were little adapted to prepare the way
   for Christianity. Vicelinus founded the important convent of Segeberg
   which became a centre of training for missionaries. Lübeck accepted
   Christianity, and in 1148 Vicelinus was ordained bishop of Oldenburg.

   The German missionaries went as far as Riga. The sword played a
   prominent part in the reduction of the local tribes. Under papal
   sanction, crusade followed crusade. The Livonians received their first
   knowledge of Christianity through Meinhard, d. 1196, [890] ned bishop
   of the new diocese of Uexkull whose name was changed in 1202 to the
   diocese of Riga.

   Meinhard's successor, the Cistercian Berthold, sought at first to win
   his way by instruction and works of charity, but was driven away by
   violence. He returned in 1198, at the head of a crusade which Coelestin
   had ordered. After his death on the field of battle his successor,
   bishop Albert of Apeldern, entered the country in 1199 at the head of
   another army. The lands were then thrown open to colonists. With the
   sanction of Innocent III., Albert founded the order of the Brothers of
   the Sword. Their campaigns opened the way for the church in Esthaonia
   and Senegallen. In 1224 the see of Dorpat was erected, which has given
   its name to the university of Dorpat.

   Eastern Prussia, lying along the Weichsel, was visited in 1207 by the
   German abbot, Gottfried. Two of the native princes were converted by
   Christian, a monk from Pommerania, donated their lands to the Church,
   and travelled to Rome, where they received baptism. Christian was made
   bishop of Prussia between 1212 and 1215. An invitation sent to the
   Teutonic Knights to aid in the conversion of the tribes was accepted by
   their grand-master, Hermann of Salza, in 1228. In 1217 Honorius III.
   had ordered a crusade, and in 1230 Gregory IX. renewed the order. The
   Teutonic Knights were ready enough to further religious encroachment by
   the sword, promised, as they were, a large share in the conquered
   lands. From 1230 to 1283 they carried on continual wars. They
   established themselves securely by building fortified towns such as
   Kulm and Thorn, 1231, and Königsberg, 1255. A stream of German
   colonists followed where they conquered. In 1243 Innocent IV. divided
   Prussia into four sees, Kulm, Pomesania, Sameland, and Ermeland. It was
   arranged that the bishops were to have one-third of the conquered
   territory. In 1308 the German Knights seized Danzig at the mouth of the
   Weichsel and a year later established their headquarters at Marienburg.
   [891] Peace of Thorn, 1466, they lost Prussia west of the Weichsel, and
   thereafter their possessions were confined to Eastern Prussia. The
   history of the order closed when the grand-master, Albrecht of
   Brandenburg, accepted the Reformation and made the duchy hereditary in
   his family.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [883] See § 60. Tacitus calls the Wends Venedi, a name which seems to
   come from the Slavonic voda, or the Lithuanian wandu, meaning "water,"
   and referring to the low and often marshy lands they occupied.

   [884] The two translations of Luther's catechism, 1545, 1561, into the
   language of this people seem to point to their Lithuanian origin,
   Tschackert in Herzog, XVI. 26.

   [885] Hauck gives Illustrations of the cruelties of the two peoples in
   time of war, III. 90 sqq.

   [886] They thought nothing of strangling girls when there were a number
   born to the same mother. Si plures filias aliqua genuisset, ut cetera
   facilius providerent, aliquas ex eis jugulabant, pro nihilo ducentes
   parricidium. Herbord, II. 16

   [887] Facilis erat in aquam descendere, Herbord, II. 16. The detailed
   description of the baptismal scenes leaves not a particle of doubt that
   immersion was practised.

   [888] This is the earliest notice of the seven sacraments, provided
   Herbord's report is not interpolated.

   [889] Herbord, II. 41.

   [890] Gregory IX., as late as 1237, calls this people pagans, pagani
   Livoniae. Potthast, 10383.

   [891] Ranke, VIII. 469, regards the fabric of the Teutonic Knights as
   having offered the only effective check against the invasion of Central
   Europe by the Mongols.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 75. Missions among the Mohammedans.

   Two important names are associated with the missions among the
   Mohammedans, Francis of Assisi and Raymundus Lullus, and with their
   labors, which were without any permanent results, the subject is
   exhausted. The Crusades were adapted to widen the gulf between the
   Christians and the Mohammedans, and to close more tightly the ear of
   the followers of the False Prophet to the appeals of the Christian
   emissary.

   Franciscan friars went in 1213 to Morocco and received the martyr's
   crown, but left no impression upon the Mohammedans. [892] d by eleven
   companions. The accounts are meagre and uncertain. [893] that the
   sultan was so much touched by Francis' preaching that he gave the
   Franciscan friars admission to the Holy Sepulchre, without payment of
   tribute.

   Raymundus Lullus, 1235?-1315, devoted his life to the conversion of
   Mohammedans and attested his zeal by a martyr's death. He was one of
   the most noteworthy figures produced during the Middle Ages in
   Southwestern Europe. He made three missionary tours to Africa and
   originated the scheme for establishing chairs at the universities to
   teach the Oriental languages and train missionaries. He also wrote many
   tracts with the aim of convincing unbelievers of the truth of
   Christianity.

   Lullus was born in Palma on the island of Majorca. His father had
   gained distinction by helping to wrest the Balearic islands from the
   Saracens. The son married and had children, but led a gay and
   licentious life at court and devoted his poetic gifts to erotic
   sonnets. At the age of thirty-one he was arrested in his wild career by
   the sight of a cancer on the breast of a woman, one of the objects of
   his passion, whom he pursued into a church, and who suddenly exposed
   her disease. He made a pilgrimage to Campostella, and retired to Mt.
   Randa on his native island. Here he spent five years in seclusion, and
   in 1272 entered the third order of St. Francis. He became interested in
   the conversion of Mohammedans and other infidels and studied Arabic
   under a Moor whom he had redeemed from slavery. A system of knowledge
   was revealed to him which he called "the Universal Science," ars magna
   or ars generalis. With the aid of the king of Aragon he founded, in
   1276 on Majorca, a college under the control of the Franciscans for the
   training of missionaries in the Arabic and Syriac tongues.

   Lullus went to Paris to study and to develop his Universal Science. At
   a later period he returned and delivered lectures there. In 1286 he
   went to Rome to press his missionary plans, but failed to gain the
   pope's favor. In 1292 he set sail on a missionary tour to Africa from
   Genoa. In Tunis he endeavored in vain to engage the Mohammedan scholars
   in a public disputation. A tumult arose and Lullus narrowly escaped
   with his life. Returning to Europe, he again sought to win the favor of
   the pope, but in vain. In 1309 he sailed the second time for Tunis, and
   again he sought to engage the Mohammedans in disputation. Offered
   honors if he would turn Mohammedan, he said, "And I promise you, if you
   will turn and believe on Jesus Christ, abundant riches and eternal
   life."

   Again violently forced to leave Africa, Lullus laid his plans before
   Clement V. and the council of Vienne, 1311. Here he presented a
   refutation of the philosophy of Averrhoes and pressed the creation of
   academic chairs for the Oriental languages. Such chairs were ordered
   erected at Avignon, Paris, Oxford, Salamanca, and Bologna to teach
   Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic. [894]

   Although nearly eighty years old the indefatigable missionary again set
   out for Tunis. His preaching at Bougia led, as before, to tumults, and
   Lullus was dragged outside of the city and stoned. Left half dead, he
   was rescued by Christian seamen, put on board a ship, and died at sea.
   His bones are preserved at Palma.

   For a period of nearly fifty years this remarkable man had advocated
   measures for carrying the Gospel to the Mohammedans. No impression, so
   far as we know, was made by his preaching or by his apologetic writings
   upon unbelievers, Jew or Mohammedan, but with his name will always be
   associated the new idea of missionary institutes where men, proposing
   to dedicate themselves to a missionary career, might be trained in
   foreign languages. But Lullus was more than a glowing advocate of
   missions. He was a poet and an expert scholastic thinker. [895] hought
   to the physical sciences, he has been compared to his fellow
   Franciscan, Roger Bacon. [896]

   His Universal Science he applied to medicine and law, astrology and
   geography, grammar and rhetoric, as well as to the solution of
   theological problems. [897] as a key to all the departments of thought,
   celestial and terrestrial. Ideas he represented by letters of the
   alphabet which were placed in circles and other mathematical diagrams.
   By the turning of the circles and shifting of lines these ideas fall
   into relations which display a system of truth. The word "God," for
   example, was thus brought into relation with nine letters, B-K, which
   represented nine qualities: goodness, greatness, eternity, power,
   wisdom, volition, virtue, truth, and glory. Or the letters B-K
   represented nine questions, such as, what, quid; from what, de quo;
   why, quare; how much, quantum. Being applied to God, they afford valid
   definitions, such as "God's existence is a necessity." This
   kaleidoscopic method, it is not improbable, Lullus drew from Jewish and
   Arabic, sources, and he himself called it Cabalistic.

   The philosophy of Lullus found a number of adherents who were called
   Lullists. It was taught at the universities of Valencia and Aragon.
   Giordano Bruno drew from it. Eymericus, the inquisitor, became the
   bitter foe of the Lullists, arraigned their leader's teachings before
   the Roman court, and exhibited a bull of Gregory XI. (1372) condemning
   them as heretical. [898] es in the Escurial library. Lullus' works were
   included in the Index of Paul IV., 1559, but ordered removed from the
   list by the council of Trent. A papal decision of 1619 forbade Lullus'
   doctrine as dangerous. In 1847 Pius IX. approved an office for the
   "holy Raymundus Lullus" in Majorca, where he is looked upon as a saint.
   The Franciscans have, since the time of Leo X., commemorated the
   Spaniard's memory in their Breviary.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [892] Müller, Anfänge des Minoritenordens, 207 sqq., has set this
   mission beyond doubt.

   [893] Jacob of Vitry, Hist. Occ., 32, and Giordano di Giano are our
   chief authorities. Sabatier, in his Life of Francis, accepts the
   testimony, but dismisses the tour in a few lines.

   [894] The object of the chairs was declared to be to further the
   exposition of the Scriptures and the conversion of unbelievers. See
   Hefele, VI. 545. A little earlier the pamphleteer Peter Dubois had
   urged it as the pope's duty to establish institutes for the study of
   the Oriental languages as it was his duty to see that the Gospel was
   preached to all peoples. See Scholz, Die Publizistik zur Zeit Philipps
   des Schönen, 427-431.

   [895] According to the catalogue in the Escurial prepared by D. Arias
   de Loyola, Lullus wrote 410 tracts, most of which exist only in MS.,
   and are distributed among the libraries of Europe. Of these, 46 are
   controversial works against the Mohammedans, Jews, and Averrhoists. Lea
   speaks of Lullus "as perhaps the most voluminous author on record."
   III. 581.

   [896] Reuter, Gesch. der Aufklärung, II. 95 sq.

   [897] In his work on the miracles of heaven and earth, de miraculis
   coeli es mundi, he represents a father leading his son through woods
   and across fields, over deserts and through cities, among plants and
   animals, into heaven and hell, and pointing out the wonders they saw.
   In his Blanquerna magister christianae perfectionis he presents an
   ethical drama in which the hero is introduced to all stations of
   religious life, monk, abbot, bishop, cardinal, and pope, and at last
   gives up the tiara to retire to the seclusion of a convent.

   [898] The genuineness of this bull has been a subject of much
   controversy. Commissions were even appointed by later popes to
   investigate the matter, and the bull, with other documents originating
   with Gregory, was not found. Hergenröther pronounces for its
   genuineness, Kirchengesch., II. 540. Eymericus ascribed
   Lullus'teachings to the suggestion of the devil, and declared that
   Lullus maintained the erroneous proposition that "all points of faith
   and the sacraments, and the power of the pope may be proved by
   reasoning, necessary, demonstrative, and evident."
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 76. Missions among the Mongols.

   Central Asia and what is now the Chinese Empire were almost as unknown
   to Western Europe in the twelfth century as the lake region of Central
   Africa was before the journeys of Speke, Livingstone, and Stanley. To
   the Nestorians, with their schools at Edessa and Nisibis, naturally
   belonged the task of spreading the Gospel in Central and Eastern Asia.
   They went as far as China, but after the ninth century their schools
   declined and a period of stagnation set in. Individual Nestorians
   reached positions of influence in Asiatic courts as councillors or
   physicians and Nestorian women became mothers of Mongol chiefs. But no
   Asiatic tribe adopted their creed.

   In the twelfth century the brilliant delusion gained currency
   throughout Europe of the existence in Central Asia of a powerful
   Christian theocracy, ruled over by the Presbyter John, usually called
   Prester-John. [899] . According to Otto of Freisingen, a certain bishop
   of Gabala in 1145 had brought Eugenius III. the information that he was
   a Nestorian Christian, was descended from one of the three Wise Men,
   and had defeated the Mohammedans in a great battle. [900] , purporting
   to come from this ruler and addressed to the Emperor Manuel of
   Constantinople, related that John received tribute from seventy kings,
   and had among his subjects the ten tribes of Israel, entertained at his
   table daily twelve archbishops and twenty bishops, and that his kingdom
   was overflowing with milk and honey. [901]

   To put themselves into communication with this wonderful personage and
   bring him into subjection to Rome engaged the serious attention of
   several popes. Alexander III., 1177, sent his physician Philip with
   commission to inform the king of the faith of Western Christendom. He
   also addressed him in a letter as his "most dear son in Christ, John,
   king of the Indies and most holy of priests." The illusion abated as
   serious efforts to find the kingdom were made. Rubruquis wrote back to
   Europe from the region where John was reported to have ruled that few
   could be found who knew anything about Prester-John and that the
   stories which had been told were greatly exaggerated. He added that a
   certain ruler, Coirchan, had been followed by a Nestorian shepherd,
   called John. It has been conjectured by Oppert that the word
   "Coirchan," through the Syrian Juchanan, became known as John in
   Europe. A prince of that name whom the Chinese call Tuliu Tasha fled
   from China westwards, and established a kingdom in Central Asia.
   Nestorians were among his subjects. Chinese tradition has it that the
   prince was a Buddhist. Thus dwindles away a legend which, to use
   Gibbon's language, "long amused the credulity of Europe."

   In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries Asia witnessed the
   establishment of the vast Mongol empire. Scarcely ever has military
   genius among uncivilized peoples had more wonderful display than in its
   founders, Zenghis Khan and his successors, especially Kublai and Mangu.
   [902] plished in Spain it was feared the Mongols would do for the whole
   continent. They destroyed Moscow and advanced as far as Cracow in
   Poland, and Buda Pesth in Hungary, 1241. The empire rapidly
   disintegrated, and was divided into four main sections: the empire of
   the Great Khan, including China and Thibet; the empire of Central Asia;
   Persia, extending to the Caucasus, and the loose kingdom of the Golden
   Horde in Russia and Siberia. [903] defence against the imminent menace
   of these Tartars, [904]

   The Church sent forth several deputations of missionaries to these
   tribes, some of whom were received at the court of the Great Khan. The
   most fearless and adventuresome of their number was William Rubruquis,
   or Ruysbroeck, the Livingstone of his age, who committed to writing a
   vivid account of his experiences. John of Monte Corvino ventured as far
   as Pekin, then known in Europe as Cambaluc and among the Mongols as
   Khanbaligh, "the city of the Khan."

   Merciless as they were in battle, the Mongols were tolerant in
   religion. This was due in part to the absence among them of any
   well-defined system of worship. Mangu Khan, in answer to the appeals of
   Rubruquis, said, "We Mongols believe that there is only one God, in
   whom we live and die. But as God has given to the hand different
   fingers, so He has given to men different ways to Himself. To you
   Christians he has given the Holy Scriptures; to us, soothsayers and
   diviners."

   Kublai showed the same spirit when he said to Marco Polo, "There are
   four prophets who are worshipped by the four different tribes on the
   earth. Christians look upon Christ as their God, the Saracens upon
   Mohammed, the Jews upon Moses, and the heathen upon Sogomombar-Khan
   (Buddha). I esteem and honor all four and pray that He who is supreme
   amongst them may lend me His help." Alexander Severus perhaps did no
   better when he placed side by side statues of Abraham, Christ, and
   Orpheus and other pagan gods. It was not till after the contact of the
   missionaries with the Mongols that the khans of the East adopted
   Buddhism, while the tribes of Persia and the West chose the rites of
   Islam.

   In 1245 Innocent IV. despatched four Dominicans to the Mongol chief in
   Persia and three Franciscans to the Great Khan himself. The next effort
   was due to Louis IX., then engaged in his first Crusade. Ambassadors
   from the Mongol chief of Tartary visited the French king at Cyprus.
   [905] present of a tent embroidered with representations of Scriptural
   scenes and so constructed as to have the shape, when put up, of a
   chapel. It is from one of these two Franciscans, Rubruquis, that our
   first reliable information of the Mongols is drawn. He found Nestorian
   priests using the Syriac liturgy, which they did not understand, and
   joining with the Mohammedans and Buddhists in offering a blessing over
   the khan's cups. Rubruquis reached Karkorum and had a hospitable
   reception at the court of Mangu Khan. One of Mangu's secretaries was a
   Christian, another a Mohammedan, the third a Buddhist. A religious
   disputation was held in the khan's presence. After Rubruquis had
   asserted that all God's commandments are contained in the Scriptures,
   he was asked whether he thought Mangu kept them. The missionary
   adroitly replied that "it was his desire to lay before the khan all
   God's commandments and then the khan would be able to judge for himself
   whether he kept them or not."

   The Mongolian chiefs in Persia and the Christians were joint enemies of
   the Caliph of Egypt, and after the Mongolian conquest of the caliphate
   of Bagdad, embassies were sent by the pope to Persia, and Dominican and
   Franciscan convents established in that land; but after their adoption
   of Islam in the fourteenth century, the Mongols persecuted the
   Christians and the convents were destroyed.

   In Central Asia among the Jagatai Mongols events took the same course.
   At first, 1340, permission was granted to the missionaries to prosecute
   their work. John of Marignola preached and baptized converts. These
   Mongols afterwards also adopted Mohammedanism and persecuted the
   Christians.

   In the Mongol empire of China the efforts gave larger promise of
   fruitfulness. Nicolo and Maffei Polo [906] Kublai Khan to Gregory X.
   for missionaries to instruct his people in Christianity and European
   habits. Two Dominicans accompanied the Polos on their return journey,
   Marco Polo being of the party. The missionaries did not reach their
   destination. Three years later Franciscans were sent. John of Monte
   Corvino, a Franciscan sent out by Nicholas IV., reached the court of
   the Great Khan at Cambaluc, and in 1303 was joined by Arnold, a
   Franciscan from Cologne. They translated the New Testament and the
   Psalms into the Tartar language, bought and trained one hundred and
   fifty boys, built two churches, one of them close to the palace and
   overtopping it, and baptized six thousand converts. In 1307 John was
   made archbishop of Pekin, archiepiscopus Cambalensis, and died 1330.
   The khans passed over to the Buddhist faith and in 1368 the Ming
   dynasty which raised itself to power abolished Christianity. It
   remained for the Jesuits three hundred years later to renew missionary
   operations in China.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [899] G. Oppert, D. Presbyter Johannes in Sage u. Gesch., Berlin, 1864,
   2d ed. 1870. Brunet, La légende du Prêtre-Jean, Bordeaux, 1877.
   Zarncke, D. Priester-Johannes, Leipzig, 1870.

   [900] Chronicon, VII. 33. Otto also reports the bishop of Gabala as
   declaring that out of respect for his ancestors, the Magians, who had
   worshipped at the cradle of the Redeemer, John had started with an army
   to relieve Jerusalem, but for want of boats got no further than the
   Tigris.

   [901] The letter must have had an extensive circulation, as it exists
   in more than 100 MSS., 13 in Paris, 15 in Munich, 8 in the British
   Museum, etc.

   [902] It was at Kublai's court that Marco Polo (about 1324) spent many
   years. The origin of the Mongols is lost in legend. The Mongol
   historian Sanang Setzen traces it back to a blue wolf. Zenghis Khan,
   1162-1227, is known among the Chinese as Ching-sze, perfect warrior.
   The word "Mongol" comes from mong, meaning brave.

   [903] Hulagu, one of Manguls brothers, overthrew the Caliphate of
   Bagdad, 1258, and established the Mongol empire of Persia. He took in
   marriage a daughter of the Byzantine emperor, Michael Palaeologos.

   [904] See Hefele, V. 1096, 1114. A provincial synod at Erfurt, a few
   years before, 1241, had considered measures for defence against the
   Tartars. Hefele, V. 1081. For some of the papal bulls bearing on
   missions among the Mongols, see Potthast, 7429, 7490, 7537, 7550, 9130,
   9139, 9141, 10350, 10421.

   [905] Joinville, Chronicle of the Crusades, Engl. trans., pp. 384 sqq.,
   476 sqq.

   [906] Nicolo was the father of Marco Polo, Maffei was Marco's uncle.
   Marco was born in 1254 and went on his first journey to Asia when he
   was seventeen, 1271. The party went first to the island of Ormus on the
   Persian Gulf, at that time an important market for the exchange of
   goods. Of it Milton speaks:-- High on a throne of royal state, which
   far Outshone the wealth of Ormus and of Ind.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 77. The Jews.

   Literature: The Works of Peter the Venerable, and Bernard, in Migne,
   and the English Chroniclers, William of Newburgh, Walter of Coventry,
   Matthew Paris, etc., in the Rolls Series.--T. Basnage: Hist. des Juifs
   depuis Jésus Christ, 5 vols. Rotterdam, 1706.--D. Blossius Tovey:
   Anglia Judaica or Hist. Antiquities of the Jews in Engl., Oxford,
   1738.--Depping: Les Juifs dans le moyen âge, Paris, 1834.--E. H. Lindo:
   Hist. of the Jews of Spain and Portugal, London, 1848.--Halley: Les
   Juifs en France, etc., Paris, 1845.--Margoliouth: Hist. of the Jews in
   Great Britain, 3 vols. London, 1851.--H. H. Milman: Hist. of the Jews,
   3 vols. London, 1863.--José Amador de los Rios: Historia social,
   politica y religiosa de los Judios de Espana y Portugal, 3 vols.
   Madrid, 1875, 1876.--H. Graetz (Prof. at Breslau, d. 1891): Gesch. der
   Juden von den aeltesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart, 3d ed., Leipzig,
   1888-1894, 11 vols.; Engl. trans. by Bella Löwy, London, 5 vols.
   1891-1892.--J. Jacobs: The Jews of Angevin England. Documents and
   Records from Latin and Hebrew Sources, London, 1893.--I. Abrahams:
   Jewish Life in the M. A., London, 1896.--E. Rodocanachi: Le Saint Siège
   et les Juifs, Paris, 1891.--Döllinger: Die Juden in Europa in Akad.
   Vorträge, I. 208-241.--Lea: Chapters from the Relig. Hist. of Spain,
   Phil., 1890, pp. 437-469--Hefele: IV.-VI.--Lecky: Hist. of Europ.
   Morals.--Janssen: Hist. of the German People, II. 73 sqq. The Lives of
   St. Bernard.--D. S. Schaff: The Treatment of the Jews in the Middle
   Ages, Bibliotheca Sacra, 1903, pp. 547-571.

   Would that it might be said of the mediaeval church that it felt in the
   well-being of the Jews, the children of Abraham according to the flesh,
   a tithe of the interest it manifested in the recovery of the holy
   places of their ancient land. But this cannot be said. Though popes,
   bishops, and princes, here and there, were inclined to treat them in
   the spirit of humanity, the predominant sentiment of Europe was the
   sentiment of hatred and disdain. The very nations which were draining
   their energies to send forth armaments to reconquer the Holy Sepulchre
   joined in persecuting the Jews.

   Some explanation is afforded by the conduct of the Jews themselves.
   Their successful and often unscrupulous money dealings, the flaunting
   of their wealth, their exclusive social tendencies, their racial
   haughtiness, and their secretiveness, strained the forbearance of the
   Christian public to the utmost. [907] hat, in an offensive way, they
   showed contempt for the rites and symbols of the Christian faith. The
   provocation was great, but it does not justify a treatment of the
   Jewish people in all parts from Bohemia to the Atlantic which lacked
   the elements of common humanity. The active efforts that were made for
   their conversion seem to betray fully as much of the spirit of churchly
   arrogance as of the spirit of Christian charity. Peter the Venerable,
   in the prologue to his tract addressed to the Jews, said, "Out of the
   whole ancient world, you alone were not ignorant of Christ; yea, all
   peoples have listened, and you alone do not hear. Every language has
   confessed him, and you alone deny. Others see him, hear him, apprehend
   him, and you alone remain blind, and deaf, and stony of heart."

   The grounds upon which the Jews were persecuted were three: 1. Their
   fathers had crucified Christ, and the race, predestined to bear the
   guilt and the punishment of the deed, was receiving its merited
   portion; 2. They perpetrated horrible atrocities upon Christian
   children, and mocked the host and the cross; 3. They imposed upon the
   Christians by exacting exorbitant rates of interest. In no Christian
   state were they safe. They were aliens in all, and had the rights of
   citizenship in none. The "enemies of Christ" and "the perfidious" were
   common names for them, and canonists and theologians use the latter
   expression. The ritual of Good Friday contained the words, "Let us pray
   also for the perfidious Jews." [908] the Third and Fourth Lateran and
   other councils class together under one and the same canon the Jews and
   the Saracens. [909]

   Three classes are to be taken into account in following the treatment
   of the Jews,--the popes, including the prelates, the princes, and the
   mass of the people with their priests.

   Taking the popes one by one, their utterances were, upon the whole,
   opposed to inhumane measures and uniformly against the forced baptism
   of the Jews. Gregory the Great protected them against frenzied
   persecution in Southern Italy. Innocent IV., 1247, denied the charge of
   child murder brought against them, and threatened with excommunication
   Christians oppressing them. [910] Martin IV., in 1419, issued a bull in
   which he declared that he was following his predecessors in commanding
   that they be not interrupted in their synagogal worship, or compelled
   to accept baptism, or persecuted for commercial transactions with
   Christians. On the other hand, the example of Innocent III. gave
   countenance to the severest measures, and Eugenius IV. quickly annulled
   the injunctions of his predecessor, Martin IV.

   As for the princes, the Jews were regarded as being under their
   peculiar jurisdiction. At will, they levied taxes upon them,
   confiscated their goods, and expelled them from their realms. It was to
   the interest of princes to retain them as sources of revenue, and for
   this reason they were inclined to protect them against the violence of
   blind popular prejudice and rage. Frederick II. imposed upon them
   perpetual slavery as a vengeance upon them for the crucifixion. [911]

   The inception of the Crusades was accompanied by violent outbursts
   against the Jews. Innocent III., in 1216, established the permanent
   legal basis of their persecution. Their expulsion from Spain, in 1492,
   represents the culminating act in the mediaeval drama of their
   sufferings. England, Germany, France, Spain, Portugal, and Hungary
   joined in their persecution. In Italy they suffered least. Tens of
   thousands were burned or otherwise put to death. They were driven, at
   one time or another, from almost every country. The alternative of
   baptism or death was often presented to them. The number of those who
   submitted to death was probably larger than the number who accepted
   baptism. Most of those, however, who accepted baptism afterwards openly
   returned to the faith of their fathers or practised its rites in
   secret. [912]

   It is an interesting fact that, during these centuries of persecution,
   the Jews, especially in Spain and France, developed an energetic
   literary activity. Gerschom, Raschi, and the Kimchis belong to France.
   The names of Maimonides and Benjamin of Tudela head a long list of
   scholarly Spanish Jews. The pages of Graetz are filled with the names
   and achievements of distinguished students in medicine and other
   departments of study. [913]

   The path of anti-Semitism was early struck by Church and Christian
   state. The mediaeval legislation followed closely the precedent of
   earlier enactments. [914] sibut of Spain. When princes, as in Lyons,
   protected Jewish merchants, prelates violently protested, as did
   Agobard, archbishop of Lyons, apostle as he was in some particulars of
   modern enlightenment. [915] g: The Jews were forbidden to employ
   Christian nurses, servants, or laborers, to publicly sell meat, to work
   on Sundays or feast days, to employ Christian physicians, [916] er, and
   to wear a distinguishing patch or other object on their garments. On
   the other hand, Christians were forbidden to attend Jewish funerals and
   marriages, and were punished for borrowing from Jews.

   None of the regulations was so humiliating as the one requiring the Jew
   to wear a distinguishing costume or a distinguishing patch upon his
   garments. This patch was ordered placed on the chest, or on both chest
   and back, so that the wearer might be distinguished from afar, as of
   old the leper was known by his cry "unclean," and that Christians might
   be prevented from ignorantly having carnal connection with the despised
   people. At the instance of Stephen Langton the synod of Oxford, 1222,
   prescribed a woollen patch, and Edward I., 1275, ordered the yellow
   patch worn by all over seven. Louis IX. ordered that the color of the
   patch should be red or saffron, the king of England that it should be
   yellow. Its size and shape were matters of minute enactment. The Fourth
   Lateran gave the weight of its great authority to this regulation about
   dress, and decreed that it should be enforced everywhere. Dr. Graetz
   pronounces this law the culminating blow in the humiliation of his
   kinsmen. He declares that Innocent III. brought more misery upon the
   Jews than all their enemies had done before, and charges him with being
   the first pope who turned the inhuman severity of the Church against
   them. [917]

   The position Innocent took was that God intended the Jews to be kept,
   like Cain, the murderer, to wander about on the earth designed by their
   guilt for slavery till the time should come in the last days for their
   conversion. [918]

   With this view, the theologians coincided. Peter the Venerable, a
   half-century before Innocent, presented the case in the same aspect as
   did the great pope, and launched a fearful denunciation against the
   Jews. In a letter to Louis VII. of France, he exclaimed, "What would it
   profit to fight against enemies of the cross in remote lands, while the
   wicked Jews, who blaspheme Christ, and who are much worse than the
   Saracens, go free and unpunished. Much more are the Jews to be
   execrated and hated than the Saracens; for the latter accept the birth
   from the Virgin, but the Jews deny it, and blaspheme that doctrine and
   all Christian mysteries. God does not want them to be wholly
   exterminated, but to be kept, like the fratricide Cain, for still more
   severe torment and disgrace. In this way God's most just severity has
   dealt with the Jews from the time of Christ's passion, and will
   continue to deal with them to the end of the world, for they are
   accursed, and deserve to be." [919]

   Of a different mind was Bernard. When the preparations were being made
   for the Second Crusade, and the monk Radulf went up and down the Rhine,
   inflaming the people against the Jews, the abbot of Clairvaux set
   himself against the "demagogue," as Neander called Radulf. [920] le to
   the archbishop of Mainz, reminding him that the Lord is gracious
   towards him who returns good for evil. "Does not the Church," he
   exclaimed, "triumph more fully over the Jews by convincing and
   converting them from day to day than if she once and for all should
   slay them by the edge of the sword!" How bitter the prejudice was is
   seen in the fact that when Bernard met Radulf face to face, it required
   all his reputation for sanctity to allay the turbulence at Mainz. [921]

   Turning to England we find William of Newburgh, Roger de Hoveden, and
   other chroniclers. approving the Jewish persecutions. Richard of
   Devizes [922] references, seems not to have been in full sympathy with
   the popular animosity.

   Among great English ecclesiastics the Jews had at least two friendly
   advocates in Hugh of Lincoln and Robert Grosseteste. Grosseteste laid
   down the principle that the Jews were not to be exterminated, on the
   grounds that the law had been given through them, and that, after
   passing through their second captivity, they would ultimately, in
   accordance with the eleventh chapter of Romans, embrace Christianity.
   He, however, declared that Cain was the type of the Jews, as Abel was
   the type of Christ. For the sake of God's mercy, they should be
   preserved, that Christ might be glorified; but for the sake of God's
   justice, they were to be held in captivity by the princes, that they
   might fulfil the prediction concerning Cain, and be vagabonds and
   wanderers on the earth. They should be forcibly prevented from pursuing
   the occupation of usurers. [923] lands to the Jews expelled by Simon de
   Montfort from Leicester. That he was not altogether above the
   prejudices of his age is vouched for by a letter, also written in 1244,
   in which he calls upon his archdeacons to prevent Jews and Christians
   living side by side. Grosseteste's predecessor, Hugh of Lincoln,
   protected the Jews when they were being plundered and massacred in
   1190, and Jews showed their respect by attending his funeral. [924]

   No charge was too serious to be laid at the door of the Jews. When the
   Black Death swept through Europe in 1348, it did not occur to any one
   to think of the Saracens as the authors of that pestilence. The Jew was
   guilty. In Southern France and Spain, so the wild rumor ran, he had
   concocted poisons which were sent out wholesale and used for
   contaminating fountains. From Barcelona and Seville to the cities in
   Switzerland and Germany the unfortunate people had to suffer
   persecution for the alleged crime. In Strassburg, 1349, the entire
   Hebrew population of two thousand was seized, and as many as did not
   consent to baptism, were burnt in their own graveyard and their goods
   confiscated. In Erfurt and other places the entire Jewish population
   was removed by fire or expulsion.

   The canonical regulations against usury gave easy excuse for declaring
   debts to the Jews not binding. Condemned by Tertullian and Cyprian,
   usury was at first forbidden to laymen as well as clerics, as by the
   synod of Elvira; but at the council of Nice, 325, the prohibition was
   restricted to the clergy. Later Jerome, Augustine, and Leo I. again
   applied the prohibition to all Christians. Gratian received it into the
   canon law. Few subjects claimed so generally the attention of the
   mediaeval synods as usury. [925] s to declare usury forbidden by the
   Old Testament as well as by the New Testament. Clement V. put the
   capstone on this sort of legislation by declaring, at the council of
   Vienne, 1311, null and void all state and municipal laws allowing usury
   and pronouncing it heresy to deny that usury is sin. No distinction was
   made between rates of interest. All interest was usurious. The wonder
   is that, with such legislation on the Church's statute-books, any
   borrower should have felt bound by a debt to a Jew.

   Eugenius III. offered all enlisting in the Second Crusade exemption
   from interest due Jewish creditors. Gregory IX. made the same offer to
   later Crusaders.

   The charge was frequently repeated against the Jews that they were
   guilty of the murder of Christian children for ritualistic purposes,
   especially at the time of the Passover. This almost incredible crime
   again and again stirred the Christian population into a frenzy of
   excitement which issued in some of the direst miseries the Jewish
   people were called upon to endure. [926]

   In France, Philip Augustus, using as a pretext the alleged crucifixion
   of a Christian child, in 1182, expelled the Jews from his realm and
   confiscated their goods. The decree of expulsion was repeated by Louis
   IX. in the year before he set out on his last crusade, by Philip the
   Fair in 1306 and 1311, and by other French monarchs, but it was never
   so strictly enforced as in Spain. Louis IX. also ordered all copies of
   the Targum destroyed. In 1239 Gregory IX. issued a letter to the
   archbishops of France, Castile, Aragon, Portugal, and England,
   commanding the same thing. [927]

   In Germany, from the First Crusade on, the Jews were subjected to
   constant outbreaks, but usually enjoyed the protection of the emperors
   against popular fury. In the fifteenth century, they were expelled from
   Saxony 1432, Spires and Zürich 1435, Mainz 1438, and other localities.

   In England the so-called Jewries of London, Lincoln, Oxford, and three
   or four other cities represented special tribunals and modes of
   organization, with which the usual courts of the land had nothing to
   do. [928] rtgaged to the famous Aaron of Lincoln, who died 1187. He
   boasted that his money had built St. Albans, a boast which Freeman uses
   to prove the intolerable arrogance of the Jews. The arm of St. Oswald
   of Peterboro was held by a Jew in pawn. The usual interest charged was
   two pence a week on the pound, or forty-three per cent a year. And it
   went as high as eighty per cent. The promissory note is preserved which
   Herbert, pastor of Wissenden, gave to Aaron of Lincoln for 120 marks at
   two pence a week. [929] ws were tallaged by the king at pleasure. They
   belonged to him, as did the forests. [930] he famous case occurred of
   the Jew of Bristol, already referred to, whose teeth John ordered
   pulled out, one each day, till he should make over to the royal
   treasury ten thousand marks. The description that Matthew Paris gives
   is highly interesting, but it was not till four centuries had elapsed,
   that another historian, Thomas Fuller, commenting upon this piece of
   mediaeval dentistry, had the hardihood to say, this Jew, "yielding
   sooner, had saved his teeth, or, stubborn longer, had spared his money;
   now having both his purse and his jaw empty by the bargain. Condemn we
   here man's cruelty, and admire Heaven's justice; for all these sums
   extorted from the Jews by temporal kings axe but paying their
   arrearages to God for a debt they can never satisfy; namely, the
   crucifying of Christ." Old prejudices die hard.

   Henry III.'s exactions became so intolerable that in 1255 the Jews
   begged to be allowed to leave the realm. This request, to rely again
   upon Matthew Paris, the king refused, and then, like "another Titus or
   Vespasian," farmed them out to his rich brother Richard, Earl of
   Cornwall, that, "as he himself had excoriated them, so Richard might
   eviscerate them." [931]

   The English Crusaders, starting on the Third Crusade, freely pillaged
   the Jews, indignant, as the chroniclers relate, that they should have
   abundance and to spare while they, who were hurrying on the long
   journey to Jerusalem, had not enough for their barest wants. [932] ,
   that the horrible massacre occurred in which neither sex nor age was
   spared. At York, five hundred were shut up in the castle, and the men,
   in despair, after putting to death their own wives and daughters, were
   many of them burned to death. [933]

   English communities were roused to a lamentable pitch of excitement by
   the alleged crucifixion of Christian boys. Among the more notorious
   cases were William of Norwich 1144, Harold of Gloucester 1168, Robert
   of Edmonsbury 1181, and Hugh of Lincoln 1255. Although these children
   were popularly known as saints, none of them have been canonized by the
   Church. The alleged enormities perpetrated upon Hugh of Lincoln, as
   given by Matthew Paris, are too shocking to be enumerated at length.
   The same chronicler interjects the statement that the deed was "said
   often to have occurred." In the excitement over little Hugh, eighteen
   Jews were gibbeted. [934] .

   Some English Jews, under pressure of fear, submitted to baptism, and
   some also of their free will. The first case of the latter kind, so far
   as I know, is given by Anselm. [935] ian turning Jew. A deacon was
   hanged for this offence. [936]

   The last act in the history of the Jews in mediaeval England was their
   banishment by Edward I. in 1290. From that time until the Caroline age,
   England was free from Jewish inhabitants. Cromwell added to his fame by
   giving them protection in London.

   The treatment the Jews received in Spain is justly regarded as the most
   merciless the race received in the Middle Ages. Edward I. protected
   against plunder the sixteen thousand Jews whom he banished from
   England. But Ferdinand of Spain, when he issued the fell decree for his
   Jewish subjects to leave Spain, apparently looked on without a sign of
   pity. Spain, through its Church councils, had been the leader in
   restrictive legislation. The introduction of the Inquisition made the
   life of this people more and more severe, although primarily its
   pitiless regulations had no application to them. Persecutions filled
   the land with ungenuine proselytes, the conversos, and these became
   subject to the inquisitorial court.

   The final blow given by Ferdinand and Isabella fell in 1492, the year
   of the discovery of the New World, in a part of which was to be put
   into practice religious toleration as it was never before practised on
   the earth. The edict expelled all unbaptized Jews from Spain. Religious
   motives were behind it, and religious agents executed it. The immediate
   occasion was the panic aroused by the alleged crucifixion of the child
   of La Guardia--el santo niño de la Guardia--one of the most notorious
   cases of alleged child murder by the Jews. [937] quemada, hastening
   into the presence of the king and his consort, presented the crucifix,
   exclaiming, "Judas Iscariot sold Christ for thirty pieces of silver.
   Your majesties are about to sell him for three thousand ducats. Here he
   is, take him and sell him."

   The number of Jews who emigrated from Spain, in the summer of 1492, is
   estimated at 170,000 to 400, 000. [938] short. In 1495 an edict offered
   them the old alternative of baptism or death, and children under
   fourteen were taken forcibly from their parents, and the sacred
   Christian rite was administered to them. Ten years later two thousand
   of the alleged ungenuine converts were massacred in cold blood.

   Such was the drama of sufferings through which the Jews were made to
   pass during the mediaeval period in Western Europe. As against this
   treatment, what efforts were made to win the Jews by appeals to the
   gospel? But the question might well be asked whether any appeals could
   be expected to win them when such a spirit of persecution prevailed.
   How could love and such hostility go together? The attempts to convince
   them were made chiefly through tracts and disputations. Anselm, while
   he did not direct his treatise on the atonement, cur deus homo, to the
   Jews, says, that his argument was sufficient to persuade both Jew and
   pagan. Grosseteste sought to show the fulfilment of the old law and to
   prove the divinity of Christ in his de cessatione legalium, written in
   1231. [939] ordinary size. Its heading, little adapted to win the favor
   of the people to whom it was addressed, ran "A Tract against the
   Inveterate Hardness of the Jews" (inveteratam duritiem). The author
   proceeded to show from the Hebrew Scriptures the divinity of Christ, at
   the same time declaring that "to the blind even the light is as night
   and the sun as the shades of darkness."

   Some idea can be gotten of the nature of some of Peter's arguments from
   one of the many Scripture texts adduced to prove that Christ is the Son
   of God, Isa. lxvi. 9: "Shall I bring to the birth, and not cause to
   bring forth? saith Jehovah. Shall I that caused to bring forth shut the
   womb? saith thy God." "What could be more clear, O Jews," adds the
   author, "in proving the generation of the Son of God? For if God begat,
   so far as He begat, He is necessarily Father, and the Son of God, so
   far as He is begotten, is necessarily Son." In taking up the proof that
   the Messiah has already come, Peter naïvely says that "if the Jew shall
   presume to think when the argument is finished that he lives, Peter
   holds the sword of Goliath, and, standing over the Jew's prostrate
   form, will use the weapon for his destruction, and 'with its edge'
   cleave his blasphemous head in twain." [940]

   If the mild abbot of Cluny, Peter the Venerable, approached the Jews in
   such an arrogant tone, what was to be expected from other writers, like
   Peter of Blois who wrote upon the Perfidy of the Jews?

   Public disputations were resorted to in Southwestern Europe. Not a few
   Jews, "learned men, physicians, authors, and poets," to use the
   language of Graetz, [941] ic disputations, representative rabbis and
   chosen Christian controversialists disputed. Jewish proselytes often
   represented the Christian side. The most famous of these disputations,
   the disputation of Tortosa, extended through a year and nine months,
   1413-1414, and held sixty-eight sittings. Many baptisms are reported to
   have followed this trial of argumentative strength, and Benedict XIII.
   announced his conclusions in a bull forbidding forced baptism, as
   opposed to the canons of the church, but insisting on the Jews wearing
   the distinctive patch, and enacting that they should listen to three
   Christian sermons every year,--on Easter, in Advent, and in midsummer.
   Raymundus Lullus appealed for the establishment of chairs in Hebrew
   with an eye to the conversion of the Jews, as did also the Dominican
   Raymundus of Peñaforte. At the beginning of the fifteenth century the
   propaganda of the eloquent preacher Vincent Ferrer was crowned with
   success, and the lowest estimates place the number who received baptism
   under his influence at twenty thousand. The most distinguished of the
   Spanish converts was Rabbi Solomon Helevi, 1353-1435, who occupied the
   archiepiscopal chair of Burgos. The Christian scholar Nicolas of Cusa,
   if not born a Jew, was of Jewish descent.

   In London there was an attempt to reach the Jews by a sort of
   university settlement, the domus conversorum, intended for the
   protection of Jewish proselytes. It was established in 1233, and an
   annual grant of seven hundred marks from the royal exchequer promised
   for its maintenance; but no reports have come down to us of its
   usefulness.

   These efforts relieve, it is true, the dark picture, but relieve it
   only a little. The racial exclusiveness of the Jew, and the defiant
   pride which Christendom associates with him when he attains to
   prosperity, still render it difficult to make any impression upon him
   by the presentation of the arguments for Christianity. There have been
   converts. Neander was a Jew born. So were Paulus Cassel and Adolf
   Saphir. Delitzsch had a Jew for one of his parents. Döllinger is
   authority for the statement that thirty years ago there were two
   thousand Christians in Berlin of Jewish descent. There is fortunately
   no feeling to-day, at least in the church of the West, that it should
   come to the aid of Providence in executing vengeance for the
   crucifixion of Christ, a thought which ruled the Christian mind in the
   Middle Ages. In view of the experience of the medieval church, if for
   no other reason, the mode of treatment suggested to the modern church
   is by the spirit of brotherly confidence and Christian love.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [907] William of Newburgh, Hamilton's ed., I. 282, says the tendency of
   the royal protection in England was to make them proud and stiffnecked
   against Christians. Green pronounces the attitude of the Jew in England
   one "of proud and even insolent defiance."Hist. of Engl. People, bk.
   III. ch. IV.

   [908] Oremus et pro perfidis Judaeis. Döllinger, p. 216.

   [909] The caption of Gratian's Decretals, ch. XV. 6, is de Judaeis et
   Saracenis et eorum servis.

   [910] . Graetz, VII. l06.

   [911] Perpetuam servitutem ad perpetuam Judaici sceleris ultionem,
   Bréholles, I. 57.

   [912] Döllinger's statement, p. 235, that the number who submitted to
   compulsory baptism was very insignificant compared to the number who
   accepted death is not justified by the statistics given by Graetz.

   [913] Jacobs, Jews in Angevin England, tries to prove that the English
   Jews also developed a culture of their own. Graetz positively denies
   this, VI. 225.

   [914] See art. The Treatment of the Jews, in Bibl. Sac., 1903, 552 sqq.
   and the authorities there cited.

   [915] Agobard wrote five tracts against the Jews. See Wiegand's
   instructive brochure, Agobard von Lyon und die Judenfrage, Erl., 1901.
   Agobard asserted that Judaism and Christianity were as far apart as
   Ebal and Gerizim.

   [916] The reason given by the synod of Salamanca, 1335, against the
   employment of Jewish physicians was that they were bent upon the
   extermination of the Christians.

   [917] VII. 4, 16.

   [918] In letters to Alfonso of Castile, 1205, and to the count of
   Nevers, 1208.

   [919] ad majus tormentum et ad majorem ignominiam ... sic de damnatis
   damnandisque Judaeis, lib. IV. ep. 36; Migne's ed., vol, 189, 365-367.

   [920] Otto of Freising says that "very many were killed in Mainz,
   Worms, Spires, and other places."De gestis Frid. I. 37-39.

   [921] Graetz, VI. 148, 151, pronounces Bernard "a truly holy man, a man
   of apostolic simplicity of heart."

   [922] Howlett's ed., p. 383.

   [923] Grosseteste's Letters, Luard's ed., 33-39. Stevenson, Life of
   Grosseteste, 97-101, holds that he had no intention of discouraging the
   countess in her humane effort.

   [924] Thurston, Life of St. Hugh of Lincoln, 277 sqq., 547.

   [925] See index in Hefele under Wucher. On the whole subject of Usury
   see Jacobson, art. Wucher, in Herzog, 2d ed., XVII. 341-349. In 1228
   the king of Spain restricted Jewish money lenders to the rate of 20%.
   Hefele, V. 986. In 1368 the city of Frankfurt paid Jewish brokers 52%
   on a loan of 1000 florins. In Augsburg, Vienna, and other cities the
   interest was often as high as 86²/3%. See Janssen, II. 74.

   [926] Lea, in his Hist. of Spain, 437-469, cites a large number of
   cases down to recent times.

   [927] Graetz, VII. 401-406.

   [928] It is possible the first Jews came to England with William the
   Conqueror. Jacobs, p. 3. A law of Edward the Confessor, however, has a
   reference to Jews.

   [929] Jacobs, p. 67, 308. The mortgages were called cartae debitorum,
   M. Paris, Luard's ed., II. 358, etc. Jacobs, p. 381, estimates the
   number of Jews in England in 1200 at 2000. London had 100 families,
   Lincoln 82, Norwich 42, etc. Peter the Venerable also bears witness to
   the money dealings of convents with Jews, de mirac., II. 15; Migne,
   189, 927

   [930] Stubbs, Const. Hist., II. 530 sqq.

   [931] Ut quos excoriaverat, comes eviscerat. Luard's ed., V. 487 sq.

   [932] M. Paris, II. 358 sq.

   [933] See M. Paris and especially William of Newburgh, Hamilton's ed.,
   II. 2428, and de Hoveden. Matthew and de Hoveden are careful to say
   that the mortgage papers the Jews held were burnt with them. See
   Graetz's description, VI. 219 sqq.

   [934] M. Paris, Luard's ed., III. 543, IV. 30, 377, V. 516. As usual,
   the guilty parties were the richest Jews in the place. The chroniclers
   are not agreed in regard to the exact motives actuating the Jews in
   these murders.

   [935] Jacobs, p. 8. Hermann, a monk of Cologne, gives an account of his
   conversion from Judaism, Migne, 170, 806 sqq. A most singular attempt
   by the devil to blot out the baptism of a German Jewish girl is given
   by Caesar of Heisterbach, Dial., II. 26. She was to be drawn three
   times through the hole in the outhouse, the effects of baptism being
   left behind.

   [936] M. Paris, III. 71.

   [937] See Lea's elaborate account in Rel. Hist. of Spain, 437-468; also
   Graetz, VIII. 466-472. The child's body could not be found, but the
   Inquisitors easily accounted for this by the report that it had been
   carried to heaven on the third day after the murder.

   [938] Graetz, VIII. 349, puts it at 300,000.

   [939] For the use made of it by Sir John Eliot and John Selden, see
   Stevenson, p. 104. Among other tracts on the Jewish question were those
   of Rupert of Deutz; Dial. inter Christum et Judaeum, Migne, 170,
   559-610; Richard of St. Victor, de Emmanuele, Migne, 196, 601-666;
   Alanus ab Insulis, Contra Judaeos, Migne, 210, 400-422.

   [940] Migne's ed., 189, 553.

   [941] viii. 83.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER X.

   HERESY AND ITS SUPPRESSION.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 78. Literature for the Entire Chapter.

   General Works: Flacius Illyricus: Catalogus testium veritatis qui ante
   nostram aetatem reclamarunt papae, Basel, 1556.--Du Plessis d'argentré:
   Coll. judiciorum de novis erroribus qui ab initio XII. saec. usque ad
   1632 in ecclesia postscripti sunt et notati, 3 vols. Paris,
   1728.--*Döllinger: Beiträge zur Sektengesch. des Mittelalters, Munich,
   1890. A most valuable work. Part II., pp. 736, contains original
   documents, in the collection of which Döllinger spent many years and
   made many journeys.--Paul Fredericq: Corpus documentorum haer.
   pravitatis Neerlandicae, 5 vols. Ghent, 1889 sqq.--Caesar of
   Heisterbach: Dialogus.--Etienne De Bourbon: Anecdotes Historiques, ed.
   by Lecoy de la Marche, Paris, 1877.--Map: De nugis curialium, Wright's
   ed. Epp. Innocentii III., Migne, 214-216.--Jacques de Vitry: Hist.
   orientalis, Douai, 1672, and in Martene and Durand, Thes. anecd., 5
   vols. Paris, 1717.--Arnold: Unpartheiische Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorie,
   Frankf., 1729.--Füsslin: Kirchen- und Ketzergesch. der mittleren Zeit,
   3 vols. Leipzig, 1770-1774.--Mosheim: Versuch einer unparthei.
   Ketzergesch., Helmstädt, 1746.--Hahn: Gesch. der Ketzer im Mittelalter,
   3 vols. Stuttg., 1845-1847.--A. Jundt: Hist. du panthéisme pop. au
   moyen âge, Paris, 1876.--*LEA: Hist. of the Inquisition, 3 vols. N. Y.,
   1888. On the sects, I. 67-208.--M. F. Tocco: L'eresia net medio evo,
   Florence, 1884.--P. Alphandéry: Les idées morales chez les Hetérédoxes
   Latins au début du XIII siècle, Paris, 1903.--Hefele-Knöpfler, vol.
   V.--A. H. Newman: Recent Researches concerning Med. Sects in Papers of
   Amer. Soc. of Ch. Hist. 1892, IV. 167-221.

   For The Cathari, § 80 -- Bonacursus (at first a Catharan teacher): Vita
   haereticorum seu contra Catharos (1190?), Migne, 204.
   775-792.--Ecbertus (canon of Cologne about 1150): Sermones XIII. adv.
   Catharorum errores, Migne, 195. --- Ermengaudus: Contra haeret., Migne,
   204, 1235-1275.--Moneta Cremonensis (1240): Adv. Catharos et Valdenses,
   Rome, 1763.--Rainerius Sacchone (d. about 1263, was a leader among the
   Cathari for seventeen years, then became a Dominican and an active
   inquisitor): De Catharibus et Leonistis seu pauperibus de Lugduno in
   Martène-Durand, Thes. Anecd., V. 1759-1776.--Bernardus Guidonis:
   Practica inquisitionis hereticae pravitatis, ed. by Douais, Paris,
   1886.--C. Douais, bp. of Beauvais: Documents pour servir à l'Hist. de
   l'inquis. dans le Languedoc, 2 vols. Paris, 1900. Trans. and Reprints,
   by Univ. of Phila., III. No. 6.--*C. Schmidt: Hist. et Doctr. de la
   secte des Cathares ou Albigeois, 2 vols. Paris, 1849.

   For The Petrobrusians, etc.,

   For The Beguines And Beghards, § 83: Bernardus Guy: pp. 141 sqq.,
   264-268.--Fredericq, II. 9 sqq., 72 sqq.--Döllinger, II. 378-416, 702
   sqq.--*J. L. Mosheim: De Beghardis et Beguinabus, Leipzig, 1790.--G.
   Uhlhorn: D. christl. Liebesthätigkeit im Mittelalter, pp. 376-394.--H.
   Delacroix: Le Mysticisme speculatif en Allemagne au 14e siècle, Paris,
   1900, pp. 52-134.--Ullmann: Reformers before the Reformation. -- LEA:
   II. 350 sqq.--*Haupt, art. Beguinen und Begharden in Herzog, II.
   516-526, and art. Beguinen in Wetzer-Welte, II. 204 sqq.

   For The Waldenses, § 84, the works of Rainerius, Moneta, Bernardus
   Guy.--Döllinger: Beiträge.--Bernardus, Abbas Fontis Calidi (d. about
   1193): Adv. Waldensium sectam, Migne, 204. 793-840.--Alanus ab Insulis
   (d. about 1202): Adv. haeret. Waldenses, Judaeos et Paganos, Migne,
   210. 377-399;--Rescriptum haeresiarcharum Lombardiae ad Leonistas in
   Alemannia, by the so-called "Anonymous of Passau" (about 1315), ed. by
   Preger in Beiträge zur Gesch. der Waldesier im Mittelalter, Munich,
   1876. Gieseler, in his De Rainerii Sacchone, Götting., 1834, recognized
   this as a distinct work.--Etienne de Bourbon, pp. 290-296, etc.--David
   of Augsburg: Tractatus de inquis. haereticorum, ed. by Preger, Munich,
   1878. Döllinger gives parts of Bernard Guy's Practica, II. 6-17, etc.,
   the Rescriptum, II. 42-52, and David of Augsburg, II. 351-319.--Also
   Fredericq, vols. I., II.

   Mod. Works, § 84: Perrin: Hist. des Vaudois, Geneva, 1619, in three
   parts,--the Waldenses, the Albigenses, and the Ten Persecutions of the
   Vaudois. The Phila. ed. (1847) contains an introd. by Professor Samuel
   Miller of Princeton.--Gilles: Hist. Eccles. des églises réf. en
   quelques vallées de Piémont, Geneva, 1648.--Morland: Hist. of the
   evang. Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont, London, 1658. --- Leger:
   Hist. générale des églises evang. des Vallées, etc., Leyden, 1669, with
   large maps of the three Waldensian valleys and pictures of the
   martyrdoms. Leger, a leading Waldensian pastor, took refuge in Leyden
   from persecution.--Peyran: Hist. Defence of the Waldenses, London,
   1826.--Gilly (canon of Durham): Waldensian Researches, London,
   1831.--Muston: Hist. des Vaudois, Paris, 1834; L'Israel des Alpes,
   Paris, 1851, Engl. trans., 2 vols. London, 1857, -- Blair: Hist. of the
   Waldenses, 2 vols. Edinb., 1833.--Monastier: Hist. de l'église
   vaudoise, 2 vols. Lausanne, 1847.--*A. W. Dieckhoff: Die Waldenser im
   Mittelalter, Götting. 1861.--*J. J. Herzog: Die romanischen Waldenser,
   Halle, 1853.--Maitland: Facts and Documents of the Waldenses, London,
   1862.--F. Palacky: Die Beziehungen der Waldenser zu den ehemaligen
   Sekten in Böhmen, Prague, 1869.--*Jaroslav Goll: Quellen und
   Untersuchungen zur Gesch. der Böhmischen Brüder, Prague,
   1878-1882.--*H. Haupt: Die relig. Sekten in Franken vor der
   Reformation, Würz b. 1882; Die deutsche Bibelübersetzung der
   mittelalterlichen Waldenser in dem Codex Teplensis, Würzb., 1885;
   Waldenserhtum und Inquisition im südöstlichen Deutschland, Freib.,
   1890; Der Waldensische Ursprung d. Codex Teplensis, Würzb.,
   1886.--Montet: Hist. litt. des Vaudois du Piémont, Paris, 1885.--*L.
   Keller: Die Waldenser und die deutschen Bibelübersetzungen, Leipzig,
   1886.--*F. Jostes: Die Waldenser und die vorluth. deutsche
   Bibelübersetzung, Munich, 1885; Die Tepler Bibelübersetzung, Münster,
   1886.--*Preger: Das Verhältniss der Taboriten zu den Waldesiern des
   14ten Jahrhunderts, Munich, 1887; Die Verfassung der französ.
   Waldesier, etc., Munich, 1890.--*K. Muller. Die Waldenser und ihre
   einzelnen Gruppen bis zum Anfang des 14ten Jahrhunderts, Gotha,
   1886.--*E. COMBA: Hist. des Vaudois d'Italie avant la Réforme, Paris,
   1887, new ed. 1901, Engl. trans., London, 1889.--Sofia Bompiani A Short
   Hist. of the Ital. Waldenses, N. Y. 1897. See also Lea: Inquis., vol.
   II.--E. E. Hale: In his Name, Boston, 1887, a chaste tale of the early
   Waldenses in Lyons.--H. C. Vedder: Origin and Early Teachings of the
   Waldenses in "Am. Jour. of Theol.," 1900, pp. 465-489.

   For The Crusades Against The Albigenses, § 85: Innocent III.'s Letters,
   Migne, 214-216. The Abbot Pierre de Vaux de Cernay in Rec. Hist. de
   France, XXI. 7 sqq.--Hurter: Inn. III. vol. II. 257-349, 379-389,
   413-432.--Hefele-Knöpfler: V. 827-861, etc.--Lea: I. 114-209.--A.
   Luchaire: Inn. III. et la croisade des Albigeois, Paris, 1905.
   --Mandell Creighton: Simon de Montfort, in Hist. Biog.

   For The Inquisition, §§ 86, 87, see Douais, Bernard Guy, and other
   sources and the works of Döllinger, Schmidt, Lea, Hurter (II. 257-269),
   Hefele, etc., as cited above.--Mirbt: Quellen zur Gesch. des
   Papstthums, 2d ed., pp. 126-146; -- Doct. de modo proced. c. haeret.,
   in Martene-Durand, Thes. anecd., V. 1795-1822.--Nic. Eymericus (inquis.
   general of Spain, d. 1399): Directorium inquisitorum, ed. F. Pegna,
   Rome, 1578. For MSS. of Eymericus, see Denifle: Archiv, 1886, pp. 143
   sqq.--P. Fredericq: Corpus documentorum inquis. haer. prav.
   Neerlandicae, 5 vols. Ghent, 1889-1902. Vol. I. opens with the year
   1025.--Lud. A Paramo (a Sicilian inquisitor): De orig. et progressu
   officii s. inguis., Madrid, 1698.--P. Limborch: Hist. inquis., Amster.,
   1692, includes the important liber sententiarum inquis. Tolosonae,
   Engl. trans., 2 vols. London, 1731.--J. A. Llorente (secretary of the
   Madrid Inquis. 1789-1791): Hist. critique de l'inquis. d'Espagne (to
   Ferdinand VII.), 4 vols. Paris, 1817. Condens. Engl. trans., Phil.
   1843.--Rule: Hist. of the Inquis., 2 vols. London, 1874.--F. Hoffmann:
   Gesch. der Inquis. (down to the last cent.), 2 vols. Bonn, 1878.--C.
   Molinier: L'Inquis. dans le midi de la France au 13e et 14e siècle,
   Paris, 1881.--Ficker: Die gesetzl. Einführung der Todesstrafe für
   Ketzerei in Mittheilungen für Oester. Geschichtsforschung, 1880, pp.
   188 sqq.--J. Havet: L'hérésie et le bras séculier aut moyen âge, Paris,
   1881.--Tamburini: Storia generale dell' Inquisizione, 4 vols.--L.
   Tanon: L'Hist. des tribunaux de l'Inquis. en France, Paris,
   1893.--HENNER: Beiträge zur Organization und Kompetenz der päpstlichen
   Ketzergerichte, . Leipzig, 1893.--Graf von Hoensbroech: Das Papstthum,
   etc., Leipzig, 1900; 4th ed., 1901. Chap. on the Papacy and the
   Inquis., I. 1-206.--P. Flade: Das römische Inquisitionsverfahren in
   Deutschland bis zu den Hexenprocessen, Leipzig, 1902.--Hurter: art.
   Inquisition in Wetzer-Welte, VI. 765 sqq., and Herzog, IX. 152-167.--E.
   L. Th. Henke: Konrad von Marburg, Marb., 1861.--B. Kaltner: Konrad v.
   Marburg u. d. Inquis. in Deutschland, Prague, 1882.--R. Schmidt: Die
   Herkunft des Inquisitionsprocesses, Freib. i. Breig. 1902.--C. H.
   Haskins: Robert le Bougre and the Beginnings of the Inquis. in Northern
   France in "Amer. Hist. Rev.," 1902, pp. 421-437, 631-653.--The works on
   canon law by Hinschius, Friedberg, and Ph. Hergenröther (R. C.), pp.
   126, 601-610.--E. Vacandard: L'inquisition, Etude Hist. et crit. sur le
   pouvoir coercitif de l'église, Paris, 1907, pp. 340.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 79. The Mediaeval Dissenters.

   The centralization of ecclesiastical authority in the papacy was met by
   a widespread counter-movement of religious individualism and dissent.
   It was when the theocratic programme of Gregory VII. and Innocent III.
   was being pressed most vigorously that an ominous spiritual revolt
   showed itself in communities of dissenters. While the crusading
   armaments were battling against the infidel abroad, heretical
   depravity, to use the official term, arose in the Church at home to
   disturb its peace.

   For nearly five hundred years heresy had been unknown in Western
   Europe. When Gregory the Great converted the Arians of Spain and
   Lombardy in the latter part of the sixth century, it was supposed that
   the last sparks of heresy were extinguished. In the second half of the
   eleventh century here and there, in Milan, Orleans, Strassburg,
   Cologne, and Mainz, little flames of heresy shot forth; but they were
   quickly put out and the Church went on its way again in peace. In the
   twelfth century, heresy again broke out simultaneously in different
   parts of Europe, from Hungary to the Pyrenees and northwards to Bremen.
   The two burning centres of the infection were Milan in Northern Italy
   and Toulouse in Southern France. The Church authorities looked on with
   alarm, and, led by the pope, proceeded to employ vigorous measures to
   stamp out the threatening evil. Jacques of Vitry, after visiting Milan,
   called it a pit of heretics, fovea haereticorum, and declared that
   there was hardly a person left to resist the spiritual rebels, so
   numerous were they in that city. [942] in the very vicinity of Rome,
   the Patarenes were in the majority in 1205, as Innocent III. testified.
   But it was in Languedoc that the situation was most alarming, and there
   papal armies were marshalled to crush out the contagion.

   The dissenting movement started with the people and not with the
   schools or princes, much provocation as the princes had for showing
   their resentment at the avarice and worldliness of the clergy and their
   invasion of the realm of civil authority. The vast majority of those
   who suffered punishment as heretics were of the common people. Their
   ignorance was a constant subject of gibe and derision as they stood for
   trial before the ecclesiastical tribunals. The heresy of a later
   period, the fifteenth century, differs in this regard, having scholars
   among its advocates.

   Our knowledge of the mediaeval sectaries and their practices is drawn
   almost wholly from the testimonies of those who were arrayed against
   them. These testimonies are found in tracts, manuals for the treatment
   of heresy, occasional notices of ecclesiastical writers like Salimbene,
   Vitry, Etienne de Bourbon, Caesar of Heisterbach, or Matthew Paris, in
   the decrees of synods and in the records of the heresy trials
   themselves. These last records, written down by Catholic hands, have
   come down to us in large numbers. [943] [944] the loss of goods,
   imprisonments, and death for their religious convictions, only a few
   lines remain in their own handwriting to depict their faith and hopes.

   The exciting cause of this religious revolt is to be looked for in the
   worldliness and arrogance of the clergy, the formalism of the Church's
   ritual, and the worldly ambitions of the papal policy. In their
   depositions before the Church inquisitors, the accused called attention
   to the pride, cupidity, and immorality of the priests. Tanchelm, Henry
   of Lausanne, and other leaders directed their invectives against the
   priests and bishops who sought power and ease rather than the good of
   the people.

   Underneath all this discontent was the spiritual hunger of the masses.
   The Bible was not an altogether forgotten book. The people remembered
   it. Popular preachers like Bernard of Thiron, Robert of Abrissel and
   Vitalis of Savigny quoted its precepts and relied upon its authority.
   There was a hankering after the Gospel which the Church did not set
   forth. The people wanted to get behind the clergy and the ritual of the
   sacraments to Christ himself, and, in doing so, a large body of the
   sectaries went to the extreme of abandoning the outward celebration of
   the sacraments, and withdrew themselves altogether from priestly
   offices. The aim of all the sects was moral and religious reformation.
   The Cathari, it is true, differed in a philosophical question and were
   Manichaeans, but it was not a question of philosophy they were
   concerned about. Their chief purpose was to get away from the worldly
   aims of the established church, and this explains their rapid diffusion
   in Lombardy and Southern France. [945]

   A prominent charge made against the dissenters was that they put their
   own interpretations upon the Gospels and Epistles and employed these
   interpretations to establish their own systems and rebuke the Catholic
   hierarchy. Special honor was given by the Cathari to the Gospel of
   John, and the Waldensian movement started with an attempt to make known
   the Scriptures through the vulgar tongue. The humbler classes knew
   enough about clerical abuses from their own observation; but the
   complaints of the best men of the times were in the air, and these must
   also have reached their ears and increased the general restlessness.
   St. Bernard rebuked the clergy for ambition, pride, and lust.
   Grosseteste called clerics antichrists and devils. Walter von der
   Vogelweide, among the poets, spoke of priests as those --


   "Who make a traffic of each sacrament

   The mass' holy sacrifice included."

   These men did not mean to condemn the priestly office, but it should
   occasion no surprise that the people made no distinction between the
   office and the priest who abused the office.

   The voices of the prophets were also heard beyond the walls of the
   convent,--Joachim of Flore and Hildegard. Of an independent
   ecclesiastical movement they had no thought. But they cried out for
   clerical reform, and the people, after long waiting, seeing no signs of
   a reform, found hope of relief only in separatistic societies and
   groups of believers. The prophetess on the Rhine, having in mind the
   Cathari, called upon all kings and Christians to put down the Sadducees
   and heretics who indulged in lust, and, in the face of the early
   command to the race to go forth and multiply, rejected marriage. But to
   her credit, it is to be said, that at a time when heretics were being
   burnt at Bonn and Cologne, she remonstrated against the death penalty
   for the heretic on the ground that in spite of his heresy he bore the
   image of God. [946] ve limited the punishment to the sequestration of
   goods.

   It is also most probable that the elements of heresy were introduced
   into Central and Western Europe from the East. In the Byzantine empire
   the germs of early heresies continued to sprout, and from there they
   seem to have been carried to the West, where they were adopted by the
   Manichaean Cathari and Albigenses. Travelling merchants and mercenaries
   from Germany, Denmark, France, and Flanders, who had travelled in the
   East or served in the Byzantine armies, may have brought them with them
   on their return to their homes.

   The matters in which the heretical sects differed from the Catholic
   Church concerned doctrine, ritual, and the organization of the Church.
   Among the dogmas repudiated were transubstantiation and the sacerdotal
   theory of the priesthood. The validity of infant baptism was also quite
   widely denied, and the Cathari abandoned water baptism altogether. The
   worship of the cross and other images was regarded as idolatry. Oaths
   and even military service were renounced. Bernard Guy,
   inquisitor-general of Toulouse and our chief authority for the
   heretical beliefs current in Southern France in the fourteenth century,
   says [947] ist's body had been as large as the largest mountain, it
   would have been consumed long before that time. As for adoring the
   cross, thorns and spears might with equal propriety be worshipped, for
   Christ's body was wounded by a crown of thorns and a lance. The
   depositions of the victims of the Inquisition are the simple statements
   of unlettered men. In the thousands of reports of judicial cases, which
   are preserved, charges of immoral conduct are rare.

   A heretic, that is, one who dissented from the dogmatic belief of the
   Catholic Church, was regarded as worse than a Saracen and worse than a
   person of depraved morals. In a sermon, issued by Werner of St. Blasius
   about 1125, the statement is made that the "holy Catholic Church
   patiently tolerates those who live ill, male viventes, but casts out
   from itself those who believe erroneously, male credentes." [948]
   heretics in Gascony, compared them to serpents which, just for the very
   reason that they conceal themselves, are all the more destructive to
   the simpleminded in the Lord's vineyard. Perhaps the most frequent
   comparison was that which likened them to Solomon's little foxes which
   destroy the vines. [949] [950] heretics scorpions, wounding with the
   sting of damnation, locusts like the locusts of Joel hid in the dust
   with vermin and countless in numbers, demons who offer the poison of
   serpents in the golden chalice of Babylon, and he called heresy the
   black horse of the Apocalypse on which the devil rides, holding the
   balances. Heresy is a cancer which moves like a serpent. [951]

   The Fourth Lateran also used the figure of Samson's foxes, whose faces
   had different aspects, but whose tails were bound together for one and
   the same fell purpose. [952] [953] dregs and depravity, and for that
   reason cannot return to their former faith except by a divine miracle,
   even as cinders, which cannot be made into silver, or dregs into wine."
   [954] [955] ee use was made of the withered branch of John 15:6, which
   was to be cast out and burnt, and of the historical examples of the
   destruction of the Canaanites and of Korah, Dothan, and Abiram. Thomas
   Aquinas put heretics in the same category with coin clippers who were
   felons before the civil tribunal. Earthquakes, like the great
   earthquake in Lombardy of 1222, and other natural calamities were
   ascribed by the orthodox to God's anger against heresy. [956]

   The principle of toleration was unknown, or at best only here and there
   a voice was raised against the death penalty, as in the case of
   Hildegard, Rupert of Deutz, [957] [958] [959] nd in commenting upon
   Cant. II. 15, "take me the foxes that spoil the vines," he said, that
   they should be caught not by arms but by arguments, and be reconciled
   to the Church in accordance with the purpose of Him who wills all men
   to be saved. He added that a false Catholic does more harm than an open
   heretic. [960] the error. The popes were chiefly responsible for the
   policy which acted upon this view. The civil codes adopted and
   pronounced death as the heretic's "merited reward," poena debita. [961]
   d Guy expressed the opinion of his age when he declared that heresy can
   be destroyed only when its advocates are converted or burnt. To
   extirpate religious dissent, the fierce tribunal of the Inquisition was
   established. The last measure to be resorted to was an organized
   crusade, waged under the banner of the pope, which shed the blood of
   the mediaeval dissenters without pity and with as little compunction as
   the blood of Saracens in the East.

   The confusion, which reigned among the Church authorities concerning
   the sectaries, and also the differences which existed among the
   sectaries themselves, appear from the many names by which they were
   known. The most elaborate list is given in the code of Frederick II.
   1238, [962] among which the most familiar are Cathari, Patarenes,
   Beguines, Arnoldists, and Waldenses. But the code did not regard this
   enumeration as exhaustive, and adds to the names "all heretics of both
   sexes, whatever be the term used to designate them." And in fact the
   list is not exhaustive, for it does not include the respectable group
   of Northern Italy known as the Humiliati, or the Ortlibenses of
   Strassburg, or the Apostolicals of Belgium. One document speaks of no
   less than seventy-two, and Salimbene of one hundred and thirty
   different sects. [963] r perpetual Anathema." The lack of compact
   organization explains in part the number of these names, some of which
   were taken from localities or towns and did not indicate any
   differences of belief or practice from other sectaries. The numbers of
   the heretics must be largely a matter of conjecture. A panic took hold
   of the Church authorities, and some of the statements, like those of
   Innocent III., must be regarded as exaggerations, as are often the
   rumors about a hostile army in a panic-stricken country, awaiting its
   arrival. Innocent pronounced the number of heretics in Southern France
   innumerable. [964] [965] e writer, usually designated "the Passau
   Anonymous," writing about 1315, said there was scarcely a land in which
   the Waldenses had not spread. The Cathari in Southern France mustered
   large armies and were massacred by the thousands. Of all these sects,
   the only one which has survived is the very honorable body, still known
   as the Waldenses.

   The mediaeval dissenters have sometimes been classed with the
   Protestants. The classification is true only on the broad ground of
   their common refusal to be bound by the yoke of the Catholic hierarchy.
   Some of the tenets of the dissenters and some of their practices the
   Protestant Reformation repudiated, fully as much as did the established
   Church of the Middle Ages. Interesting as they are in themselves and by
   reason of the terrible ordeals they were forced to undergo, the sects
   were side currents compared with the great stream of the Catholic
   Church, to which, with all its abuses and persecuting enormities, the
   credit belongs of Christianizing the barbarians, developing learning,
   building cathedrals, cultivating art, furnishing hymns, constructing
   theological systems, and in other ways contributing to the progress of
   mankind. That which makes them most interesting to us is their revolt
   against the priesthood, in which they all agreed, and the emphasis they
   laid upon purity of speech and purity of life. Their history shows many
   good men, but no great personality. Peter Waldo is the most notable
   among their leaders.

   A clear classification of the mediaeval heretics is made difficult if
   not impossible by the uncertainty concerning the opinions held by some
   of them and also by the apparent confusion of one sect with another by
   mediaeval writers.

   The Cathari, or Manichaean heretics, form a class by themselves. The
   Waldenses, Humiliati, and probably the Arnoldists, represent the group
   of evangelical dissenters. The Amauricians and probably the Ortlibenses
   were pantheistic. he isolated leaders, Peter de Bruys, Henry of
   Lausanne, Eudo, and Tanchelm, were preachers and iconoclasts--using the
   term in a good sense--rather than founders of sects. The Beguines and
   Beghards represented a reform movement within the Church, one wing
   going off into paths of doctrinal heresy and lawlessness, and incurring
   thereby the anathemas of the ecclesiastical authorities.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [942] See the quotation at length in Alphandéry, p. 29.

   [943] Migne, 214. 537; 215. 654.

   [944] Published by Cunitz in Beiträge zu den Theol. Wissenschhaften,
   1854, IV.

   [945] See Lempp's criticism of Alphandéry's work, Theol. Lit.-zeitung,
   1905, p. 601 sq.

   [946] For quotation see Döllinger, I. 111.

   [947] So also Peter the Venerable in his c. Petrobrus, Migne, 189.
   1185. Bernard Guy was born in Southem France, 1261. He entered the
   Dominican order and administered the office of inquisitor-general for
   sixteen years, prosecuting Cathari and other heretics. He was made
   bishop of Tuy, 1323. His Practica inquisitionis, a manual to be used by
   inquisitors, is a most interesting and valuable document.

   [948] Deflorationes SS. Patrum, Migne, 157. 1050.

   [949] Vulpeculae sunt heretici, quae demoliuntur vineas, Honorius of
   Autun, Migne, 172. 503; Etienne de Bourbon, p. 278, etc.

   [950] Migne, 145: 419.

   [951] Epp: I. 94; II. 99; IX. 208, etc., Migne, 214. 81, etc., Morbus
   iste qui serpit ut cancer, Ep. II. 1.

   [952] Facies quidem habentes diversas sed caudas ad invicem collegatas
   quia de varietate conveniunt in id ipsum, Mirbt, p. 133. The same
   expression in De Bourbon, p. 278

   [953] Venenatorum multitudo reptilium et haeresum sanies scaturire
   dicitur. Gregory's bull, 1235, bearing on the inquisitor, Robert le
   Bougre, in Auvray, 2736, and Fredericq, I. 100.

   [954] p. 289.

   [955] De consid. III. 1.

   [956] Coulton's Salimbene, p. 13.

   [957] See Döllinger, Akad. Vortäge, III. 280.

   [958] Gutjahr, Petrus Cantor Paris. sein Leben u. Schriften, Graetz,
   1899.

   [959] De consid. III. 1.

   [960] Serm. in Cant., 64, 65, Migne, 183. 1086, 1091, plus nocet falsus
   catholicus quam verus hereticus.

   [961] This was the usual expression used by the Church and in legal
   documents. Flade, p. 114.

   [962] Catharos, Patarenos, Speronistas, Leonistas, Arnaldistas,
   Circumcisos, Passaginos, Josephinos, Garatenses, Albanenses,
   Franziscos, Bagnarolos, Commixtos, Waldenses, Roncarolos, Communellos,
   Warinos et Ortolinos cum illis de Aqua Nigra et omnes haereticos
   utriusque sexus, quocumque nomine censeantur. Bréholles, V. 280.

   [963] Döllinger, II. 300; Coulton's Salimbene, p. 13.

   [964] Ep. I. 94, Migne, 214. 81.

   [965] Flade, p. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 80. The Cathari.

   The most widely distributed of the heretical sects were the Cathari.
   The term comes from the Greek katharos, meaning pure, and has given to
   the German its word for heretic, Ketzer. It was first used by the
   Cathari themselves. [966] [967] called New Manichaeans. From the
   quarter they inhabited in Milan, called Pataria, or the abode of the
   junk dealers, they received the name Patarenes. [968]

   In Southern France they were called Albigenses, from the town of Albi,
   one of the centres of their strength. From the territory in Eastern
   Europe, whence their theological tenets were drawn, they were known as
   Bulgari, Bugares, or Bugres. [969] dustrial classes, or Publicani and
   Poplicani, a corruption of Paulicians. [970]

   It was the general belief of the age that the Cathari derived their
   doctrinal views from heretical sects of Eastern Europe and the Orient,
   such as the Paulicians and Bogomili. This was brought out in the
   testimony of members of the sect at their trials, and it has in its
   favor the official recognition which leaders from Eastern Europe,
   Bosnia, and Constantinople gave to the Western heretics. The Paulicians
   had existed since the fifth century in Asia Minor, and had pushed their
   way to Constantinople. [971] [972] nd Arian heresy were left in Italy
   and Southern France after these systems were supposed to be stamped out
   in those regions.

   The Paulicians rejected the Old Testament and taught a strict dualism.
   The Bogomili held to the Sabellian Trinity, rejected the eucharist, and
   substituted for baptism with water a ritual of prayer and the
   imposition of hands. Marriage they pronounced an unclean relationship.
   The worship of images and the use of the cross were discarded.

   It was in the early years of the eleventh century, that the first
   reports of the appearance of heresy were bruited about here and there
   in Italy and Southern France. About the year 1000 a certain Leuthard,
   claiming to be inspired, appeared in the diocese of Châlons, destroying
   crosses and denouncing tithes. In 1012 Manichaean separatists appeared
   for the first time in Germany, at Mainz, [973] e flames. Constance is
   said to have struck one of them, her former confessor, with a staff and
   to have put out one of his eyes. [974] jected infant baptism. [975] ss.
   In 1052 they appeared at Goslar, where the guilty were discerned by
   their refusal to kill a chicken. With these notices, and a few more
   like them, the rumor of heresy is exhausted for nearly a century.

   About the middle of the twelfth century, heresy suddenly appeared again
   at Liége, and prosecutions were begun. In 1145 eight men and three
   women were burnt at Cologne. The firmness of the victims was
   exemplified in the case of a young woman, who was held back for a time
   with the promise of marriage, but, on seeing her coreligionists burnt,
   broke from her keepers and, hiding her face in her dress, threw herself
   into the flames. And so, Caesar of Heisterbach goes on to say, she
   descended with her fellow-heretics to hell. [976] gne in 1163 we hear
   of trials and burnings, but thereafter the Cathari are no more heard of
   in Germany.

   Their only appearance in England was at Oxford, 1161, when more than
   thirty illiterate Germans, men and women, strove to propagate their
   errors. They were reported as "detesting" marriage, the eucharist,
   baptism, and the Catholic Church, and as having quoted Matt. 5:10,
   "Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness' sake, for
   theirs is the kingdom of heaven." A council of bishops ordered them
   branded on the forehead and flogged. [977] [978]

   In France the Cathari were strong enough in 1167 to hold a council at
   St. Felix de Caraman near Toulouse. It was attended by Nicetas of
   Constantinople, to whom the title of pope was given. He was accompanied
   by a Catharan bishop, Marcus of Lombardy. [979] large. They were
   compared by William of Newburgh to the sand of the sea, and were said
   by Walter Map to be infinite in number in Aquitaine and Burgundy. [980]
   [981] he Dominican Rainerius gave 4,000,000 as a safe estimate of their
   number and declared this was according to a census made by the Cathari
   themselves. [982] [983] not to be taken too seriously, but they
   indicate a widespread religious unrest. Men did not know whereunto
   heresy might grow. In Southern France the priests were the objects of
   ridicule. In that region, as well as in many of the cities of Lombardy,
   the Cathari had schools for girls and boys.

   Agreed as the Cathari were in opposing many customs and doctrines of
   the established Church, they were divided among themselves and broken
   up into sects,--seventy-two, according to one document. [984] the
   Albanenses and Concorrezzi, deriving their names from two Lombard
   towns, Alba and Concorreggio, near Monza. [985] y had a bishop whose
   authority was acknowledged by the Cathari in Mantua, Brescia, and
   Bergamo. [986]

   The differences between the Albanenses and Concorrezzi were of a
   theological character and concerned the nature of God and the origin of
   matter. The Albanenses were strict dualists. Matter is eternal and the
   product of the evil god. Paul speaks of the things, which are seen, as
   dung. The Concorrezzi seem to have rejected dualism and to have
   regarded evil as the creation of Lucifer, the highest of the angels.

   In matters of ritual and practical conduct, and in antagonism to the
   Church establishment, all groups of the Cathari were agreed. Since
   Schmidt wrote his History of the Cathari, it has been common to
   represent Catharism as a philosophical system, [987] is difficult to
   understand the movement from this standpoint. How could an unlettered
   folk, as they were, be concerned primarily or chiefly with a
   metaphysical construction? Theirs was not a philosophy, but a daily
   faith and practice. This view alone makes it possible to understand how
   the movement gained such rapid and widespread acceptance in the
   well-ordered and prosperous territory of Southern France, a territory
   in which Cluny had exercised its influence and was located.

   The Cathari agreed--to use the expression of their opponents--in
   vituperating the established Church and in calling its adherents
   Romanists. There are two Churches, they held,--one of the wicked and
   one of the righteous. They themselves constituted the Church of the
   righteous, outside of which there is no salvation, [988] ot prescribe
   it. The Roman Church sits in the place of rule and is clothed in purple
   and fine linen. The true Church teaches first. The Roman Church
   baptizes first. The true Church has no dignitaries, prelates,
   cardinals, archdeacons, or monks. The Roman Church is the woman of the
   Apocalypse, a harlot, and the pope anti-Christ.

   The depositions at their trials indicate that the Cathari made much use
   of the Scriptures. The treatises of Bonacursus, Ermengaudus, and other
   writers in refutation of Catharan teachings abound in quotations of
   Scripture, a fact indicating the regard the heretics had for them. They
   put spiritual interpretations upon the miracles and freely allegorized
   parables. In the parable of the Good Samaritan, the man who fell among
   the thieves was Adam, whose spirit, at God's command, descended from
   heaven to earth and fell among thieves in this lower world. [989]
   dited, pronouncing it the work of the devil. Its God is an evil god.
   [990]

   The Catharan doctrine seems to have highly exalted Christ, though it
   denied the full reality of his human nature. He was created in heaven
   and was not born on the earth, but passed through Mary as through a
   pipe. He neither ate material food nor drank material drink. As for
   John the Baptist, he was one of the major demons and was damned for
   doubting when he sent to Christ the question, "Art thou he that should
   come or do we look for another?" [991]

   A strange account of the fall of the angels was current in Southern
   France. Satan ascended to heaven and waited in vain thirty-two years
   for admittance. He was then noticed and admitted by the porter. Hidden
   from the Father, he remained among the angels a year before he began to
   use his art to deceive. He asked them whether they had no other glory
   or pleasure besides what he saw. When they replied they had not, he
   asked whether they would not like to descend to his world and kingdom,
   promising to give them gifts, fields, vineyards, springs, meadows,
   fruits, gold, silver, and women. Then he began to praise woman and the
   pleasures of the flesh. When they inquired more particularly about the
   women, the devil said he would descend and bring one back with him.
   This he did. The woman was decked in jewels and gold and beautiful of
   form. The angels were inflamed with passion, and Satan seeing this,
   took her and left heaven. The angels followed. The exodus continued for
   nine days and nights, when God closed up the fissure which had been
   made. [992]

   The Cathari divided themselves into two classes, the Perfecti and the
   Credentes, or Believers. The Perfect were those who had received the
   rite of the consolamentum , and were also called bons hommes, [993]
   good Christians, or the Girded, vestiti , [994] the catechumens of the
   early Church, and placed all their hope in the consolamentum, which
   they looked forward to receiving. By a contract, called the convenenza
   , the Catharan officials pledged themselves to administer the
   consolamentum to the Credentes in their last hours.

   The consolamentum took the place of baptism and meant more. Its
   administration was treated by the Catholic authorities as equivalent to
   an initiation into heresy -- haereticatio, as it was called. The usual
   form in which the court stated the charge of heresy was, "He has
   submitted to heretication." [995] 's breast. [996] [997]

   The Perfect had a monopoly of salvation. Those not receiving the
   consolamentum were considered lost or passed at death into another body
   and returned to the earth. The rite involved not only the absolution of
   all previous sins but of sins that might be committed thereafter.
   However, relapse was possible and sometimes occurred. [998] teenth
   century, when it was administered to sick children. Those who submitted
   to it were said to have, made a good ending." [999]

   The consolamentum involved the renunciation of the seven sacraments.
   Baptism with water was pronounced a material and corruptible thing, the
   work of the evil god. Even little children were not saved who received
   absolution and imposition of bands. [1000] [1001] st made a clear
   distinction between baptism with water and the baptism of power, Acts
   1:5. The latter he promised to the Church.

   As for the eucharist, the Cathari held that God would not appoint the
   consecrated host as a medium of grace, nor can God be in the host, for
   it passes through the belly, and the vilest part of the body. [1002]
   times a year, called the apparellamentum, and the charge was very
   frequently made that the accused had attended this feast. [1003] ng the
   requirements made of those who received the consolamentum were that
   they should not touch women, eat animal food, kill animals, take oaths,
   or favor war and capital punishment.

   The marriage bed was renounced as contrary to God's law, and some went
   so far as to say openly that the human body was made by the devil. The
   love of husband and wife should be like the love of Christ for the
   Church, without carnal desire. The command to avoid looking on a woman,
   Matt. 5:27, 28, was taken literally, and the command to leave husband
   and wife was interpreted to mean the renunciation of sexual
   cohabitation. Witnesses condemned marriage absolutely, [1004] groups,
   that the eating of the forbidden fruit in Eden meant carnal
   cohabitation. [1005]

   As for animal nourishment, not only were all meats forbidden, but also
   eggs and cheese. The reason given was that these were the product of
   carnal intercourse. [1006] ords of Peter on the housetop, Acts 10:14,
   were also quoted. The Cathari, however, allowed themselves fish, in
   view of Christ's example in feeding the multitude and his example after
   his resurrection, when he gave fish to his disciples. The killing of
   animals, birds, and insects, except frogs and serpents, was also
   forbidden. [1007] , the return of the souls of the dead in the bodies
   of animals.

   The condemnation of capital punishment was based on such passages as:
   "Give place unto wrath, vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the
   Lord," Rom. 12:19; and the judicial execution of heretics and criminals
   was pronounced homicide, a survival from the Old Testament and the
   influence of its evil god. The Cathari quoted Christ's words, "Ye have
   heard how it hath been said an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth."
   [1008] gainst the established Church was that it countenanced war and
   marshalled armies.

   The interdiction of oaths was in obedience to the words of Christ, and
   was in the interest of strict integrity of speech. [1009]

   The Cathari also renounced priestly vestments, altars, and crosses as
   idolatrous. They called the cross the mark of the beast, and declared
   it had no more virtue than a ribbon for binding the hair. It was the
   instrument of Christ's shame and death, and therefore not to be used.
   [1010]

   They also rejected, as might have been expected, the doctrines of
   purgatory and indulgences. [1011]

   In addition to the consolamentum, the Cathari practised two rites
   called the melioramentum and the endura. [1012] garded it as a travesty
   of the adoration of the host. [1013]

   The endura, which has been called the most cruel practice the history
   of asceticism has to show, was a voluntary starvation unto death by
   those who had received the consolamentum. Sometimes these rigorous
   religionists waited for thirteen days for the end to come, [1014] y
   suicide are quite numerous.

   Our knowledge of the form of Church government practised by the Cathari
   is scant. Some of the groups of Italy and Languedoc had bishops. The
   bishop had as assistants a "major" and a "minor" son and a deacon, the
   two former taking the bishop's place in his absence. [1015] res of
   repression everywhere put in force against the sect.

   The steadfast endurance of the Catharan dissenters before hostile
   tribunals and in the face of death belong to the annals of heroism and
   must call forth our admiration as it called forth the wonder of
   contemporaries like Bernard. [1016] [1017]

   "A hard and wandering life. We flee from city to city like sheep in the
   midst of wolves. We suffer persecution like the Apostles and the
   martyrs because our life to holy and austere. It is passed amidst
   prayers, abstinence, and labors, but everything is easy for us because
   we are not of this world."

   Dr. Lea, the eminent authority on the Inquisition, has said (I. 104)
   that no religion can show a more unbroken roll of victims who
   unshrinkingly and joyfully sought death in its most abhorrent form in
   preference to apostasy than the Cathari. Serious as some of the errors
   were which they held, nevertheless their effort to cultivate piety by
   other methods than the Church was offering calls for sympathy. Their
   rupture with the established organization can be to a Protestant no
   reason for condemnation; and their dependence upon the Scriptures and
   their moral tendencies must awaken within him a feeling of kinship. He
   cannot follow them in their rejection of baptism and the eucharist. In
   the repudiation of judicial oaths and war, they anticipated some of the
   later Christian bodies, such as the Quakers and Mennonites.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [966] Schmidt. II. 276; Döllinger, I. 127. The term "Cathari" occurs in
   the twelfth century in Ecbertus and the acts of the Third Lateran
   Council, 1179, which speak of the heretics in Southern France as
   Cathari, Patrini, Publicani, or as known by some other name. Quos alii
   Catharos, alii Patrinos, alii Publicanos, etc., alii aliis nominibus
   vocant. Innocent III. called them Cathari and Patarenes, Epp. I. 94;
   II. 228; VIII. 85, 105, etc.

   [967] Alanus de Insulis, Migne, 210. 266, says, "The Cathari are so
   called from the cat, whose posterior parts they are said to kiss and in
   whose form, as they say, Lucifer appears to them." Jacob de Voragine,
   in his Legenda aurea, refers to the use made of the cat by Satan in
   connection with heresy. He relates that on one occasion some ladies,
   who had been heretics, were kneeling at St. Dominic's feet and suddenly
   cried out: "'Servant of God, help us.'' Tarry awhile,'Dominic said,
   'and ye shall see what ye have been serving.' Suddenly a black cat
   sprang up in their midst, right horrible, with long tail standing
   upright and emitting from the after end a terrible stench. After a
   while the cat climbed up the bell rope to the steeple, and the ladies
   were converted."

   [968] Schmidt, who discusses the names in an elaborate note (II.
   275-284), says that a portion of Milan was still called Contrada
   de'Patari in the eighteenth century. Frederick II., in his Sicilian
   code, derived the name Patarenes from patior, to suffer. Patarenos se
   nominant velut expositos passioni, Huillard-Bréholles, IV. 6. So also
   Walter Map, De nugis, Wright's ed., p. 61, who says the devil persuaded
   the Patarenes that they would become perfect by suffering and doing
   what he commanded.

   [969] M. Paris, Luard's ed., III. 520, speaks of "Bugares" as a common
   appellation for the "Paterini, Jovinians, Albigenses, and those stained
   with other heresies," and associates with them Robert Bugre, who from
   being a heretic became a Dominican and noted Inquisitor. The modern
   word "bugger" is derived from his name.

   [970] Döllinger, I. 129 sq.

   [971] Ibid., I. 1-51, gives an elaborate description of the Paulicians
   and the Bogomili. He regards the Paulicians as the bridge between the
   Gnostics of the ancient Church and the sectaries of the Middle Ages, p.
   3.

   [972] Ibid., p. 114, says that the teachings of the Cathari and the
   Bogomili are so much alike that the "direct descent of the former from
   the latter must be regarded as beyond doubt." Our knowledge of the
   Bogomili is derived from Euthymus, whose Narratio de Bogomilis was
   edited by Gieseler, Göttingen, 1842.

   [973] Hauck, Kirchengesch., III. 431.

   [974] Schmidt, I. 31; Hefele, IV. 674 sqq.

   [975] Hauck, IV. 88.

   [976] Dial., V. 19.

   [977] William of Newburgh, Hamilton's ed., pp. 121-123. Walter Map, De
   Nugis, p. 62, reduces the number to sixteen. They were called Publicani
   by the Oxford council, 1260

   [978] Stubbs, ed. of De Hoveden, II. p. liv. sq.

   [979] Döllinger, I. 121 sq., has no hesitation in declaring him a
   bishop of the Paulicians

   [980] . Superabundant jam ad omnem infinitatem.

   [981] Caesar of Heisterbach, quoted by Döllinger, I. 124.

   [982] p. 1768.

   [983] Döllinger, I. 125.

   [984] Döllinger, II. 300.

   [985] Ibid., I. 117; II. 82. Schmidt derived them from Albania and from
   Coriza in Dalmatia.

   [986] Rainerius is our chief authority for these statements. He makes
   the above threefold classification (Martène, V. 1761), and then
   proceeds to give the doctrinal and practical errors the sects had in
   common, and those which separated them. He also gives a list of the
   Catharan centres in Lombardy and other parts. See also the important
   document, the Supra stella, by Salvus Burce, 1235, published by
   Döllinger, II. 52-84. The title was chosen to distinguish it from a
   Catharan treatise entitled Stella, the Star.

   [987] See also Alphandéry, p. 35. Lempp, in a criticism of Alphandéry's
   work, Lit.-zeitung, 1905, p. 601, takes the view which is presented in
   the text.

   [988] Döllinger, II. 322, etc.; Douais, II. 105, etc.; Bonacursus,
   Migne, 204. 777.

   [989] Bonacursus, p. 775.

   [990] Döllinger, II. 294, etc.; Ermengaudus, 1237. Lea, I. 563-567,
   gives a document, apparently dating from about 1300, in which a
   Catharan uses Scripture to prove that the God of the Old Testament is
   not the God of the New. He deposed, "God says in Genesis, 'Ye shall not
   eat the tree of life.' But the God of the New Testament says in the
   Apocalypse 'to him that overcometh I will give to eat of the tree of
   life. 'That one prohibits, this one promises. Therefore they are
   antagonistic, one to the other." Again he deposed, "Genesis says I will
   place enmity between thee and the woman. The God of the Old Testament
   is thus the sower of discord and enmity. But the God of the New
   Testament is the giver of peace and the reconciler of all things. Hence
   they are antagonistic."

   [991] Bonacursus, p. 777; Ermengaud, p. 1234 sq.; Douais, II. 93,
   96</cbr>, 103, etc.

   [992] Döllinger, II. 149-153.

   [993] Boni homines, Döllinger, II. 22, 27, etc.; Boni Christiani, II.
   4, 17</cbr>, 25, etc. In Southern France one of the of the
   repeated charges was that the accused called the Cathari bons hommes,
   Douais, II. 9, 11, 14</cbr>, 25, etc. The Credentes are so called
   by French synods, by Innocent III., in letters written by papal
   legates, etc. See Hefele, V. 846, 850, etc.; Döllinger and Douais under
   Credentes in Index.

   [994] Synod of Toulouse, 1229, etc. See Schmidt, II. 127.

   [995] Haereticationi interfuit, Douais, II. 17, 19</cbr>, 22,
   etc.

   [996] Ante pectus, Rainerius, p. 1764. An elaborate description is
   given in an Appendix to Rainerius, Martène, V. 1776.

   [997] Ermengaud, Migne, 204, 1362; Rainerius, p. 1764; Döllinger, II.
   41.

   [998] Among those who recanted was the rich citizen Morand of Toulouse,
   who did penance by standing naked to the waist at the altar of St.
   Saturninus and allowing himself to be scourged in the presence of the
   papal legate. He went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, but on his return
   went back to the Cathari and died as one of the Perfect. Schmidt, I. 77
   sqq.

   [999] Döllinger, II. 30.

   [1000] Ibid., II. 5, 322.

   [1001] Ibid., II. 21, 34, 65, 90</cbr>, 283, etc.

   [1002] In latrinam ventris et per turpissimum locum, quae non possunt
   fieri, si esset ibi deus. Döllinger, II. 5.

   [1003] Douais, II. 17, 22, 27</cbr>, 45, etc.

   [1004] Moneta, p. 315; jacere cum uxore sua sicut cum meretrice,
   Döllinger, II. 30; matrimonium est meretricium, Douais, II. 93;
   Döllinger, II. 18, 21, 23, 25, 28, 40, 156</cbr>, 300, etc. omnem
   carnalem concubitum dampnabilem dicunt, Douais, II. 93, 96, etc.

   [1005] Bonacursus, p. 776 Douais, II. 93, 103, etc.

   [1006] Ibid., p. 777; Rainerius, p. 1762; Döllinger, II. 294, 300.

   [1007] Döllinger, II. 5, 152, 181, 248</cbr>, 294.

   [1008] Salve Burce, in Döllinger, II. 71, a remarkable passage; Douais,
   II. 94 Rainerius, p. 1762.

   [1009] Bonacursus, p. 777; Ermengaud, p. 1269. See Alphandéry, p. 83
   sq.

   [1010] Döllinger, under Kreuz in Index II. 730; Bonacursus, p. 777
   Douais, II. 94.

   [1011] Rainerius, 1762. See Alphandéry, p. 44.

   [1012] See Döllinger in Index under these two words and Schmidt, II.
   71-103.

   [1013] Döllinger, I. 193, 210; II. 4, 25</cbr>, 30, etc.; Douais,
   II. 23, etc.

   [1014] Alphandéry, p. 51; Döllinger, II. 205.

   [1015] Rainerius, p. 1766; Döllinger, II. 82, 278, 295</cbr>,
   324. At the time of Nicetas'visit, Bernard Raymund was ordained bishop
   of Toulouse, Guiraud Mercier, bishop of Carcassonne, and Raymund of
   Casalis, bishop of Val d'Aran.

   [1016] Sermon, 65, Migne, 183. 1091.

   [1017] Quoted by Schmidt, II. 94.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 81. Peter de Bruys and Other Independent Leaders.

   Independent of the Cathari and yet sharing some of their views and
   uniting with them in protest against the abuses of the established
   Church, were Peter de Bruys, Henry of Lausanne, and other leaders.
   Peter and Henry exercised their influence in Southern France. Tanchelm
   and Eudo preached in Flanders and Brittany. At least three of them died
   in prison or otherwise suffered death by violence. Bernard of
   Clairvaux, Peter the Venerable, Otto of Freising, and other
   contemporary Catholic writers are very severe upon them and speak
   contemptuously of their followers as drawn from the ignorant classes.

   Tanchelm, a layman, preached in the diocese of Cologne and westwards to
   Antwerp and Utrecht. There was at the time only a single priest in
   Antwerp, and he living in concubinage. Tanchelm pronounced the
   sacraments of no avail when performed by a priest of immoral life and
   is said to have turned "very many from the faith and the sacraments."
   [1018] He surrounded himself with an armed retinue and went through the
   country carrying a sword and preceded by a flag. Success turned his
   head. According to his contemporary, Abaelard, he gave himself out to
   be the Son of God. [1019] emony of marrying the Virgin Mary, with her
   portrait before him. The people are said by Norbert's biographer to
   have drunk the water Tanchelm washed in. He was imprisoned by the
   archbishop of Cologne, made his escape, and was killed by a priest,
   1115. His preaching provoked the settlement of twelve Premonstrants in
   Antwerp, and Norbert himself preached in the Netherlands, 1124.

   The movement in Brittany was led by Eudo de l'Etoile, who also
   pretended to be the Son of God. He was one of the sect of the
   Apostolicals, a name given to heretical groups in France and Belgium
   whose members refused flesh and repudiated marriage and other
   sacraments. [1020]

   The movement led by Peter de Bruys and Henry of Lausanne was far more
   substantial. Both leaders were men of sound sense and ability. Of the
   personal fortunes of Peter, nothing more is known than that he was a
   priest, appeared as a reformer about 1105 in Southern France, and was
   burnt to death, 1126. Peter the Venerable has given us a tolerably
   satisfactory account of his teachings and their effect. [1021]

   Of Henry of Lausanne, Peter's successor, we know more. [1022] ls us, he
   at one time lived there. The place of his birth is not known.
   Abandoning the convent, he preached in the diocese of Le Mans during
   the absence of its bishop, Hildebert, in Rome, and by his permission.
   Henry won the people, but drew upon himself the hostility of the clergy
   whose vices he denounced. The bishop, on his return, expelled Henry
   from his diocese. The evangelist then went to Lausanne and from there
   to Southern France, joining in the spiritual crusade opened by Peter de
   Bruys. He practised poverty and preached it to the laity. One of the
   results of his preaching was that women of loose morals repented and
   young men were persuaded to marry them. Cardinal Alberic, sent to stamp
   out the Henrician heresy, called to his aid St. Bernard, the bishop of
   Chartres and other prelates. According to Bernard's biographer,
   miracles attended Bernard's activity. [1023]

   Peter the Venerable, at the outset of his treatise, laid down five
   errors of the Petrobrusians which he proposed to show the falseness and
   wickedness of. (1) The baptism of persons before they have reached the
   years of discretion is invalid. Believers' baptism was based upon Mark
   16:16, and children, growing up, were rebaptized. (2) Church edifices
   and consecrated altars are useless. (3) Crosses should be broken up and
   burnt. (4) The mass is nothing in the world. (5) Prayers, alms, and
   other good works are unavailing for the dead. These heresies the good
   abbot of Cluny called the five poisonous bushes, quinque vigulta
   venenata, which Peter de Bruys had planted. He gives half of his space
   to the refutation of the heresy about baptism.

   Peter and Henry revived the Donatistic view that piety is essential to
   a legitimate priesthood. The word "Church" signifies the congregation
   of the faithful and consists in the unity of the assembled believers
   and not in the stones of the building. [1024] able as in a consecrated
   edifice. They preached on the streets and in the open places. As for
   the cross, as well might a halter or a sword be adored. Peter is said
   to have cooked meat in the fire made by the crosses he piled up and
   burnt at St. Gilles, near the mouth of the Rhone. Song, they said, was
   fit for the tavern, but not for the worship of God. God is to be
   worshipped with the affections of the heart and cannot be moved by
   vocal notes or wood by musical modulations. [1025]

   The doctrine of transubstantiation was distinctly renounced, and
   perhaps the Lord's Supper, on the ground that Christ gave up his body
   on the night of the betrayal once for all. [1026] ing monks to take
   wives.

   St. Bernard and Peter the Venerable, [1027] ndred years Europe had had
   no Christian not baptized in infancy, and hence according to the
   sectaries had no Christians at all. If it had no Christians, then it
   had no Church; if no Church, then no Christ. And if this were the case,
   then all our fathers perished; for, being baptized in infancy, they
   were not baptized at all. Peter and Henry laid chief stress upon the
   four Gospels, but it does not appear that they set aside any part of
   the Scriptures. [1028]

   The synod of Toulouse, 1119, in condemning as heretics those who
   rejected the Lord's Supper, infant baptism, and priestly ordination,
   condemned the Petrobrusians, though Peter de Bruys is not mentioned by
   name. Those who hung upon the preaching of Peter de Bruys and Henry of
   Lausanne were soon lost among the Cathari and other sects. [1029] , the
   people without priests, and Christians without Christ. The sanctuary of
   the Lord was no longer regarded as sacred or the sacraments as holy.
   The festival days were deprived of their solemnities. The children were
   debarred from life by the denial of baptism, and souls were hurried to
   the last tribunal, unreconciled by penance and unfortified by the
   communion.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1018] Fredericq, Corpus Inq., I. 6. For Tanchelm, see Fredericq, vols.
   I. and II., and Life of Norbert in Mon. Germ., ch. 16.

   [1019] Introd. ad Theol., in Migne, 178. 1056, and Fredericq, I. 26.

   [1020] Döllinger, I. 98-104. Otto of Freising, De gestis Frid., 54,
   says he called himself Eudo or Eon, from the liturgical formula, per
   eum qui venturus est judicare, etc. He is also mentioned by Abaelard in
   his Introd. ad Theol.

   [1021] Adv. Petrobrusianos, Migne, 189. 719-850. Abaelard gives a few
   lines to him. Migne, 178. 1056. Peter speaks of Peter de Bruys and
   Henry of Lausanne as duo homuncios, p. 728. See Döllinger, I. 75-98.

   [1022] See Peter the Venerable, Adv. Petrobrus., Bernard, Ep., 241, in
   Migne, 182. 435. Döllinger, I. 79 sqq.; J. von Walter, Die ersten
   Wanderprediger Frankreichs, II. 130-140; Hauck, in Herzog, VIII. 606
   sqq.

   [1023] Vita S. Bernardi, Migne, 185, 312 sqq. See the Lives of Bernard
   by Neander-Deutsch, II. 191-231; Vacandard, II. 200 sqq.; Morison, p.
   302 sqq., 404 sq.

   [1024] Nomen ecclesiae congregationem fidelium signat, etc., Pet. Ven.,
   p. 762. Peter goes back as far as Noah's altar to prove the sacredness
   of localities.

   [1025] Pet. Ven., pp. 765, 847 sq.

   [1026] Peter of Cluny's meaning is not clear at this point, pp. 722,
   765, 787.

   [1027] Bernard, Migne, 182. 434; Peter, pp. 729, 761 sq.

   [1028] Döllinger, I. 83, makes the charge that they renounced the Old
   Testament. But Peter of Cluny does not say so and, had it been so, he
   certainly would have emphasized that heresy.

   [1029] Döllinger, I. 75 sqq., makes an elaborate attempt to prove that
   Peter and Henry were Cathari, but the differences in their teachings
   and practices seem to make this impossible. So Newman (Papers of Am.
   Soc. of Ch. Hist., IV. 184-189), Hauck, and Walter, p. 130. Peter and
   Henry are nowhere called Manichaeans or dualists by Peter the Venerable
   and Bernard, who would scarcely have omitted this charge had there been
   just ground for it. They commended marriage; the Cathari rejected it.
   They insisted upon adult baptism; the Cathari repudiated all baptism.
   None of the rites peculiar to the Cathari were associated with Peter
   and Henry.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 82. The Amaurians and Other Isolated Sects.

   Occupying a distinct place of their own were the pantheistic coteries
   of dissenters, the Amaurians and Ortlibenses, and perhaps other groups,
   like the Passagians and Speronistae, of which we know scarcely more
   than the names.

   The Amaurians, or Amauricians, [1030] ved their origin from the
   speculations of the Paris professor, Amaury of Bena, a town in the
   diocese of Chartres. Innocent III. cited him to appear at Rome and
   condemned his views. On his return to Paris, the university obliged him
   to publicly confess his errors. He died about 1204. His followers were
   condemned by a synod, held in Paris, 1209.

   From the detailed account given by Caesar of Heisterbach, we learn that
   a number of Amaury's followers were seized and examined by the bishops.
   Eight priests and William the Goldsmith, called also one of the seven
   apostles, were burnt. Four other priests were condemned to lifelong
   imprisonment. Amaury's bones were exhumed and thrown into a field.
   [1031]

   The Amaurians seem to have relied for their pantheistic views upon John
   Scotus Erigena, whose work, De divisione naturae, was also condemned at
   the synod of Paris, 1209. Amaury's system was also condemned by the
   Fourth Lateran, which represented him as holding that God was all
   things, deus erat omnia. To this he added the two doctrines that every
   Christian must believe that he is a member of Christ's body, this faith
   being as necessary to salvation as the faith in Christ's birth and
   death; and that to him who abides in love, sin is not reckoned. God
   becomes incarnate in believers who are members of Christ's body, as He
   became incarnate in the body of Jesus. God was as much in the body of
   Ovid as He was in the body of Augustine. Christ is no more in the
   consecrated bread than in any other bread or object. The Amaurians
   denied the resurrection of the body, and said that heaven and hell are
   states of the soul. The sinner carries hell in himself, even as a mouth
   holds a bad tooth. [1032] nd the Roman Church, Babylon. The relics of
   the martyrs are nothing but dust.

   From these statements the conclusion is to be drawn that Amaury and his
   followers insisted upon the liberty of the Spirit working independently
   of outer rites and dwelling in the heart. The Fourth Lateran, in its
   second canon, declared that the father of lies had so blinded Amaury's
   mind that his doctrine was the raving of an insane man rather than a
   heresy. Amaury absorbed Joachism, for he speaks of three ages, the ages
   of the Father and the Son, and the age of the Spirit, which was the
   last age, had begun in Amaury's time, and would continue to the
   consummation of all things. Amaury's followers seem to have become
   merged with the Brethren of the Free Spirit. [1033]

   The synod of Paris, which condemned the Amaurians, also condemned David
   of Dinant, and ordered one of his works, the Quarternuli, burnt. His
   writings were also forbidden by the statutes of the University of Paris
   of 1215, which forbade the reading of some of the works of Aristotle,
   Amaury the heretic, and Maurice of Spain. [1034] [1035]

   Belonging to the same class were the followers of Ortlieb of
   Strassburg, called Ortlibenses, Ortilibarii, Oriliwenses, Ortoleni,
   [1036] were charged with holding that the world is eternal and God is
   immanent in all things. He did not have a Son, till Jesus was born of
   Joseph and Mary. They denied the resurrection of the body. The death
   and resurrection of Christ had only a symbolic import. The body of
   Christ is no more in the eucharistic bread than in any other bread. The
   established Church was the courtesan of the Apocalypse. The four
   Gospels are the chief parts of the Scriptures. They allowed marriage
   but condemned carnal cohabitation. The Ortlibenses were, like the
   Amaurians, spiritualists, and said that a man must follow the guidance
   of the Spirit who dwells in him. [1037] o large a place as late as the
   fifteenth century.

   The Passagii, or Passageni, a sect whose name is first mentioned in the
   acts of the synod of Verona, seem to have been unique in that they
   required the literal observance of the Mosaic law, including the Jewish
   Sabbath and circumcision. It is possible they are identical with the
   Circumcisi spoken of in the code of Frederick II. As late as 1267 and
   1274 papal bulls call for the punishment of heretics who had gone back
   to Jewish rites, and the Passagii [1038] be referred to.

   The Luciferans [1039] distinct sect. The name was applied without
   precision to Cathari and others who held that Lucifer was unjustly cast
   out of heaven. Heretics of this name were burnt in Passau and
   Saltzburg, 1312-1315 and 1338, and as late as 1395 in other parts of
   Austria.

   As for the Warini, Speronistae, and Josephini, who are also mentioned
   in the Frederican code, we know nothing more than the names. [1040]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1030] Mansi, XXII. 801-809; Denifle, Chartul. Un. Paris, I. 70, 71,
   72, 79</cbr>, 107, etc.; Caesar of Heisterbach, Strange ed., II.,
   304 sqq.; Martène-Durand, Thes. anec., IV. 166 sq.; Jundt, Hist. du
   pantheisme, etc., p. 20 sq.; Preger, Gesch. der deutschen Mystik, I.
   173-184; Delacroix, Le mysticisme speculatif, etc., 32-51; Alpbandéry,
   pp. 141-154. For other sources, see Delacroix, p. 39 sq.

   [1031] Chartularium, p. 70. Here, also, are given the names of the
   priests who were burnt or imprisoned.

   [1032] Putridus dens in ore, synod of Paris, 1209.

   [1033] So Preger, I. 212, on the basis of the "Anonymous of Passau."
   For the ninety-seven errors ascribed to the Brethren of the Free
   Spirit, see Preger, I. 461-469, and Hauck, in Herzog, I. 431.

   [1034] Chartul., pp. 70, 79.

   [1035] Preger, I. 184-191.

   [1036] This name, given in the code of Frederick II., would seem to
   refer to the same sect. The "Anonymous of Passau," writing about 1316,
   is our chief authority. See Müller, Die Waldenser, pp. 147 sqq.;
   Döllinger, Beiträge, II. 301, 703, etc.; Preger, II. 191-196;
   Delacroix, 52-76; Alphandéry, 154-167; Deutsch, art. Ortlieb, in
   Herzog, XIV. 499-501. Alphandéry urges the affiliation of the
   Ortlibenses with the Vaudois, chiefly because of their frequent
   juxtaposition in mediaeval writings.

   [1037] Delacroix, p. 73, insists upon the identity of the Amaurians and
   Ortlibenses in all essential matters.

   [1038] See Döllinger, II. 327; Alphandéry, 168 sqq.

   [1039] The notices are scattered. See under diabolus and Lucifer in
   Döllinger and Alphandéry, pp. 174 sqq. M. Paris, writing of 1226 and
   Frederick's march through Northern Italy, speaks of Milan being a
   refuge and receptacle of all sorts of heretics, Patarines, Luciferi,
   Publicani, Albigenses, and usurers.

   [1040] The Josephini are mentioned by the synod of Verona, 1184, and
   the bull of Gregory IX., June 25, 1231, and the Speronistae by Salve
   Burce, Döllinger, II. 62, and in the bulls of Gregory IX., Aug. 20,
   1229, June 25, 1231. See Fredericq, I. 75 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 83. The Beguines and Beghards.

   While the Cathari and Waldenses were engaging the attention of the
   Church authorities in Southern Europe, communities, called Beguines and
   Beghards, were being formed along the lower Rhine and in the
   territories adjacent to it. They were lay associations intended at
   first to foster a warmer type of piety than they found in the Church.
   [1041] of these communities developed immoral practices and heretical
   tenets, which called forth the condemnation of pope and synods.

   The Beguines, who were chiefly women, seem to have derived their origin
   and their name from Lambert le Bègue, a priest of Liége, who died about
   1177. [1042] [1043] sought to make known the Scriptures to the people,
   and founded in Liége the hospital of St. Christopher and a house for
   women which in derision was called the beguinage. The women renounced
   their goods and lived a semi-conventual life, but took no vows and
   followed none of the approved monastic Rules. Houses were established
   in Flanders, France, and especially in Germany, as for example at
   Valenciennes, 1212, Douai, 1219, Antwerp, 1230, Ghent, 1233, Frankfurt,
   1242. In 1264 St. Louis built a beguinage in Paris which he remembered
   in his will. The beguinage of Ghent was a small town in itself, with
   walls, infirmary, church, cemetery, and conventual dwellings. According
   to Matthew Paris, writing of the year 1250, their number in Germany,
   especially in the vicinity of Cologne, was countless. [1044] Golden
   Frog, zum goldenen Frosch, the Wolf, zum Wolf, the Eagle, zum Adler.
   [1045]

   The communities supported themselves by spinning, weaving, caring for
   the sick, and other occupations. Some of the houses forbade begging.
   Some of them, as those in Cologne, were afterwards turned into
   hospitals. As a rule they practised mendicancy and went about in the
   streets crying Brod durch Gott, "Bread for the sake of God." They wore
   a distinctive dress. [1046]

   The earliest community of Beghards known to us is the community of
   Löwen, 1220. The Beghards practised mendicancy and they spread as far
   as Poland and Switzerland. It was not long till they were charged with
   loose tendencies, a disregard of the hierarchy, and heresy. Neither the
   Beguines as a body nor the Beghards ever received distinct papal
   sanction. [1047]

   Both associations were the objects of synodal enactment as early as the
   middle of the thirteenth century. The synod of Mainz, 1259, warned the
   Beghards against going through the streets, crying, "Bread for God's
   sake," and admonished them to put aside offensive peculiarities and not
   to mingle with Beguines. Another synod of Mainz, 1261, referred to
   scandals among the Beguines. A synod of Cologne, a year later,
   condemned their unchurchly independence and bade them confess to
   priests on pain of excommunication. In 1310 synods, held at Treves and
   Mainz, forbade clerics entering beguinages on any pretext whatever and
   forbade Beghards explaining the Bible to the ignorant. [1048]

   The communities became more and more the objects of suspicion, and a
   sharp blow was struck at them in 1312 by Clement V. and the council of
   Vienne. The council forbade their communal mode of life, and accused
   them of heresies. [1049] possible to reach a state of perfection in
   this world. A person reaching this state is under no obligation to fast
   and pray, but may yield himself without sin to all the appetites of the
   body. [1050]

   Clement's bull erred by its failure to discriminate between heretical
   and orthodox communities, a defect which was corrected by John XXII.
   This pope expressly gave protection to the orthodox communities. In the
   fourteenth century, the number of houses increased very rapidly in
   Germany and by 1400 there was scarcely a German town which had not its
   beguinage. Up to that date, fifty-seven had been organized in
   Frankfurt, and in the middle of the fifteenth century there were one
   hundred and six such houses in Cologne and sixty in Strassburg. In 1368
   Erfurt had four hundred Beguines and Beghards. [1051]

   In the earlier part of the fourteenth century, the Beguines appeared in
   Southern France, where the Inquisition associated them closely with the
   Tertiaries of St. Francis and accused them of adopting the views of
   John Peter Olivi. [1052]

   In the latter part of the fourteenth century, the Inquisition broke up
   many of the houses in Germany, their effects being equally divided
   between itself, the poor, and the municipality. Gregory XI., 1377,
   recognized that many of the Beghards were leading good lives. Boniface
   IX., 1394, made a sharp distinction between the communities and classed
   the heterodox Beghards with Lollards and Swestriones. [1053] [1054] s
   to the good of the people, he gave papal recognition. To avoid
   persecution, many of them took refuge with the Franciscans and enrolled
   themselves as Tertiaries of the Franciscan order. With the Reformation
   the Beghards and Beguines for the most part disappear as separate
   communities. [1055]

   These sectaries were in part forerunners and contemporaries of other
   communities with a pious and benevolent design developed in Holland in
   the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and with which German mysticism
   is closely associated.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1041] Hase, Karl Müller, Kirchengesch. I. 570, Alphandéry, p. 2 sqq.,
   and others treat the subject under the head of lay-activity.

   [1042] The Beguines are called a sect, secta Beguinarum, in Guy's
   Practica, p.264, etc. The term Beguines, or Bequini, is also derived
   from beggan, to beg, by Jundt, or from bègue, to stammer. See Haupt, in
   Herzog, II. 517. Lea, p. 351, seems inclined to advocate the old
   opinion which derived the name from St. Begga, d. 694, the mother of
   Pepin of Heristal and the reputed founder of a convent.

   [1043] Premium castitatis verbo et exemplo predicavit, Fredericq, II.
   33.

   [1044] Multitudo innumerabilis, Luard's ed., V. 194. In another place,
   IV. 278, he gives the number as 2,000. He also states that they were
   governed by no Church Rule, nullius sancti regula coarctatae.

   [1045] Uhlhorn, p. 380.

   [1046] The brief of Boniface IX. mentions "gray and other colors,"
   Döllinger, Beiträge, II. 383.

   [1047] A synod of Béziers, p. 299, forbade both male and female
   societies on the ground that there was no papal sanction. Wetzer-Welte,
   II. 204, calls them ordensähnliche Gesellschaften, and Alphandéry, p.
   2, extra-ecclésiastiques.

   [1048] Hefele, VI. 490, 600.

   [1049] Hefele, VI. 543, 544.

   [1050] The actus carnis is no sin, for it is an impulse of nature.
   Döllinger, II. 384-407, 702 sqq. They were also accused with denying a
   hell.

   [1051] Haupt, in Herzog, II. 519.

   [1052] Bernard Guy, 264 sqq. See also the letter of the bishop of
   Utrecht, Oct. 6, 1318, in Fredericq, II. 74.

   [1053] "Sisters," a popular name for the Beguines.

   [1054] Willige Armen, see Döllinger, II. 381-383. Gregory XII., Eugene
   IV., and Sixtus IV. also commended the orthodox societies.

   [1055] There are still religious houses in Belgium and Holland called
   beguinages. In 1896 there were fifteen in Belgium and in Holland, one
   in Breda, and one in Amsterdam. For the Brethren of the Free Spirit,
   who are often associated with the Beghards but had a different origin,
   see part II. of this volume.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 84. The Waldenses.


   "O lady fair, I have yet a gem which a purer lustre flings

   Than the diamond flash of the jewelled crown on the lofty brow of
   kings;

   A wonderful pearl of exceeding price, whose virtue shall not decay,

   Whose light shall be as a spell to thee and a blessing on thy way!"

   Whittier, The Vaudois Teacher.

   Distinct from the Cathari and other sects in origin and doctrine, but
   sharing with them the condemnation of the established Church, were the
   Waldenses. The Cathari lived completely apart from the Catholic Church.
   The Waldenses, leaning upon the Scriptures, sought to revive the simple
   precepts of the Apostolic age. They were the strictly biblical sect of
   the Middle Ages. This fact, and the pitiless and protracted
   persecutions to which they were subjected, long ago won the sympathies
   of the Protestant churches. They present a rare spectacle of the
   survival of a body of believers which has come up out of great
   tribulation.

   Southern France was their first home, but they were a small party as
   compared with the Albigenses in those parts. From France they spread
   into Piedmont, and also into Austria and Germany, as recent
   investigations have clearly brought out. In Italy, they continue to
   this day in their ancestral valleys and, since 1870, endowed with full
   rights of citizenship. In Austria, they kept their light burning as in
   a dark place for centuries, had a close historic connection with the
   Hussites and Bohemian Brethren, and prepared, in some measure, the way
   for the Anabaptists in the time of the Reformation.

   The Waldenses derive their origin and name from Peter Waldus or Valdez,
   [1056] were also called Poor Men of Lyons, from the city on the Rhone
   where they originated, and the Sandalati or Sandalled, from the coarse
   shoes they wore. [1057]

   The name by which they were known among themselves was Brethren or the
   Poor of Christ, [1058] bably upon Matt. 5:3, "Blessed are the poor in
   spirit." According to the Anonymous writer of Passau, writing in the
   early years of the fourteenth century, some already in his day carried
   the origin of the sect back to the Apostles. Until recently all
   Waldensian writers have claimed for it Apostolic origin or gone at
   least as far back as the seventh century. Professor Comba, of the
   Waldensian school in Florence, has definitely given up this theory in
   deference to the investigations of Dieckhoff, Herzog, and other German
   scholars.

   Of Waldo's life little is known. A prosperous merchant of Lyons, he was
   aroused to religious zeal by the sudden death of a leading citizen of
   the city, of which he was a witness, and by a ballad he heard sung by a
   minstrel on the public square. The song was about St. Alexis, the son
   of wealthy parents who no sooner returned from the marriage altar than,
   impressed by the claims of celibacy, he left his bride, to start on a
   pilgrimage to the East. On his return he called on his relatives and
   begged them to give him shelter, but they did not recognize who he was
   till they found him dead. The moral drawn from the tale was: life is
   short, the times are evil, prepare for heaven.

   Waldo sought counsel from a priest, who told him there were many ways
   to heaven, but if he would be perfect, he must obey Christ's precepts,
   and go and sell all that he had and give to the poor, and follow him.
   It was the text that had moved Anthony of Egypt to flee from society.
   Waldo renounced his property, sent his two daughters to the convent of
   Fontevrault, gave his wife a portion of his goods, and distributed the
   remainder to the poor. This was about 1170.

   His rule of life, Waldo drew from the plain precepts of the Bible. He
   employed Bernard Ydros and Stephen of Ansa to translate into the
   vernacular the Gospels and other parts of the Scriptures, together with
   sayings of the Fathers. He preached, and his followers, imitating his
   example, preached in the streets and villages, going about two by two.
   [1059] hbishop of Lyons attempted to stop them, they replied that "they
   ought to obey God, rather than men."

   Very unexpectedly the Waldenses made their appearance at the Third
   Lateran council, 1179, at least two of their number being present. They
   besought Alexander III. to give his sanction to their mode of life and
   to allow them to go on preaching. They presented him with a copy of
   their Bible translation. The pope appointed a commission to examine
   them. Its chairman, Walter Map, an Englishman of Welsh descent and the
   representative of the English king, has left us a curious account of
   the examination. He ridicules their manners and lack of learning.
   [1060] they have a safe path. He commenced with the simplest of
   questions, being well aware, as he said, that a donkey which can eat
   much oats does not disdain milk diet. On asking them whether they
   believed in the persons of the Trinity they answered, "Yes." And "in
   the Mother of Christ?" To this they also replied "Yes." At that the
   committee burst out laughing at their ignorance, for it was not proper
   to believe in, but to believe on, Mary. "Being poor themselves, they
   follow Christ who was poor,--nudi nudum Christum sequentes. Certainly
   it is not possible for them to take a more humble place, for they have
   scarcely learned to walk. If we admit them, we ourselves ought to be
   turned out." This vivacious committee-man, who delighted so much in
   chit-chat, as the title of his book indicates, further says that the
   Waldenses went about barefooted, clad in sheep-skins, and had all
   things common like the Apostles.

   Without calling the Waldenses by name, the council forbade them to
   preach. The synod of Verona, 1184, designated them as "Humiliati, or
   Poor Men of Lyons," and anathematized them, putting them into the same
   category with the Cathari and Patarines. Their offence was preaching
   without the consent of the bishops.

   Although they were expelled from Lyons and excommunicated by the
   highest authority of the Church, the Waldenses ceased not to teach and
   preach. They were called to take part in disputations at Narbonne
   (1190) and other places. They were charged with being in rebellion
   against the ecclesiastical authorities and with daring to preach,
   though they were only laymen. Durandus of Huesca, who had belonged to
   their company, withdrew in 1207 and took up a propaganda against them.
   He went to Rome and secured the pope's sanction for a new order under
   the name of the "Catholic Poor" who were bound to poverty; the name, as
   is probable, being derived from the sect he had abandoned.

   Spreading into Lombardy, they met a party already organized and
   like-minded. This party was known as the Humiliati. Its adherents were
   plain in dress and abstained from oaths and falsehood and from
   lawsuits. The language, used by the Third Oecumenical council and the
   synod of Verona, identified them with the Poor Men of Lyons. [1061] ly
   affiliated. It is probable that Waldo and his followers on their visits
   in Lombardy won so much favor with the older sect that it accepted
   Waldo's leadership. At a later date, a portion of the Humiliati
   associated themselves in convents, and received the sanction of
   Innocent III. It seems probable that they furnished the model for the
   third order of St. Francis. [1062] if not all, were treated by
   contemporaries as his followers and called Runcarii. [1063] thren.
   [1064]

   A dispute arose between the Humiliati and the Poor Men of Lyons as to
   their relation to one another and to Peter Waldo, which led to a
   conference, in 1218, at Bergamo. Each party had six representatives.
   [1065] charist and whether Waldo was then in paradise. The Lombards
   contended that the validity of the sacrament depended upon the good
   character of the celebrant. The question about Waldo and a certain
   Vivetus was, whether they had gone to heaven without having made
   satisfaction before their deaths for all their sins. [1066] ldo's
   leadership by the Lombard Waldenses. Salve Burce, 1235, who ridiculed
   the Waldensians on the ground of their recent origin, small number, and
   lack of learning, compared the Poor Men of Lombardy and the Poor Men of
   Lyons with the two Catharan sects, the Albanenses and the Concorrezzi,
   and declared the four were as hostile, one to the other, as fire and
   water. [1067] m means division and strife.

   In the crusades against heretics, in Southern France, the Waldenses
   were included, but their sufferings were small compared with those
   endured by the Albigenses. Nor do they seem to have furnished many
   victims to the Inquisition in the fourteenth century. Although Bernard
   Guy opened his trials in 1308, it was not till 1316 that a Waldensian
   was sentenced to perpetual imprisonment and another to death by
   burning. Three years later, twenty-six were condemned to perpetual
   imprisonment, and three to death in the flames. [1068]

   It was in Italy and Austria that the Waldenses furnished their glorious
   spectacle of unyielding martyrdom. From France they overflowed into
   Piedmont, partly to find a refuge in its high valleys, seamed by the
   mountain streams of the Perouse, the Luserne, and the Angrogne. There,
   in the Cottian Alps, they dwelt for some time without molestation. They
   had colonies as far south as Calabria, and the emigration continued in
   that direction till the fifteenth century. [1069] tto IV. issued an
   edict of banishment and in 1220 Thomas, count of Savoy, threatened with
   fines all showing them hospitality. But their hardy industry made them
   valuable subjects and for a hundred years there was no persecution in
   the valleys unto death. The first victim at the stake perished, 1312.

   Innocent VIII., notorious for his official recognition of witchcraft,
   was the first papal persecutor to resort to rigorous measures. In 1487,
   he announced a crusade, and called upon Charles VIII. of France and the
   duke of Savoy to execute the decree. Everything the Waldenses had
   endured before, as Leger says, was as "roses and flowers" compared with
   what they were now called upon to suffer. Innocent furnished an army of
   eighteen-thousand. The Piedmontese Waldenses were forced to crouch up
   higher into the valleys, and were subject to almost incredible
   hardship. The most bitter sufferings of this Israel of the Alps were
   reserved for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, after they had
   accepted the Reformation. [1070] It was of the atrocious massacres
   perpetrated at that time that Milton exclaimed,


   "Avenge, O Lord, thy slaughtered saints,

   Whose bones he scattered on the Alpine mountains cold."

   The history of the Waldensian movement in different parts of Germany
   and Austria has scarcely less interest than the Franco-Italian
   movement. It had a more extensive influence by preparing the way for
   other separatist and evangelical movements. It is supposed that a
   translation of parts of the Scriptures belonging to the Waldenses was
   in circulation in Metz at the end of the twelfth century. Copies were
   committed to the flames. It is also supposed that Waldenses were among
   the heretics ferreted out in Strassburg in 1212, eighty of whom were
   burnt, twelve priests and twenty-three women being of the number. The
   Waldenses spread as far north as Königsberg and Stettin and were found
   in Swabia, Poland, Bavaria, and especially in Bohemia and the Austrian
   diocese of Passau. [1071]

   They were subjected to persecution as early as in 1260. Fifty years
   later there were at least forty-two Waldensian communities in Austria
   and a number of Waldensian schools. Neumeister, a bishop of the
   Austrian heretics, who suffered death with many others in 1315,
   testified that in the diocese of Passau alone the sect had over eighty
   thousand adherents. [1072] Austrian heretics the Poor Men of Lombardy
   kept up a correspondence [1073]

   In spite of persecutions, the German Waldenses continued to maintain
   themselves to the fifteenth century.

   The Austrian dissenters were active in the distribution of the
   Scriptures. And Whittier has based his poem of the Vaudois Teacher upon
   the account of the so-called Anonymous writer of Passau of the
   fourteenth century. He speaks of the Waldenses as going about as
   peddlers to the houses of the noble families and offering first gems
   and other goods and then the richest gem of all, the Word of God. This
   writer praised their honesty, industry, and sobriety. Their speech, he
   said, was free from oaths and falsehoods.

   We have thus three types of Waldenses: the Poor Men of Lyons, the Poor
   Men of Lombardy, and the Austrian Waldensians. [1074] er hand there was
   developed a tendency to again approach closer to the Church. [1075]

   In their earliest period the Waldenses were not heretics, although the
   charge was made against them that they claimed to be "the only
   imitators of Christ." Closely as they and the Cathari were associated
   geographically and by the acts of councils, papal decrees, and in
   literary refutations of heresy, the Waldenses differ radically from the
   Cathari. They never adopted Manichaean elements. Nor did they repudiate
   the sacramental system of the established Church and invent strange
   rites of their own. They were also far removed from mysticism and have
   no connection with the German mystics as some of the other sectaries
   had. They were likewise not Protestants, for we seek in vain among them
   for a statement of the doctrine of justification by faith. It is
   possible, they held to the universal priesthood of believers. According
   to de Bourbon and others, they declared all good men to be priests.
   They placed the stress upon following the practice of the Apostles and
   obeying the teachings of the Sermon on the Mount, and they did not know
   the definition which Luther put on the word "justification." They
   approached more closely to an opinion now current among Protestants
   when they said, righteousness is found only in good men and good women.
   [1076]

   The first distinguishing principle of the Waldenses bore on daily
   conduct and was summed up in the words of the Apostles, "we ought to
   obey God rather than men." This the Catholics interpreted to mean a
   refusal to submit to the authority of the pope and prelates. All the
   early attacks against them contain this charge. [1077] powers that be
   are ordained of God. This was, perhaps, the first positive affirmation
   of a Scriptural ground for religious independence made by the
   dissenting sects of the Middle Ages. It contains in it, as in a germ,
   the principle of full liberty of conscience as it was avowed by Luther
   at Worms.

   The second distinguishing principle was the authority and popular use
   of the Scriptures. Here again the Waldenses anticipated the Protestant
   Reformation without realizing, as is probable, the full meaning of
   their demand. The reading of the Bible, it is true, had not yet been
   forbidden, but Waldo made it a living book and the vernacular
   translation was diligently taught. The Anonymous writer of Passau said
   he had seen laymen who knew almost the entire Gospels of Matthew and
   Luke by heart, so that it was hardly possible to quote a word without
   their being able to continue the text from memory.

   The third principle was the importance of preaching and the right of
   laymen to exercise that function. Peter Waldo and his associates were
   lay evangelists. All the early documents refer to their practice of
   preaching as one of the worst heresies of the Waldenses and an evident
   proof of their arrogance and insubordination. Alanus calls them false
   preachers, pseudo-praedicatores. Innocent III., writing, in 1199, of
   the heretics of Metz, declared their desire to understand the
   Scriptures a laudable one but their meeting in secret and usurping the
   function of the priesthood in preaching as only evil. Alanus, in a long
   passage, brought against the Waldenses that Christ was sent by the
   Father and that Jonah, Jeremiah, and others received authority from
   above before they undertook to preach, for "how shall they preach
   unless they be sent." The Waldenses were without commission. To this
   charge, the Waldenses, as at the disputation of Narbonne, answered that
   all Christians are in duty bound to spread the Gospel in obedience to
   Christ's last command and to James 4:17, "to him that knoweth to do
   good and doeth it not, to him it is sin." [1078] [1079]

   The Waldenses went still further in shocking old-time custom and
   claimed the right to preach for women as well as for men, and when
   Paul's words enjoining silence upon the women were quoted, they replied
   that it was with them more a question of teaching than of formal
   preaching and quoted back Titus 2:3, "the aged women should be teachers
   of good things." The abbot Bernard of Fontis Calidi, in contesting the
   right of laics of both sexes to preach, quoted the Lord's words
   commanding the evil spirit to hold his peace who had said, "Thou art
   the Holy One of God," Mark 1:25. If Christ did not allow the devil to
   use his mouth, how could he intend to preach through a Waldensian?
   [1080] tion of the universities of Paris, Prague, and Vienna and of all
   university study as a waste of time. [1081]

   It was an equally far-reaching principle when the Waldenses declared
   that it was spiritual endowment, or merit, and not the Church's
   ordination which gave the right to bind and loose, to consecrate and
   bless. [1082] ter the Lord's Supper. No priest, continuing in sin,
   could administer the eucharist, but any good layman might. [1083] so
   charged that the Waldenses allowed laymen to receive confessions and
   absolve. [1084]

   As for the administration of baptism, there were also differences of
   view between the Waldenses of Italy and those of France. There was a
   disposition, in some quarters at least, to deny infant baptism and to
   some extent the opinion seems to have prevailed that infants were saved
   without baptism. [1085] aldenses were at the time of the Reformation,
   according to the statement of Morel, they left the administration of
   the sacraments to the priests. The early documents speak of the secrecy
   observed by the Waldenses, and it is possible more was charged against
   them than they would have openly acknowledged.

   To the affirmation of these fundamental principles the Waldenses, on
   the basis of the Sermon on the Mount, added the rejection of oaths,
   [1086] [1087] ory and prayers for the dead. [1088] [1089]

   The Waldenses regarded themselves, as Professor Comba has said, as a
   church within the Church, a select circle. They probably went no
   further, though they were charged with pronouncing the Roman Church the
   Babylonian harlot, and calling it a house of lies. [1090] the Perfect
   and Believers, but this may be a mistake. In the beginning of the
   fourteenth century, in Southern France they elected a superintendent,
   called Majoralis omnium, whom, according to Bernard Guy, they obeyed as
   the Catholics did the pope, and they also had presbyters and deacons.
   In other parts they had a threefold ministry, under the name of
   priests, teachers, and rectors. [1091]

   From the first, the Lyonnese branch had a literature of its own and in
   this again a marked contrast is presented to the Cathari. Of the early
   Waldensian translation of the Bible in Romaunt, there are extant the
   New Testament complete and the Psalms, Proverbs, Song of Solomon, and
   Ecclesiastes. A translation in French had preceded this Waldensian
   version. [1092] slation of the Bible found at Tepl, Bohemia, may have
   been of Waldensian origin. [1093]

   The Nobla Leyczon, [1094] igious poem of four hundred and seventy-nine
   lines. It has a strictly practical purpose. The end of the world is
   near, man fell, Noah was spared, Abraham left his own country, Israel
   went down to Egypt and was delivered by Moses. Christ preached a better
   law, he trod the path of poverty, was crucified, and rose again. The
   first line ran "10 brothers, listen to a noble teaching." The poem
   closes with the scene of the Last Judgment and an exhortation to
   repent.

   Through one channel the Waldenses exercised an influence over the
   Catholic Church. It was through the Waldensian choice of poverty. They
   made the, "profession of poverty," as Etienne de Bourbon calls it, or
   "the false profession of poverty," as Bernard Guy pronounced it. By
   preaching and by poverty they strove after evangelical perfection, as
   was distinctly charged by these and other writers. Francis d'Assisi
   took up with this ideal and was perhaps more immediately the disciple
   of the obscure Waldensians of Northern Italy than can be proved in so
   many words. The ideal of Apostolic poverty and practice was in the air
   and it would not detract from the services of St. Francis, if his
   followers would recognize that these dissenters of Lyons and Italy were
   actuated by his spirit, and thus antedated his propaganda by nearly
   half a century. [1095]

   Note: Lit. bearing on the early Waldenses. For the titles, see § 79.--A
   new era in the study of the history and tenets of the Waldenses was
   opened by Dieckhoff, 1851, who was followed by Herzog, 1853. More
   recently, Preger, Karl Müller, Haupt, and Keller have added much to our
   knowledge in details, and in clearing up disputed points. Comba,
   professor in the Waldensian college at Florence, accepts the
   conclusions of modern research and gives up the claim of ancient
   origin, even Apostolic origin being claimed by the older Waldensian
   writers. The chief sources for the early history of the sect are the
   abbot Bernard of Fontis Calidi, d. 1193; the theologian Alanus de
   Insulis, d. about 1200; Salve Burce (whose work is given by Döllinger),
   1235; Etienne de Bourbon, d. 1261, whose work is of an encyclopedic
   character, a kind of ready-reference book; the Rescriptum
   haeresiarcharum written by an unknown priest, about 1316, called the
   Anonymous of Passau; an Austrian divine, David of Augsburg, d. 1271;
   and the Inquisitor in Southern France, Bernard Guy, d. 1331. Other
   valuable documents are given by Döllinger, in his Beiträge, vol. II.
   These writers represent a period of more than a hundred years. In most
   of their characterizations they agree, and upon the main heresies of
   the Waldenses the earliest writers are as insistent as the later.

   The Waldensian MSS., some of which date back to the thirteenth century,
   are found chiefly in the libraries of Cambridge, Dublin (Trinity
   College), Paris, Geneva, Grenoble, and Lyons. The Dublin Collection was
   made by Abp. Ussher who purchased in 1634 a number of valuable volumes
   from a French layman for five hundred and fifty francs. The Cambridge
   MSS. were procured by Sir Samuel Morland, Cromwell's special envoy sent
   to Turin to check the persecutions of the Waldenses.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1056] Valdesius, Valdensius, or Waldunus. The name is given in these
   and other forms by writers of the thirteenth century. De Bourbon, p.
   290; Guy, p. 244; Döllinger, II. 6, 300, etc. Bernard, abbot of Fontis
   Calidi, Migne, 204. 793, allegorizes when he says they were called
   "Valdenses, as though they came from a dense valley and are involved in
   its deep thick darkness of errors." Alanus de insulis, Migne, 210, p.
   377 sqq., says the "Waldenses are so called from their heresiarch
   Waldus, the founder of the new sect who presumed to preach without
   authority of prelate, without divine inspiration, knowledge, or
   letters. A philosopher without head, a prophet without vision, an
   apostle without mission, a teacher without instructor, whose disciples,
   or rather musciples (discipuli imo muscipuli), seduce the unwary in
   different parts of the world."

   [1057] Pauperes de Lugduno, Leonistae, etc. Zabatati, or Insobbalati,
   because the shoe was cut in the shape of a shield. Guy, 245; Döllinger,
   II. 92, 233, etc.

   [1058] Inter se vocant Fratres seu Pauperes Christi. Guy, p. 256.

   [1059] Per vicos et plateas evangelium praedicare et Valdesius multos
   homines utriusque sexus viros et mulieres complices sibi fecit ad
   similem praesumptionem, etc. Guy, p. 244.

   [1060] de nugis, Wright's ed., p. 64 sq. Map, who felt highly honored
   by his appointment, called them simple and illiterate, idiotae et
   illiterati, terms used also by de Bourbon, p. 292, and Guy, p. 244.

   [1061] The exact relation of the Poor Men of Lyons to the Humiliati is
   still a matter of discussion. Müller, in his Anfänge des
   Minoritenordens, etc., has done much to change our knowledge of the
   Humiliati. The view taken above may account for the language of the
   Verona council, Humiliati vel Pauperes de Lugduno, which was probably
   chosen for the very purpose of indicating that the resemblance between
   the two parties was so close as to make it uncertain whether there were
   two sects or only one. This view seems to be borne out by the two
   statements of Salve Burce. Döllinger, II. 64, 74.

   [1062] See p. 411. Sabatier, Regula Antiqua, p. 15, expresses the
   opinion that Francis may have been more indebted to them than we have
   supposed.

   [1063] Salve Burce, who was acquainted with Roncho, called him "a
   simple man, without education,"idiota absque literis. Döllinger, II.
   64.

   [1064] Rainerius, Martène, p. 1775, Rescriptum, p. 57; Guy, p. 247;
   Döllinger, II. 320, etc. Rainerius is in substantial agreement with
   Burce who says that the Poor Men of Lombardy derived their existence
   from the Ultramontane Poor.

   [1065] The account is given in the Rescriptum. See Preger, Döllinger,
   II. 42-52, and Müller, Die Waldenser, p. 22. The separation between the
   Lombard and the Lyonnese parties is referred to in the list of
   inquisitorial questions to be put to them. Döllinger, II. 320 sq.

   [1066] Rescriptum, Döllinger, II. 46.

   [1067] Döllinger, II. 73.

   [1068] Summing up all the cases under Guy, Lea, II. 149, says that
   there was no very active persecution against the Lyonnese Waldenses.

   [1069] Comba, p. 103 sq.; Lea, II. 259 sqq.

   [1070] In 1530 the mediaeval period of their history closes. At that
   date two of their number, Morel and Peter Masson, were sent to consult
   with Bucer, Oecolampadius, and other Reformers. Morel was beheaded on
   his return journey. His letter to Oecolampadius and the Reformer's
   reply are given by Dieckhoff, pp. 364-373. The Waldenses adopted the
   Reformation, 1532.

   [1071] See Comba, 74 sqq. A number of the documents given by Döllinger
   are interrogatories for use against the Waldenses of Germany and
   Austria, or accounts of their trials. One of them, in German, belongs
   as late as the sixteenth century, Döllinger, II. 701 sq. Haupt, Keller,
   Preger, and Goll have extended our knowledge of the Austrian Waldenses.

   [1072] Haupt, Waldenserthum, p. 21.

   [1073] Comba, in the French trans. of his work, and Müller, Die
   Waldenser, p. 103, print a consolatory letter from them to their
   suffering Bohemian friends.

   [1074] The earliest writers, as the abbot Bernard and Alanus, make no
   distinctions. Rainerius, 1260, does, as do also the Rescriptum which
   has an eye to the Waldenses of Passau and Salve Burce in his Supra
   Stella, 1235, who refers more particularly to the Poor Men of Lombardy.
   David of Augsburg, 1256, an inquisitor of high repute, has in mind the
   Waldensians, as a body. Bernard Guy, 1320, treats of the Lyonnese
   Waldensians. The documents given by Döllinger extend to the sixteenth
   century, many of them bearing upon the Waldenses of Austria.

   [1075] At the time of the Reformation, according to Morel, dancing and
   all sports were forbidden, except the practice of the bow and other
   arms. Comba, p. 263, recognizes this opposite tendency, the Waldenses
   approaching closer to the established Church in their practice of the
   sacraments.

   [1076] De Bourbon, p. 297.

   [1077] The abbot Bernard, Migne, 204. 796, sqq., 817 sqq.; Alanus,
   Migne, 210. 380 sqq.; de Bourbon, p. 292; Döllinger, II. 6, 51.

   [1078] Comba, pp. 47-52, gives a translation of the disputation at
   Narbonne. The abbot Bernard, Migne, 204. 805, also quotes James 4 as a
   passage upon which the Waldenses relied.

   [1079] De Bourbon, p. 291; Guy, p. 292, etc.

   [1080] Migne, 204. 806 sq., 825;II. 300, etc.

   [1081] Döllinger, II. 340.

   [1082] Magis operatur meritum ad consecrandum vel benedictionem,
   ligandum vel solvendum, quam ordo vel officium, Alanus, Migne, 204,
   385. Alphandéry, p. 129, justly lays stress upon this charge.

   [1083] Consecratio corporis et sanguinis Christi potest fieri a
   quolibet justo, quamvis sit laycus, Guy, p. 246. Also Rainerius, p.
   1775, David of Augsburg, and Döllinger, II. 7.

   [1084] Alanus, Migne, 210, 386.

   [1085] Rainerius declares without qualification that the Poor Men of
   Lombardy hold to the salvation of infants not baptized, but the
   Rescriptum declares that baptism was regarded as necessary for all. So
   also David of Augsburg. See Döllinger, II. 45.

   [1086] Alanus, 210, 392; de Bourbon, pp. 292, 296; Guy, p. 246;
   Döllinger, II. 85 (Salve Burce), 107, 126, etc.

   [1087] Alanus, 210, 394; Guy, p. 246; Döllinger, II. 76, 107, 143, etc.

   [1088] The abbot Bemard, Migne, 204, 828, 833; De Bourbon, p. 295;
   Döllinger, II. 93, 107, 143, etc. The story of creation ascribed to the
   négro, according to which God, in making man, made an image of clay and
   set it up against the fence to dry, is as old as Etienne de Bourbon (d.
   1261) and the earliest Waldenses. Bourbon says, p. 294, that he had
   heard of a Waldensian who, in his testimony, had stated that God made a
   form of soft clay as boys do in their play, and set it up under the sun
   to dry, and that the cracks made by the sun were veins through which
   the blood began to run, and then God breathed His spirit upon the face
   of the image.

   [1089] The Waldensian teaching of the two ways has been regarded by
   Harnack and Keller as a reminiscence of the Teaching of the Twelve
   Apostles. Comba, p. 341, with more probability refers it to the Sermon
   on the Mount. The reference was, not so-much to the two ways in this
   life, but to the denial of purgatory, Döllinger, II. 252, 287, 300,
   etc.

   [1090] Rainerius, p. 1775; Guy, p. 247. Also, the abbot Bernard, Migne,
   204, 795 sqq., and Alanus, Migne, 210, 379 sqq.

   [1091] Döllinger, II. 92. At a later date the minister among the
   Italian Waldenses was called barba, uncle. Comba, p. 147. Morel, in his
   letter to Oecolampadius, declared that these distinctions were not
   maintained by the Waldenses. See Dieckhoff, p. 259 sq.

   [1092] Berger, La Bible française au moyen âge, Paris, 1884. There are
   marked differences in the MSS. of the Romaunt version, in language,
   etc. Comba, pp. 182-185, gives paragraphs from different MSS.

   [1093] So Haupt and Keller, Die Reform. und die aelteren
   Reformparteien, Leipzig, 1886, pp. 257-260. Jostes ascribed the Version
   to Catholic sources, an opinion Dr. Philip Schaff was inclined to
   adopt. Independent, Oct. 8, 1885. Nestle, art."German Versions," in
   Herzog, III. 66, pronounces the question an open one.

   [1094] The title is from lectio, reading. The text is given by Herzog,
   pp. 445-457, and an English translation by Perrin, pp. 263-271.

   [1095] Felder, the Roman Catholic author of the able Gesch. der
   wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franziskanerorden, 1904, approaches this
   view very closely, recognizes the effort of the Waldenses to realize
   the ideal of Apostolic poverty, and says, p. 1 sq., that Francis of
   Assisi in his work was moved by "the idea deeply rooted in his age,
   eine tief gewurzelte Zeitidee."
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 85. The Crusades against the Albigenses.

   The mediaeval measures against heretics assumed an organized form in
   the crusades against the Albigenses, before the institution of the
   Inquisition received its full development. To the papacy belongs the
   whole responsibility of these merciless wars. Toulouse paid a bitter
   penalty for being the head centre of heresy. [1096] [1097] to it for
   Provence and Languedoc,--brought upon himself the full wrath and
   punishments of the Apostolic see for his unwillingness to join in the
   wars against his own subjects. A member of the house led one of the
   most splendid of the armies of the first Crusade to Jerusalem. At the
   opening of the Albigensian crusades the court of Toulouse was one of
   the gayest in Europe. At their close it was a spectacle of desolation.

   Councils, beginning with the synod of Toulouse, 1119, issued articles
   against heresy and called upon the secular power to punish it. Mild
   measures were tried and proved ineffectual, whether they were the
   preaching and miracles of St. Bernard, 1147, or the diplomatic address
   of papal legates. Sixty years after Bernard, St. Dominic entered upon a
   tour of evangelism in the vicinity of Toulouse, and some heretics were
   won; but in spite of Dominic, and synodal decrees, heresy spread and
   continued to defy the Church authorities.

   It remained for Innocent III. to direct the full force of his native
   vigor against the spreading contagion and to execute the principles
   already solemnly announced by oecumenical and local councils. To him
   heretics were worse than the infidel who had never made profession of
   Christianity. While Christendom was sending armaments against the
   Saracens, why should it not send an armament to crush the spiritual
   treason at home? In response to papal appeals, at least four distinct
   crusades were set on foot against the sectaries in Southern France.
   These religious wars continued thirty years. Priests and abbots went at
   the head of the armies and, in the name of religion, commanded or
   justified the most atrocious barbarities. One of the fairest portions
   of Europe was laid waste and the counts of Toulouse were stripped by
   the pope of their authority and territory.

   The long conflict was fully opened when Innocent called upon Louis VII.
   to take the field, that "it might be shown that the Lord had not given
   him the sword in vain," and promised him the lands of nobles shielding
   heresy. [1098] ymund VI., who was averse to a policy of repression
   against his Catharan subjects, was excommunicated by Innocent's legate,
   Peter of Castelnau, and his lands put under interdict. Innocent called
   him a noxious man, vir pestilens, [1099] all the punishments of the
   future world. He threatened to call upon the princes to proceed against
   him with arms and take his lands. "The hand of the Lord will descend
   upon thee more severely, and show thee that it is hard for one who
   seeks to flee from the face of His wrath which thou hast provoked."

   A crisis was precipitated in 1208 by the murder of Peter of Castelnau
   by two unknown assassins. [1100] e expulsion of all heretics from his
   dominions the condition of withdrawing suspicion against him as the
   possible murderer of Peter. [1101] aymund with France through his
   uncle, Louis VII., and with Aragon through Pedro, whose sister he had
   married, interposed difficulties. And the crusade went on. The
   Cistercians, at their General Chapter, decided to preach it. Princes
   and people from France, Flanders, and even Germany swelled the ranks.
   The same reward was promised to those who took the cross against the
   Cathari and Waldenses, as to those who went across the seas to fight
   the intruder upon the Holy Sepulchre.

   In a general epistle to the faithful, Innocent wrote: --

   "O most mighty soldiers of Christ, most brave warriors; Ye oppose the
   agents of anti-Christ, and ye fight against the servants of the old
   serpent. Perchance up to this time ye have fought for transitory glory,
   now fight for the glory which is everlasting. Ye have fought for the
   body, fight now for the soul. Ye have fought for the world, now do ye
   fight for God. For we have not exhorted you to the service of God for a
   worldly prize, but for the heavenly kingdom, which for this reason we
   promise to you with all confidence." [1102]

   Awed by the sound of the coming storm, Raymund offered his submission
   and promised to crush out heresy. The humiliating spectacle of
   Raymund's penance was then enacted in the convent church of St. Gilles.
   In the vestibule, naked to the waist, he professed compliance with all
   the papal conditions. Sixteen of the count's vassals took oath to see
   the hard vow was kept and pledged themselves to renew the oath every
   year, upon pain of being classed with heretics. Then holding the ends
   of a stole, wrapped around the penitent's neck like a halter, the papal
   legate led Raymund before the altar, the count being flagellated as he
   proceeded. [1103]

   Raymund's submission, however, did not check the muster of troops which
   were gathering in large numbers at Lyons. [1104] ergy. At their side
   were the duke of Burgundy, the counts of Nevers, St. Pol, Auxerre,
   Geneva, and Poitiers, and other princes. The soldier, chosen to be the
   leader, was Simon de Montfort. Simon had been one of the prominent
   leaders of the Fourth Crusade, and was a zealous supporter of the
   papacy. He neglected not to hear mass every day, even after the most
   bloody massacres in the campaigns in Southern France. His
   contemporaries hailed him as another Judas Maccabaeus and even compared
   him to Charlemagne. [1105]

   In spite of the remonstrance of Raymund, who had joined the army, the
   papal legate, Arnold of Citeaux, refused to check its march. Béziers
   was stormed and horrible scenes followed. The wild soldiery heeded well
   the legate's command, "Fell all to the ground. The Lord knows His own."
   [1106] legates, Milo and Arnold, the "divine vengeance raged
   wonderfully against the city. [1107]

   At Carcassonne the inhabitants were allowed to depart, the men in their
   shirts, the women in their chemises, carrying with them, as the
   chronicler writes, nothing else except their sins, nihil secum praeter
   peccata portantes. Dread had taken hold of the country, and village
   after village was abandoned by the fleeing inhabitants. Raymund was
   again put under excommunication at a council held at Avignon. [1108] g
   them six thousand Germans. [1109]

   Again, in 1211, the count of Toulouse sought to come to an agreement
   with the legates. But the terms, which included the razing to the
   ground of all his castles, were too humiliating. The crusade was
   preached again. All the territory of Toulouse had been overrun and it
   only remained for the crusaders to capture the city itself.

   Pedro of Aragon, fresh from his crushing victory over the Moors at
   Novas de Tolosa, now interceded with the pope for his brother-in-law.
   The synod of Lavaur, 1213, appointed referee by Innocent, rejected the
   king's propositions. Pedro then joined Raymund, but fell at the
   disastrous defeat of Muret the same year, 1213. It was a strange
   combination whereby the king of Aragon, who had won the highest
   distinction a year before as a hero of the Catholic faith, was killed
   in the ranks of those who were rebels to the papal authority. [1110]
   [1111] land, including Toulouse, was granted to Montfort, and the
   titles conferred on him of count of Toulouse, viscount of Béziers and
   Carcassonne, and duke of Narbonne. [1112]

   The complications in Southern France were one of the chief questions
   brought before the Fourth Lateran Council, 1215. Raymund was present
   and demanded back his lands, inasmuch as he had submitted to the
   Church; but by an overwhelming majority, the synod voted against him
   and Montfort was confirmed in the possession of his conquests. [1113]
   Raymund's son made a personal appeal to Innocent for his father, the
   pope bade him "love God above all things and serve Him faithfully, and
   not stretch forth his hand against others' territory" and gave him the
   cold promise that his complaints against Montfort would be heard at a
   future council. [1114]

   The further progress of the Albigensian campaigns requires only brief
   notice here, for they were converted into a war of territorial plunder.
   In 1218, Montfort fell dead under the walls of Toulouse, his head
   crushed by a stone. In the reign of Honorius, whose supreme concern was
   a crusade in the East, the sectaries reasserted themselves, and Raymund
   regained most of his territory. But the pope was relentless, and again
   the sentence of excommunication was launched against the house of
   Toulouse.

   In 1226, Louis VIII. took the cross, supported by the French parliament
   as well as by the Church. Thus the final chapter in the crusades was
   begun, a war of the king of France for the possession of Toulouse.
   Louis died a few months later. Arnold of Citeaux, for nearly twenty
   years their energetic and iron-hearted promoter, had preceded him to
   the grave. Louis IX. took up the plans of his royal predecessor, and in
   1229 the hostilities were brought to a close by Raymund's accepting the
   conditions proposed by the papal legate.

   Raymund renounced two-thirds of his paternal lands in favor of France.
   The other third was to go at his death to his daughter who subsequently
   married Louis IX.'s brother, and, in case there was no issue to the
   marriage, it was to pass to the French crown, and so it did at the
   death of Jeanne, the last heir of the house of Toulouse. Thus the
   domain of France was extended to the Pyrenees.

   Further measures of repression were directed against the remnants of
   the Albigensian heresy, for Raymund VII. had promised to cleanse the
   land of it. The machinery of the Inquisition was put into full action
   as it was perfected by the great inquisitorial council of Toulouse,
   1229. The University of Toulouse received papal sanction, and one of
   its chief objects was announced to be "to bring the Catholic faith in
   those regions into a flourishing state." [1115]

   The papal policy had met with complete but blighting success and, after
   the thirteenth century, heresy in Southern France was almost like a
   noiseless underground stream. Languedoc at the opening of the wars had
   been one of the most prosperous and cultured parts of Europe. At their
   close its villages and vineyards were in ruins, its industries
   shattered, its population impoverished and decimated. The country that
   had given promise of leading Europe in a renaissance of intellectual
   culture fell behind her neighbors in the race of progress. Protestant
   generations, that have been since sitting in judgment upon the
   barbarous measures, conceived and pushed by the papacy, have wondered
   whether another movement, stirred by the power of the Gospel, will not
   yet arise in the old domain that responded to the religious dissent and
   received the warm blood of the Albigenses, the Waldenses, and of Peter
   de Bruys and his followers.

   The Stedinger. While the wars against the Albigenses were going on,
   another people, the Stedinger, living in the vicinity of Bremen and
   Oldenburg, were also being reduced by a papal crusade. They represented
   the spirit of national independence rather than doctrinal dissent and
   had shown an unwillingness to pay tithes to the archbishop of Bremen.
   When a husband put a priest to death for an indignity to his wife, the
   archbishop Hartwig II. announced penalty after penalty but in vain.
   Under his successor, Gerhard (1219-1258), the refractory peasants were
   reduced to submission. A synod of Bremen, in 1230, pronounced them
   heretics, and Gregory IX., accepting the decision, called upon a number
   of German bishops to join in preaching and prosecuting a crusade. The
   same indulgence was offered to the crusaders in the North as to those
   who went on the Church's business to Palestine. The first campaign in
   1233 was unsuccessful, but a second carried all the horrors of war into
   the eastern section of the Stedingers' territory. In 1231 another army
   led by a number of princes completely defeated this brave people at
   Altenesch. Their lands were divided between the archbishop of Bremen
   and the count of Oldenburg.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1096] The Fourth Lateran spoke of the city as quae magis haeretica
   labes corrupta.

   [1097] Ep. II. 99; Migne, 214, 647.

   [1098] Epp., VII. 186, 212; Migne, 215, pp. 503, 527. In the second
   letter Innocent compares heretics to Samson's foxes and to beasts,
   belluas.

   [1099] Ep., X. 69; Migne, 215. 1165 sqq.

   [1100] For another version of the murder, see Lea, I. 146. It has been
   compared to Becket's taking-off.

   [1101] Ep., XI. 26, 32; Migne, 215. 1354, 1361.

   [1102] Ep., XI. 230; Migne, 215. 1546. Innocent wrote repeatedly and at
   length, encouraging the enterprise. Epp., XI. 33, 229, etc.; Migne,
   215. 1361, etc.

   [1103] See full description in Hurter, II. 317 sq., and Lea, I. 150 sq.

   [1104] Hurter, II. 322, always careful, speaks of the army as a
   zahllose Menge, and then of 50,000. Lea, I. 152, is inclined to accept
   a much larger number, 20,000 knights and 200,000 footmen.

   [1105] Hurter, II. 325 sqq., dwells upon his virtues, including the
   virtues of humanity and fidelity. Hefele, also a Roman Catholic, V.
   843, calls him cruel, grausam. The council of Lavaur pronounced him the
   "brave soldier of Christ and the invincible warrior of the Lord's
   battles,"intrepidum, Christi athletam et invictum dominici praelii
   bellatorem, Mansi, xxii. 887. The Fourth Lateran honored his services
   as having exceeded those of all others in fidelity and courage. By his
   mother, Alice, he inherited the earldom of Leicester which passed to
   his son Simon. See Stephen, Dict. Nat. Biogr.

   [1106] Caedite eos, novit enim dominus qui sunt ejus, Caesar of
   Heisterbach, V. 21; Strange ed., I. 302. And so Caesar adds, "an
   innumerable multitude were killed in that city." Hurter speaks of the
   "unbridled frenzy" of the troops, zügellose Wuth, II. 331. Describing
   other scenes of carnage during the crusade he uses such expressions as
   "horrible butchery,"furchtbarer Gemetzel, "heartrending
   barbarities,"empoerende Graeuel, pp. 420, 423, 427, etc. He expresses
   the charitable hope that the abbot of Citeaux did not say what was
   ascribed to him by so good and churchly a witness as Caesarof
   Heisterbach. Brischar, in Wetzer-Welte, I. 434, speaks with horror of
   the barbarities of Simon's troops.

   [1107] Epp. Inn., XII. 108, 109; Migne, 216. 137-142. Ultione divina in
   eam mirabiliter saeviente

   [1108] Hefele, V. 846 sqq.

   [1109] Hurter, II. 383, 416.

   [1110] Pedro's son, Jayme, ascribed his father's defeat to his moral
   laxity. The Albigensian nobles had placed their wives and daughters at
   his disposal and, it is reported, he was so weakened the morning of the
   engagement that he could not stand at the celebration of the mass. Lea,
   I. 177.

   [1111] Hurter, II. 567.

   [1112] As an illustration of how the best of friends may fall out,
   Montfort's right to the title, duke of Narbonne, was vehemently
   contested by Arnold of Citeaux, who claimed it as archbishop of
   Narbonne, an office to which he had been appointed.

   [1113] Harter, II. 567 sqq.; Hefele, V. 881 sq., 902 sq.; Potthast,
   Regesta, I. 439.

   [1114] In a passage recapitulating Innocent's relations to the war,
   Hurter, II. 709-711, says that, although it was in part carried on
   without regard to the principles of humanity and right, and beginning
   as a religious war, it was turned into a war of aggrandizement, yet
   Innocent was guiltless, his sole purpose being to purify the land of
   heresy.

   [1115] Potthast, 9173.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 86. The Inquisition. Its Origin and Purpose.

   The measures for the repression and extermination of heresy culminated
   in the organized system, known as the Inquisition. Its history presents
   what is probably the most revolting spectacle in the annals of
   civilized Europe. [1116] g as arbiters over human destiny in this
   world, and in the name of religion applying torture to countless
   helpless victims, heretics, and reputed witches, and pronouncing upon
   them a sentence which, they knew, involved perpetual imprisonment or
   death in the flames. The cold heartlessness, with which the fate of the
   heretic was regarded, finds some excuse in the pitiless penalties which
   the civil tribunals of the Middle Ages meted out for civil crimes, such
   as the breaking of the victim on the wheel, burning in caldrons of oil,
   quartering with horses, and flaying alive, or the merciless treatment
   of princes upon refractory subjects, as when William the Conqueror at
   Alençon punished the rebels by chopping off the hands and feet of
   thirty-two of the citizens and throwing them over the walls. It is
   nevertheless an astounding fact that for the mercy of Christ the Church
   authorities, who should have represented him, substituted relentless
   cruelties. In this respect the dissenting sectaries were infinitely
   more Christian than they.

   It has been argued in extenuation of the Church that she stopped with
   the decree of excommunication and the sentence to lifelong imprisonment
   and did not pronounce the sentence of death. And the old maxim is
   quoted as true of her in all times, that the Church abhors
   blood--ecclesia non sitit sanguinem. The argument is based upon a pure
   technicality. The Church, after sitting in judgment, turned the
   heretics over to the civil authorities, knowing full well that, as
   night follows day, the sentence of death would follow her sentence of
   excommunication. [1117] teran forbade priests pronouncing judgments of
   blood and being present at executions, but at the very same moment, and
   at the pope's persistent instigation, crusading armies were drenching
   the soil of Southern France with the blood of the Albigenses. A writer
   of the thirteenth century says in part truly, in part speciously, "our
   pope does not kill nor condemn any one to death, but the law puts to
   death those whom the pope allows to be put to death, and they kill
   themselves who do those things which make them guilty of death." [1118]

   The official designation of the Inquisitorial process was the
   Inquisition of heretical depravity. [1119] witches in the fourteenth
   and fifteenth centuries, and the Spanish Inquisition organized in 1480.
   [1120] X., Bonaventura, Thomas Aquinas. A parallel is found in the best
   Roman emperors, who lent themselves to the bloody repression of the
   early Church. The good king, St. Louis, declared that when a layman
   heard the faith spoken against, he should draw his sword and thrust it
   into the offender's body up to the hilt. [1121]

   The Inquisition was a thoroughly papal institution, wrought out in all
   its details by the popes of the thirteenth century, beginning with
   Innocent III. and not ending with Boniface VIII. In his famous manual
   for the treatment of heresy the Inquisitor, Bernard Guy, a man who in
   spite of his office elicits our respect, [1122] been instituted by the
   Apostolic see itself." This was the feeling of the age.

   Precedent enough there was for severe temporal measures. Constantine
   banished the Arians and burned their books. Theodosius the Great fixed
   death as the punishment for heresy. The Priscillianists were executed
   in 385. The great authority of Augustine was appealed to and his fatal
   interpretation of the words of the parable "Compel them to come in,"
   [1123] beyond what that father probably ever intended. From the latter
   part of the twelfth century, councils advocated the death penalty,
   popes insisted upon it, and Thomas Aquinas elaborately defended it.
   Heresy, so the theory and the definitions ran, was a crime the Church
   could not tolerate. It was Satan's worst blow.

   Innocent III. wrote that as treason was punished with death and
   confiscation of goods, how much more should these punishments be meted
   out to those who blaspheme God and God's Son. A crime against God, so
   he reasoned, is surely a much graver misdemeanor than a crime against
   the secular power. [1124]

   The calm discussion, to which the eminent theologian, Thomas Aquinas,
   subjects the treatment due heretics, was made at least a quarter of a
   century after the Inquisition was put into full force. Leaning back
   upon Augustine and his interpretation of "compel them to come in," he
   declared in clearest terms that heretics deserved not only to be
   separated from the Church by excommunication, but to be excluded from
   the earth by judicial death. [1125] ith. The heretic of whose
   reclamation the Church despairs, it delivers over to the secular
   tribunal to be executed out of the world. The principle was that those
   who were baptized were under the immediate jurisdiction of the Church
   and the Church might deal with them as it saw fit. It was not till the
   fourteenth century, that the jurisdiction of the Church and the pope
   was extended to the heathen by Augustinus Triumphus, d. 1328, [1126] e,
   1312, to allow their Mohammedan subjects to practise the rites of their
   religion. [1127]

   The legislation, fixing the Inquisition as a Church institution and
   elaborating its powers, began with the synod of Tours in 1163 and the
   oecumenical council of 1179. A large step in advance was made by the
   council of Verona, 1184. The Fourth Lateran, 1215, and the council of
   Toulouse, 1229, formally established the Inquisition and perfected the
   organization. Gregory IX., Innocent IV., and Alexander IV. enforced its
   regulations and added to them. From first to last the popes were its
   chief promoters.

   The synod of Tours, 1163, called upon the bishops and clergy to forbid
   the Catholics from mingling with the Albigenses and from having
   commercial dealings with them and giving them refuge. Princes were
   instructed to imprison them and confiscate their goods. The Third
   Lateran, 1179, extended the punishments to the defenders of heretics
   and their friends. It gave permission to princes to reduce heretics to
   slavery and shortened the time of penance by two years for those taking
   up arms against them. At the council of Verona, 1184, pope Lucius III.
   and the emperor, Frederick Barbarossa, joined in making common cause in
   the sacred undertaking and announced their attitude in the cathedral.
   Frederick had the law of the empire against heretics recited and threw
   his glove down upon the floor as a token that he would enforce it. Then
   Lucius announced the decree of the council, which enjoined bishops to
   visit, at least once a year, all parts of their sees, to try all
   suspects, and to turn them, if guilty, over to the civil authorities.
   Princes were ordered to take an oath to support the Church against
   heresy upon pain of forfeiting their dignities. Cities, refusing to
   punish offenders, were to be cut off from other cities and, if
   episcopal seats, were to be deprived of that honor.

   Innocent III., the most vigorous of persecutors, was no sooner on the
   throne than he began to wage war against heretical infection. In one
   letter after another, he struck at it and commended military armaments
   for its destruction. The Fourth Lateran gave formal and final
   expression to Innocent's views. The third canon opens with an
   anathematization of heretics of all names. It again enjoined princes to
   swear to protect the faith on pain of losing their lands. To all taking
   part in the extermination of heretics--ad haereticorum exterminium --
   was offered the indulgence extended to the Crusaders in Palestine. All
   "believers" and also the entertainers, defenders, and friends of
   heretics were to be excommunicated and excluded from receiving their
   natural inheritance. [1128] case of neglect, they were to be deposed.

   For more than a century after Innocent, the enforcement of the rules
   for the detection and punishment of heretics form the continual subject
   of bulls issued by the Apostolic see and of synodal action especially
   in Southern France and Spain. Innocent IV. and Alexander IV. alone
   issued more than one hundred such bulls. [1129]

   The regulations for the episcopal supervision of the Inquisition were
   completed at the synod of Toulouse, 1229. Bishops were commanded to
   appoint a priest and laymen to ferret out heretics--inquirant
   haereticos--in houses and rooms. They were authorized to go outside
   their sees and princes outside of their realms to do this work. But no
   heretic was to be punished till he had been tried before the bishop's
   tribunal. Princes were ordered to destroy the domiciles and refuges of
   heretics, even if they were underground. If heretics were found to
   reside on their lands without their knowledge, such princes were to be
   punished. Men above fourteen and women above twelve were obliged to
   swear to inform on heretics. And all, wishing to avoid the charge of
   heresy, were bound to present themselves at the confessional at least
   once a year. As a protection against heretical infection, boys above
   the age of seven were obliged to go to church every Sabbath and on
   festival days that they might learn the credo, the pater noster, and
   the ave Maria.

   The legislation of the state showed its full sympathy with the rules of
   the Church. Peter of Aragon, 1197, banished heretics from his dominions
   or threatened them with death by fire. In 1226, Don Jayme I. of Aragon
   forbade all heretics entering his kingdom. He was the first prince to
   prohibit the Bible in the vernacular Romancia, 1234. From another
   source, whence we might have expected better things, came a series of
   severe edicts. At his coronation, 1220, Frederick II. spoke of heretics
   as the viperous sons of perfidy, and placed them under the ban of the
   empire. [1130] was renewed at Ravenna, 1232, and later in 1238, 1239.
   The goods of heretics were to be confiscated and to be diverted from
   their children, on the ground that it was a far graver thing to offend
   against the spiritual realm than to offend a temporal prince. Four
   years later, 1224, the emperor condemned them to the penalty of being
   burned, or having their tongues torn out at the discretion of the
   judge. [1131] retics previously condemned by the Church. [1132]

   The princes and cities of Italy followed Frederick's example. In Rome,
   after 1231, and at the demand of Gregory IX., the senator took oath to
   seize heretics pointed out by the Inquisition, and to put them to death
   within eight days of the ecclesiastical sentence. In Venice, beginning
   with 1249, the doge included in his oath the pledge to burn heretics.
   In France, the rules of the Inquisition were fully recognized in Louis
   IX.'s laws of 1228. The two great codes of Germany, the Sachsenspiegel
   and the Schwabenspiegel, ordered heretics burned to death. [1133] ll a
   century later, 1401.

   That the Church fully accepted Frederick's severe legislation, is
   attested by the action of Honorius III. who sent the emperor's edict of
   1220 to Bologna with instructions that it be taught as part of the
   canon law. Frederick's subsequent legislation was commended by popes
   and bishops, [1134]

   To more efficiently carry out the purpose of the Inquisition, the trial
   and punishment of heresy were taken out of the hands of the bishops and
   put into the hands of the monastic orders by Gregory IX. As early as
   1227, this pope appointed a Dominican of Florence to proceed against
   the heretical bishop, Philip Paternon. In 1232, the first Dominicans
   were appointed inquisitors in Germany and Aragon. [1135] [1136] an,
   disassociated from the pastoral care of souls. The friars were
   empowered to deprive suspected priests of their benefices, and to call
   to their aid the secular arm in suppressing heresy. From their judgment
   there was no appeal except to the papal court. The Franciscans were
   afterwards joined with the Dominicans in this work in parts of Italy,
   in France, and later in Sardinia and Syria and Palestine. Complaint was
   made by bishops of this interference with their prerogatives, [1137]
   listened to the complaint so far as to decree that no death penalty
   should be pronounced without consulting with them. The council of
   Vienne ordered the prisons containing heretics to be guarded by two
   gaolers, one appointed by the Inquisitor and one by the bishop.

   One more step remained to be taken. By the famous bull ad exstirpanda,
   of 1252, Innocent IV. authorized torture as a measure for extorting
   confessions. The merciless use of this weapon was one of the most
   atrocious features of the whole procedure.

   The Inquisitors, in spite of papal authority, synodal action, and state
   legislation, did not always have an easy path. In 1235, the citizens of
   Narbonne drove them out of their city. In 1242, a number were murdered
   in Avignon, whom Pius IX., in 1866, sought to recompense by giving them
   the honor of canonization as he had done the year before to the
   bloodiest of Inquisitors, the Spaniard Arbues, d. 1485. Parma,
   according to Salimbene, [1138] t for the act of "certain fools" who
   broke into the convent of the Dominicans and killed one or two friars
   in retribution for their having burned for heresy a certain noble lady
   and her maid. The distinguished Inquisitor, Peter of Verona, otherwise
   known as Peter Martyr, was murdered at Como, 1252. In Germany the
   resistance of the Inquisition was a frequent occurrence and more than
   one of its agents atoned for his activity by a violent death. Of these,
   Konrad of Marburg was the most notorious.

   Down to the very close of the Middle Ages, the pages of history were
   disfigured by the decrees of popes and synods, confirming death as the
   penalty for heresy, and for persons supposed to be possessed with
   witchcraft. The great council of Constance, 1415, did not get away from
   this atmosphere, and ordered heretics punished even by the
   flames,--puniantur ad ignem. And the bull of Leo X., 1520, condemning
   Luther, cursed as heresy the Reformer's liberal statement that the
   burning of heretics is contrary to the will of the Spirit.

   To the great humiliation of the Protestant churches, religious
   intolerance and even persecution unto death were continued long after
   the Reformation. In Geneva, the pernicious theory was put into practice
   by state and church, even to the use of torture and the admission of
   the testimony of children against their parents, and with the sanction
   of Calvin. Bullinger, in the second Helvetic Confession, announced the
   principle that heresy should be punished like murder or treason. The
   treatment of the Anabaptists is a great blot on the page of the
   Reformation, Strassburg being the only centre that tolerated them.
   Cranmer persuaded Edward VI. to burn women. Elizabeth saw the death
   penalty executed upon Puritans. The spirit of intolerance was carried
   across the seas, and was as strong in the seventeenth and eighteenth
   centuries in the American colonies, with some exceptions, as it was in
   Europe. The execution of Quakers in Boston, and of persons accused of
   witchcraft in Salem, together with the laws of Virginia and other
   colonies, were the unfortunate survivals of the vicious history of the
   Middle Ages, which forgot Christ's example as he wept over Jerusalem,
   and the Apostle's words, "vengeance is mine, I will repay," saith the
   Lord.

   So far as we know, the Roman Catholic Church has never officially
   revoked the theory and practice of the mediaeval popes and councils,
   but on the contrary the utterances of Pius IX. and Leo XIII. show the
   same spirit of vicious reprobation for Protestants and their agencies.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1116] Such a calm Church historian as Karl Müller, an expert in
   mediaeval history, pronounces a similar judgment, "Die Thätigkeit der
   Inquisition ist vielleicht das entsetzlichste was die Geschichte der
   Menschheit kennt."Kirchengesch., I. 590.

   [1117] The usual expression for turning heretics over to the civil
   tribunal was saeculari judiciore relinquere, and for perpetual
   imprisonment, in perpetuum carcerem retrudi orperpetuo commorari.

   [1118] Martène, Thes., V. 1741.

   [1119] Inquis. haereticae pravitatis. The first case, so far as I know,
   of the use of the expression "inquisition of heretics,"inquis.
   haereticorum, was by the synod of Toulouse, 1229. Heretical depravity
   was the usual expression for heresy, Inn. Ep., II., 142, etc.; Migne,
   214. 698. The term "inquirare" was a judicial term in use before. See
   Schmidt.

   [1120] This is the date given by Lea, Span. Inq., I. 161. Sixtus IV.
   authorized the Spanish Inquisition, Nov. 1, 1478.

   [1121] De-Joinville, Bohn's ed., p. 362.

   [1122] Practica, p. 176, habet excellentiamaltitudinis ex sua origine,
   quia immediate a sede apostolica dirivatur, committitur et noscitur
   institutum.

   [1123] Cogite intrare. Ep., 93, ad Vincent, contra Gaudent., I. 1. On
   the other hand he expressed himself against putting upon them the
   sufferings they deserved. Ep., 100, ad Donat., etc.; Migne, 33. 360.

   [1124] Ep., II. 1. Hurter, II. 264, thus describes Innocent's attitude
   to incorrigible heretics. They are fallen under the power of Satan,
   should be deprived of all their possessions, and the bodies of the dead
   dug up from consecrated ground. Secular princes were to draw the sword
   against them, for the Lord has confided it to the mighty for the
   protection of the pious and the dismay of evil-doers and nowhere could
   it be put to better use than upon those who were seeking to lure others
   away from the true faith and rob them of eternal life.

   [1125] Meruerunt non solum ab ecclesia per excommunicationem separari
   sed etiam per mortem a mundo excludi. Summa, II. Pt. II. 11; Migne's
   ed., III. 109.

   [1126] This is the interpretation Hefele puts upon the passage, V. 716.

   [1127] Pagani jure sunt sub papae obedientia, 23, art. I.

   [1128] Credentes, praeterea receptores, defensores et fautores
   haereticorum. Frederick II., in his Constitution of 1220, uses these
   terms, and they became the accepted, legal form of statement. See
   Bernard Guy, pp. 176, 194, etc. The term "fautor" became the usual
   term, in the subsequent history of the Inquisition, for the abettors of
   heresy. The term "believers" is the technical term used for the
   Cathari, etc.

   [1129] Between 1255-1258, Alexander IV., according to Flade, p. 1,
   issued no less than thirty-eight bulls against heretics.

   [1130] Vipereos perfidiae filios. Frederick's oath ran Catharos,
   Patarenos, Speronistas, Leonistias, Arnaldistas, Circumcisos et omnes
   haereticos utriusque sexus quocumque nomine censeantur perpetua
   damnamus infamia, diffidamus atque bannimus. See Bréholles, II. 6, 7,
   and Mirbt, p. 137. Hefele says Torquemada himself could not have used
   more vigorous language than Frederick used on this occasion. V. 993.

   [1131] Ignis judicio concremandus, ut vel ultricibus flammis pereat aut
   cum linguae plectro deprivent. Bréholles, II. 422; Mirbt, 138. Flade,
   p. 9, is wrong in saying that the first express mention of burning as
   the punishment for heretics in Frederick's laws was in 1238.

   [1132] The terms Frederick used at this time drew heavily upon the
   dictionary. He calls heretics fierce wolves, most wicked angels,
   children of depravity, serpents deceiving the doves, serpents vomiting
   out poison. Bréholles, IV. 5. Gregorovius, V. 162, says Frederick
   issued decrees against heretics every time he made peace with the pope.
   "His laws against heresy form the harshest contrast to his otherwise
   enlightened legislation."

   [1133] For the Sachsenspiegel, see Mirbt, 139. The act of the
   Schwabenspiegel runs "where persons are believed to be heretics, they
   shall be accused before the spiritual court. When convicted, they shall
   be taken in hand by the secular court, which shall sentence them as is
   right, that is, they shall be burnt at the stake." Wackernagel's ed.,
   p. 241, sqq.

   [1134] Thus the Archbishop of Milan reënforced it at a provincial
   council, 1287. Hefele, VI. 253, and Lea, I. 322 sq. The synod of Mainz,
   1233, instructed bishops to scrupulously observe the imperial and papal
   edicts. Hefele, V. 1027.

   [1135] Frederick II. united in appointing the Dominicans inquisitors of
   Germany. Bréholles, IV. 298-301.

   [1136] Potthast, 8932, 9126, 9143, 9152, 9153, 9235. From the
   appointment of the Dominicans grew up the false notion that Dominic was
   the founder of the Inquisition. So Limborch (I. ch. X.) who calls him a
   "cruel and bloody man." Lacordaire, I. 197 sqq. shows Limborch's
   authorities to be unreliable. But the eloquent French Dominican, in his
   zeal, goes too far when he declares Philip II. the author of the
   Inquisition. Philip II. had enough sins to bear without this one being
   added to the heap.

   [1137] See Lea, I. 348 sq.

   [1138] Coulton, p. 203.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 87. The Inquisition. Its Mode of Procedure and Penalties.

   The Inquisition was called the Holy Office--sanctum officium-- from the
   praiseworthy work it was regarded as being engaged in. Its chief
   officials, the Inquisitors, were exempted by Alexander IV., 1259, and
   Urban IV., 1262, from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, whether bishops,
   archbishops, or papal legates, except the jurisdiction of the Apostolic
   [1139] ee, and from all interference by the secular power. They also
   enjoyed the right to excommunicate, lay the interdict, and to absolve
   their agents for acts of violence. [1140] stimony of wives and children
   was valid or required [1141] , in its eighteenth canon, and recognized
   by the state. The Sicilian Constitutions of 1231, ordered that heretics
   be diligently hunted out and, when there "was only the slightest
   suspicion of guilt," they were to be taken before the bishop. [1142]
   on, as opposed to the outward commission, was made a sufficient ground
   of accusation. The Inquisitor might at the same time be police,
   prosecutor, and judge.

   It is due to Innocent III. to say that he did not invent the
   inquisitorial mode of procedure, but drew it from the practice already
   in vogue in the state. [1143]

   A party, not answering a citation within a year, was declared a heretic
   even when no proofs were advanced. Likewise, one who harbored a heretic
   forty days after a warning was served was treated as a heretic. [1144]
   of Eden, to defeat the subtlety of Satan who otherwise might have
   communicated with Adam and Eve.

   Penitent heretics, if there was any doubt of their sincerity, were
   obliged to change their places of abode and, according to the synod of
   Toulouse, if they belonged to the Perfect, had to do so in all cases.
   The penances imposed were fines, which were allowed by papal decree as
   early as 1237 and 1245, pilgrimages, and wearing of two crosses on the
   left and right side of the body called the poena confusibilis.

   The pilgrimage to Jerusalem was forbidden by a synod of Narbonne, 1243,
   which referred to a recent papal deliverance prohibiting it, that the
   sacred places might be protected against the infection of heresy. Young
   women were often excused from wearing the crosses, as it might
   interfere with their prospects of marriage. According to French law,
   pregnant women condemned to death, were not executed till after the
   birth of the child.

   Local synods in Southern France ordered heretics and their defenders
   excommunicated every Sunday and that sentence should be pronounced
   amidst the ringing of bells and with candles extinguished. And as a
   protection against heresy, the bells were to be rung every evening.

   Imprisonment for life was ordered by Gregory IX., 1229, for all induced
   to return to the faith through fear of punishment. [1145] ced to
   life-imprisonment as so great that hardly stones enough could be found
   for the prison buildings. [1146] [1147]

   The rules for the division of confiscated property differed in
   different localities. In Venice, after prolonged negotiations with the
   pope, it was decided that they should pass to the state. [1148] on, and
   the curia; and in Southern France, of the state, the Inquisitors, and
   the bishop. Provision was made for the expenses of the Inquisition out
   of the spoils of confiscated property. The temptation to plunder became
   a fruitful ground for spying out alleged heretics. Once accused, they
   were all but helpless. Synods encouraged arrests by offering a fixed
   reward to diligent spies.

   Not satisfied with seeing the death penalty executed upon the living,
   the Inquisition made war upon the dead, and exhumed the bodies of those
   found to have died in heresy and burned them. [1149] g, "I war with the
   living, not with the dead." The council of Verona, 1184, ordered
   relapsed heretics to be turned over forthwith to the secular
   authorities. [1150]

   In the period before 1480 the Inquisition claimed most of its victims
   in Southern France. Douais has given us a list of seventeen
   Inquisitors-general who served from 1229 to 1329. [1151] al
   imprisonment, or both. [1152]

   During the administration of Bernard Guy, as inquisitor of Toulouse,
   1306-1323, forty-two persons were burnt to death, sixty-nine bodies
   were exhumed and burnt, three hundred and seven were imprisoned, and
   one hundred and forty-three were condemned to wear crosses. [1153]

   In the other parts of France, the Inquisition was not so vigorously
   prosecuted. It included, as we have seen, the order of the Templars. In
   1253 the Dominican provincial of Paris was made the supreme Inquisitor.
   Among the more grim Inquisitors of France was the Dominican Robert le
   Petit, known as Le Bougre from his having been a Patarene. [1154]
   [1155] d hundreds of victims in Western Burgundy and the adjoining
   regions. In one term of two or three months, he burnt fifty of both
   sexes. [1156] o another account more than one hundred and eighty--"a
   holocaust very great and pleasing to God" as the old chronicler put it.
   [1157]

   In the Spanish kingdom of Aragon, the number of heretics does not seem
   to have been large. In 1232 the archbishop of Tarragona was ordered by
   Gregory IX. to proceed against heretics in conjunction with the
   Dominicans. [1158] pointed Inquisitor-general 1357, was deposed 1360,
   and reappointed 1366. He died in exile. His Directorium inquisitorum,
   written 1376, is the most famous treatise on the mode of treating
   heresy. Heretics, in his judgment, were justly offered the alternative
   of submission or the stake. The small number of the victims under the
   earlier Inquisition in Spain was fully made up in the series of
   holocausts begun under Ferdinand in 1480.

   In Northern and Central Italy, the Inquisition was fully developed, the
   first papal commissioners being the bishops of Brescia and Modena,
   1224. The cases of heresy in Southern Italy were few and isolated. In
   Rome, the first pyres were lighted in 1231, in front of St. Maria
   Maggiore. From that year on, and at the demand of Gregory IX., the
   Roman senator took an oath to execute heretics within eight days of
   their conviction by the ecclesiastical court. The houses sheltering
   them were to be pulled down. The sentence condemning heretics was read
   by the Inquisitor on the steps of the Capitol in the presence of the
   senator. [1159]

   In Germany, the Inquisition did not take full hold till the crusade
   against witchcraft was started. The Dominicans were formally appointed
   to take charge of the business in 1248. Of sixty-three papal
   Inquisitors, known by name, ten were Franciscans, two Augustinians, one
   of the order of Coelestin, and the rest Dominicans. [1160] [1161]
   [1162] Cologne interfered at times with the persecution of the Beghards
   and Beguines, and appealed, as against the papal Inquisitors, to their
   rights, as recognized in the papal bulls of 1259 and 1320. After the
   murder of Konrad of Marburg, Gregory IX. called upon them in vain to
   prosecute heretics with vigor. In fact the Germans again and again
   showed their resentment and put Inquisitors to death. [1163]

   The centres of heresy in Germany were Strassburg, as early as 1212,
   Cologne, and Erfurt. The number of victims is said to have been very
   large and at least five hundred can be accounted for definitely in
   reported burnings. [1164] milies from Erfurt alone. The prisons to
   which the condemned were consigned were wretched places, the abode of
   filth, vermin, and snakes. [1165]

   As Torquemada stands out as the incorporation of all that is inhuman in
   the Spanish Inquisition, so in the German does Konrad of Marburg.

   This Dominican ecclesiastic, whom Gregory IX. called the "Lord's
   watch-dog," first came into prominence at the court of Louis IV. of
   Thuringia on the Wartburg, the old castle which was the scene of the
   contests of the Minnesingers, and was destined to be made famous by
   Luther's confinement after the diet of Worms, 1521. Konrad became
   confessor of Louis' wife, the young and saintly Elizabeth. The daughter
   of King Andreas II. of Hungary, she was married to the Landgrave of
   Thuringia in 1221, at the age of fourteen. At his death at Brindisi, on
   his way to the Holy Land, in 1227, she came more completely under the
   power of Konrad. Scarcely any scene in Christian history exhibits such
   wanton and pitiless cruelty to a spiritual ward as he displayed to the
   tender woman who yielded him obedience. From the Wartburg, where she
   was adored for her charities and good works, she removed to Marburg.
   There Konrad subjected her to daily castigations and menial services,
   deprived her gradually of all her maids of honor, and separated her
   from her three children. On one occasion when she visited a convent of
   nuns at Oldenburg, a thing which was against their rigid rule, Konrad
   made Elizabeth and her attendant lie prostrate and receive a severe
   scourging from friar Gerhard while he himself looked on and repeated
   the Miserere. This, the most honored woman of mediaeval Germany, died
   of her castigations in 1231. Four years later she was canonized, and
   the St. Elizabeth church was begun which still stands to her memory in
   Marburg.

   The year of Elizabeth's death, Gregory IX. invested Konrad with a
   general inquisitorial authority and right to appoint his own assistants
   and call upon the secular power for aid. Luciferans, so called, and
   other heretics were freely burned. It was Konrad's custom to burn the
   offenders the very day their sentences were pronounced. [1166] him to
   be a man of consummate virtue, a herald of the Christian faith. Konrad
   was buried at the side of Elizabeth, but the papal inquisition in
   Germany did not recover for many a year from the blow given to it by
   his merciless hardness of heart. And so, as the Annals of Worms
   remarked, "Germany was freed from the abominable and unheard-of
   tribunal of that man." [1167]

   In the Lowlands, Antwerp, Brussels, and other cities were lively
   centres of heresy and afforded a fine opportunity for the Inquisitor.
   The lists of the accused and of those executed in the flames and by
   other means include Waldenses, Beguines, Beghards, Apostolicals,
   Lollards, and other sectaries. Their sufferings have been given a
   splendid memorial in the volumes of Fredericq. Holland's baptism of
   blood on a grand scale was reserved for the days of Philip II. and the
   Duke of Alva in the sixteenth century.

   In England, the methods of the Inquisition never had any foothold. When
   the papal agents arrived to prosecute the Templars, King Edward forbade
   the use of torture as contrary to the common law of the realm. The
   flogging of the Publicani, who are said to have made a single English
   convert, has already been referred to. In 1222 a deacon, who had turned
   Jew, was hanged. [1168] burning heretics, passed in 1401, was directed
   against the followers of Wyclif and the Lollards. It was not till the
   days of Henry VIII. that the period of prosecutions and burnings in
   England for heresy fully began.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1139] See the presentation of Bernard Guy, pp. 209-211.

   [1140] Ad exstirpanda, 1252, two bulls of Alexander IV., 1257, 1260,
   council of Vienne, 1312, etc.

   [1141] Eymericus II., 110, 199, etc., as quoted by Flade, p. 54.

   [1142] Bréholles, IV. 5 sqq.

   [1143] Schmidt, in his Herkunft d. Inquisitionsprocesses, finds the
   beginnings of the inquisitorial mode of procedure in the legislation of
   Charlemagne. The element of inquisitio came to dominate in the legal
   procedure of all Western Europe, except England. Its leading feature
   was that public fame or suspicion--publica fama, mala fama, clamor
   publicus, infamia, etc.,--justifies magistrates in seizing the suspect
   and instituting trial. The Normans attempted in vain to introduce it
   into England, where the Magna Charta established a different principle.
   The Normans, however, carried the inquisition with them to Southern
   Italy, where Frederick II. found it in vogue. Innocent, a student of
   canon law, found it exactly to his purpose to adopt the inquisitorial
   mode of procedure.

   [1144] Physicians were forbidden to practise medicine on persons
   suspected of heresy and were forced to take oath not to defend it.
   Synods of Toulouse, 1229; Béziers, 1246; Albi, 1254.

   [1145] Potthast, 8445. The council of Toulouse, Canon XI., prescribed
   that the expense of incarceration be met by the bishop, provided the
   culprit had no goods of his own.

   [1146] Synod of Narbonne, 1243, etc.; Hefele, V. 1104. There were two
   forms of imprisonment, the murus largus, giving the freedom of the
   prison and the murus strictus, or solitary imprisonment.

   [1147] Synods of Toulouse, 1229; Albi, 1254.

   [1148] Lea, I. 512.

   [1149] This was often done. The most famous case was that of Wyclif
   whose bones were exhumed and burnt by the order of the council of
   Constance. One of the notable instances of prosecution after death was
   that of Roger, count of Foix, surnamed the Good. His wife and a sister
   were Waldenses, and another sister a Catharan. In 1263, years after the
   count's death, proceedings were begun against him. See Lea, II. 53 sqq.

   [1150] Lea, I. 533, in closing a long treatment says, "We are perfectly
   safe in asserting that but for the gains to be made out of fines and
   confiscations, the work of the Inquisition would have been much less
   thorough, and it would have sunk into comparative insignificance as
   soon as the first frantic zeal of bigotry had exhausted itself." The
   synods of Béziers, 1233; Albi, 1254, etc., made a silver mark the
   reward of ferreting heretics out. Hefele, V. 1035; VI. 50.

   [1151] Documents, etc., I. CXXIX-CCVI.

   [1152] Douais, II. 1-89. Molinier, as quoted by Lea, II. 46, estimates
   the number of persons tried under this Inquisitor in two years at 8000
   to 10,000.

   [1153] Douais, I. CCV, where a table is given of the sentences passed
   under Guy.

   [1154] Lea, II. 115 sqq., and especially Haskins.

   [1155] Bull, Aug. 22, 1235, Portland, 9994.

   [1156] According to M. Paris he also buried victims alive. Luard's ed.,
   iii. 361.

   [1157] Haskins, p. 635, adopts the larger number. "And so," said
   Albericus, as the story runs, that dogs once came from all directions
   and tore themselves to pieces in battle at this same place, as a sort
   of prophecy of what was to be, so these Bugres, worse than dogs, were
   exterminated in one day to the triumph of Holy Church." Quoted by
   Haskins.

   [1158] Potthast, 8932.

   [1159] Gregorovius, V. 156-161. The assertion has often been made, by
   the Spaniard Balmes in 1842, the Abbé Coeur, 1846, a writer in the
   Dublin Review, 1850, and others, that Rome never witnessed an execution
   for heresy. Döllinger and Reusch in their edition of Bellarmin, Bonn,
   1887, p. 233, have paid their respects to this mistake and give a list
   of more than twenty persons, Waldenses, Lutherans, and Jews, burnt in
   the papal city as late as1553-1635.

   [1160] Flade, p. 37 sq.

   [1161] Henry VII., 1312 and Charles IV., 1369, 1871, 1373, etc.; Flade,
   p. 10. According to Charles'law the confiscated property of heretics
   was divided into three parts which went respectively for alms, to the
   Inquisitors, and to municipalities for the repair of streets and walls.

   [1162] Flade, p. 24, gives a list of seventy-one between 1227-1452.

   [1163] For names see Flade, pp. 6, 7.

   [1164] Flade, p. 116. The pages of this author must be read to gain any
   adequate idea of the horrors of the Inquisition in Germany. He
   pronounces it even more bloody than the Inquisition in Southern France.

   [1165] Flade, p. 87.

   [1166] Roman Catholic writers have recently tried to remove the
   impression that Konrad's victims were numerous. See Benrath's reply,
   art. Konrad of Marburg, Herzog, X. 749 sqq.

   [1167] Quoted by Wagenmann, Herzog, 2d, VIII. 192.

   [1168] See Stubbs, Const. Hist., II. 353 (note) sqq., who says that if
   there was any persecution for heresy before 1382, it must have taken
   the ordinary form of prosecution in the spiritual court. See Prof.
   Maitland, Can. Law in the Church of England, p. 158 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER XI.

   UNIVERSITIES AND CATHEDRALS.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 88. Schools.

   Literature: John of Salisbury: Metalogicus, Migne, 199.
   823-946.--Guibert of Nogent: De vita sua, I. 4-7; Migne, 153.
   843-850.--A. H. L. Heeren: Gesch. d. class. Lit. im MlA., 2 vols.
   Götting., 1822.--S. R. Maitland: The Dark Ages, Essays on the State of
   Rel. and Lit., 800-1200 a.d., Lond., 1845, 5th ed. 1890.--H. Heppe: D.
   Schulwesen d. MlA., etc., Marb., 1860.--Schaarschmidt: J.
   Saresberiensis (John of Salisbury), Leip., 1862.--Léon Maître: Les
   écoles épiscopales el monastiques de l'occident, 768-1180 a.d., Paris,
   1866.--E. Michaud: G. de Champeaux et les écoles de Paris au 12e
   siècle, Paris, 1867.--J. B. Mullinger: The Schools of Chas. the Great,
   Lond., 1877; Hist. of the Univ. of Cambr. to 1535, Cambr., 1873.--*R.
   L. Poole: The School of Chartres, being chap. IV of his Illustr. of the
   Hist. of Med. Thought.--*F. A. Specht: Gesch. d. Unterrichtswesens in
   Deutschland von d. ältesten Zeiten bis zur Mitte des 13ten Jahrh.,
   Stuttg., 1885.--*A. and G. Schmid: Gesch. d. Erziehung bis auf unsere
   Zeit, pp. 94-333, Stuttg., 1892.--Miss Drane: Christ. Schools and
   Scholars, Lond., 2d ed. 1881. --*J. E. Sandys: A Hist. of Class.
   Scholarship from 600 b.c. to the end of the M. A., Cambr.,
   1903.--Mirbt: Publizistik im Zeitalter Greg. VII., pp. 104
   sqq.--Rashdall: Universities, vol. I.

   Education and the advance of true religion are inseparable. The history
   of literary culture in this period is marked by the remarkable
   awakening which started in Western Europe in the latter part of the
   eleventh century and the rise of the universities in the twelfth
   century. The latter was one of the most important events in the
   progress of the intellectual development of the race. The renaissance
   of the eleventh century showed itself in a notable revival of interest
   in schools, in the appearance of eminent teachers, in a renewed study
   of the classics, and in an enlarged sweep of the human mind.

   The municipal schools of the Roman Empire were swept away by the
   barbarian invasions of the fourth and fifth centuries, and few vestiges
   of them were left. The weight of opinion in the Church had been hostile
   to Pagan learning from the time of Tertullian and Jerome and culminated
   in Justinian's act, closing the university of Athens. But it is
   doubtful whether the old Roman schools would have withstood the shock
   from the assaults of Goth, Vandal, and Hun, even had Church teachers
   been friendly to classical literature.

   The schools of the earlier Middle Ages were associated with the
   convents and cathedrals, and it was not till the thirteenth century
   that the municipal school appeared again, and then it was in the far
   North, in Germany, and the Lowlands. The first name in the history of
   the new education is Cassian who founded the convent school of St.
   Victor, Marseilles, 404. But it was to Benedict of Nursia that Western
   Europe owed the permanent impulse to maintain schools. The Benedictine
   Rule made education an adjunct of religion, provided for the training
   of children by members of the order, and for the transcription of
   manuscripts. To the Benedictines, especially to the Cistercians, are
   our libraries indebted for the preservation of the works of classical
   and patristic writers.

   The wise policy of Charlemagne in establishing the Palace school, a
   sort of normal school for the German Empire, and in issuing his
   Capitularies bearing on education, and the policy of Alfred in England,
   gave a fresh impulse to learning by the patronage of royalty. Alcuin at
   the court of Charlemagne, Asser in England, and John Scotus Erigena at
   the court of Charles the Bold, were some of the more eminent teachers.
   It is possible the education was not confined to clerics, for convents
   had two kinds of schools, the one, the interior, for oblates intended
   for the monastery, and the exterior school which seems to have had a
   more general character. The cathedral schools had for their primary, if
   not for their sole purpose, the training of youth for cathedral
   positions--canonici puri. The main, if not the exclusive, purpose of
   education was to prepare men for the priesthood and the convent. [1169]
   edrals in Germany had schools, [1170]

   But in that century the centre of education shifted to France. The
   schools at Bec, Rheims, Orleans, Laon, and Paris had no rivals and
   their fame attracted students, even monks, priests, and bishops, from
   England and Germany. [1171] er fame of Bec, under Lanfranc and Anselm.
   Students were drawn from afar and, in the judgment of the glowing
   panegyrist, Ordericus Vitalis, Athens, in its most flourishing period,
   would have honored Lanfranc in every branch of learning. [1172] s were
   followed by a succession of teachers whom Ordericus calls "careful
   pilots and skilful charioteers." Seldom has so splendid a compliment
   been paid a teacher by a man risen to eminence as was paid by Alexander
   II. to Lanfranc, [1173] to Rome, after he was made archbishop of
   Canterbury. Rising to welcome him with open arms, the pope remarked to
   the bystanders that he received Lanfranc as his teacher, at whose feet
   he had sat, rather than as archbishop. Guibert of Nogent, who died
   about 1120, is authority for the statement that teachers were very rare
   in France in his early years, but, at the time when he was writing,
   every considerable town in France had a teacher. [1174] the example of
   Guibert's statement concerning his own mother.

   As in the earlier period of the Middle Ages, so in this middle period,
   the idea of universal education was not thought of. Nor was there
   anything such as we call belles lettres and general literature. [1175]
   [1176] often men who could neither read nor write. Ordericus says that
   during the reigns of six dukes, before Lanfranc went to Bec, scarce a
   single Norman devoted himself to studies. Duke William of Aquitaine, d.
   1030, however, was educated from childhood and was said to have spent
   his nights in reading till sleep overcame him, and to have had a
   collection of books. [1177]

   The most brilliant teachers of this era were Anselm of Laon, William of
   Champeaux, Bernard of Chartres, William of Conches, and, above all,
   Abaelard. They all belonged to France. In their cases, the school
   followed the teacher and students went not so much to a locality as to
   an educator. More and more, however, the interest centred in Paris,
   which had a number of schools,--the Cathedral school, St. Genevieve,
   St. Victor, St. Denis. [1178] ll. His descriptions of the studies of
   the age, and the methods and rivalries of teachers, are given in the
   Metalogicus.

   William of Champeaux, d. 1121, the pupil of Anselm of Laon, won fame at
   the Cathedral school of Paris, but lost his position by clash with the
   brilliant abilities of Abaelard. He retired to St. Victor and spent the
   last eight years of his life in the administration of the see of
   Chalons. He was an extreme realist.

   The teaching of Anselm of Laon and his brother Ralph drew students from
   as far south as Milan and from Bremen in the North. The brothers were
   called by John of Salisbury the "splendid luminaries of Gaul," [1179]
   had Abaelard among his hearers and won his contumely. But John of
   Salisbury's praise, and not Abaelard's contempt, must determine our
   judgment of the man. His glossa interlinearis, a periphrastic
   commentary on the Vulgate, was held in high esteem for several
   centuries. [1180]

   Bernard of Chartres, about 1140, was celebrated by John of Salisbury as
   the "most overflowing spring of letters in Gaul in recent times" and,
   the most perfect Platonist of our age." [1181] ers in these words, "We
   are as dwarfs mounted on the shoulders of giants, so that we are able
   to see more and further than they; but this is not on account of any
   keenness of sight on our part or height of our bodies, but because we
   are lifted up upon those giant forms. Our age enjoys the gifts of
   preceding ages, and we know more, not because we excel in talent, but
   because we use the products of others who have gone before." [1182]

   William of Conches, d. 1152 (?), got his name from the Norman hamlet in
   which he was born. Like his teacher, Bernard of Chartres, he laid
   stress upon a thorough acquaintance with grammar as the foundation of
   all learning, and John of Salisbury seems to have written the
   Metalogicus to vindicate the claims his teachers made for the
   fundamental importance of this study as opposed to dialectics. But he
   was advocating a losing cause. Scholasticism was crushing out the fresh
   sprouts of humanism. [1183] created from Adam's rib. The root of his
   teachings Poole finds in William's own words, "through knowledge of the
   creature we attain to the knowledge of the Creator." [1184]

   The studies continued, at least theoretically, to follow the scheme of
   the old trivium, including grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic; and the
   quadrivium, including arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. These
   branches had a wider scope than we associate with some of the titles.
   Grammar, for example, with Bernard of Chartres, included much more than
   technical rules and the fundamental distinctions of words. It took in
   the tropes and figures of speech, analyzed the author's body of
   thought, and brought out the allusions to nature, science, and ethical
   questions. The teaching extended far beyond the teaching of the
   Capitularies of Charlemagne. Nevertheless, all these studies were the
   vestibule of theology and valuable only as an introduction to it. Jacob
   of Vitry, d. 1244, comparing the seven liberal arts with theology,
   [1185] od for it teaches us to distinguish truth from falsehood,
   grammar is good for it teaches how to speak and write correctly;
   rhetoric is good for it teaches how to speak elegantly and to persuade.
   Good too are geometry which teaches us how to measure the earth,
   arithmetic or the art of computing which enables us to estimate the
   brevity of our days, music which reminds us of the sweet chant of the
   blessed, astronomy which leads us to consider the heavenly bodies
   shining resplendently before God. But far better is theology which
   alone can be called a liberal art, since it alone delivers the human
   soul from its woes."

   Innocent III., through the canons of the Fourth Lateran, ordered all
   cathedrals to have teachers of grammar and lectors in theology, and
   offered the rewards of high office only to those who pursued hard study
   with the sweat of the brow. [1186]

   The text-books in use for centuries were still popular, such as
   Cassiodorus, the Isagoge of Porphyry, Aristotle on the Categories; and
   his De interpretatione, Boethius on Music and the Consolations of
   Philosophy, Martianus Capella and the grammars of Priscian and Donatus.
   [1187] e open use of the classics by some of the leading educators in
   their lectures and their use in the writings of the time.

   The condemnation, passed by Jerome on the ancient classics, was adopted
   by Cassian and handed down to the later generations. The obscurantists
   had the field with little or few exceptions for centuries. It is not to
   Alcuin's credit that, in his latter years, he turned away from Virgil
   as a collection of "lying fables" and, in a letter to a novice, advised
   him not to assoil his mind with that poet's rank luxuriance. [1188]
   osen orators and philosophers but ignorant and rustic men as His
   agents. [1189] [1190]

   Gerbert taught Virgil, Statius, Terence, Juvenal, Persius, Horace, and
   Lucan. [1191] pen the understanding; the study of the writers of the
   Church to build a tabernacle to God. Anselm of Bee recommended the
   study of Virgil and other classics, counselling the exclusion of such
   treatises as contained suggestions of evil. [1192] y's teachers were
   zealous in reading such writings. John, who in the small compass of the
   Metalogicus quotes no less than seven classical poets, Statius,
   Martian, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Catullus, and Persius, and some of these
   a number of times, says that if you search in Virgil and Lucan, you
   will be sure to find the essence of philosophy, no matter what
   philosophy you may profess. [1193] ghed at him as duller than a stone.
   [1194] iar with Ovid, Seneca, Horace, and other classics. But the time
   for the full Renaissance had not yet come. In the earliest statutes of
   the University of Paris the classics were excluded from the curriculum
   of studies. The subtle processes of the Schoolmen, although they did
   not altogether ignore the classic compositions, could construct the
   great theological systems without their aid, though they drew largely
   and confidently upon Aristotle.

   The Discipline of the schools was severe. A good flogging was
   considered a wholesome means of educational advancement. It drove out
   the evil spirits of intellectual dulness and heaviness. Degere sub
   virga, to pass under the rod, was another expression for getting an
   education. At a later date, the ceremony of inducting a schoolmaster
   included the presentation of a rod and required him, at least in
   England, to show his prowess by flogging a boy publicly. [1195] ce of
   physical experience.

   Guibert's account of his experiences is the most elaborate description
   we have of mediaeval school life, and one of the most interesting
   pieces of schoolboys' experience in literature. [1196] idowed mother,
   was unmercifully beaten with fist and rod by his teacher, a man who had
   learned grammar in his advanced years. Though the teacher was an
   indifferent grammarian, Guibert testifies to the vigor of his moral
   purpose and the wholesome moral impression he made upon his pupils. The
   whipping came every day. But the child's ardor for learning did not
   grow cold. On returning to his home one evening and loosening his
   shirt, his mother saw the welts and bruises on his shoulders, for he
   had been beaten black and blue that day; [1197]

   At Cluny the pupils slept near the masters, and if they were obliged to
   get up at night, it was not till they had the permission of a master.
   If they committed any offence in singing the Psalms or other songs, in
   going to bed, or in any other way, they were punished in their shirts,
   by the prior or other master, with switches prepared beforehand. [1198]

   But there were not wanting teachers who protested against this method.
   Anselm urged the way of affection and confidence and urged that a
   skilful artificer never fashioned his image out of gold plate by blows
   alone. With wise and gentle hand he pressed it into shape. Ceaseless
   beating only brutalizes. To an abbot who said "day and night we do not
   cease to chastise the children confided to our care and yet they grow
   worse and worse," Anselm replied: "Indeed! And when they are grown up,
   what will they become? Stupid dolts. A fine education that, which makes
   brutes of men!... If you were to plant a tree in your garden and were
   to enclose it on all sides, so that it could not extend its branches,
   what would you find when, at the end of several years, you set it free
   from its bounds? A tree whose branches were bent and scraggy, and would
   it not be your fault for having so unreasonably confined it?" [1199]

   The principle ruled that an education was free to all whose
   circumstances did not enable them to pay for it. Others paid their way.
   Fulbert of Chartres took a fee from the rapidly increasing number of
   students, regarding philosophy as worth what was paid for it. But this
   practice was regarded as exceptional and met with opposition. [1200]
   [1201] st scholar at Cluny was as diligent as the care given to
   children in the palace. [1202]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1169] See Mullinger, Schools of Chas. the Great, pp. 31 sqq.;
   Rashdall, p. 28; Hauck, IV. 450, etc.

   [1170] Mirbt, pp. 105 sq.

   [1171] Schmid, pp. 250 sq.; Mirbt, pp. 106 sq. Hauck, IV. 462-456,
   gives reasons for disparaging the schools of Germany.

   [1172] Ord. Vit., IV. 7, 11; Bohn's ed., II. 40, 68. He speaks of the
   seed of learning sown by Lanfranc--liberalium artium et sac. lectionis
   sedimen per Lanfr. coepit.

   [1173] Vita Lanf., Migne, 150. 49. Maître, p. 122, calls Bec, la soeur
   aînée de l'univ. de Paris, and Schmid, p. 248, die erste Hochschule der
   Wissenschaft. Church, in his Life of Anselm, pp. 53 sqq., has remarks
   on mediaeval education.

   [1174] De vita sua, Migne, 156. 844.

   [1175] Guizot, Hist. of Civilization, Bohn's ed., II. 22 sqq. Cardinal
   Newman in his Hist. Essays, through his admiration of monastic
   institutions, allowed himself to speak of the state of learning in
   Europe in the first half of the M. A. in terms which will not bear a
   moment's investigation. See Laurie, p. 36.

   [1176] Hauck, III. 342.

   [1177] Wattenbach, p. 592.

   [1178] See Poole, p. 110.

   [1179] Splendidissima lumina Galliarum. Metal., Migne, 199. 832.

   [1180] He also wrote allegorical notes on the Canticles, Matthew, and
   Revelation. Migne, vol. 162.

   [1181] Metal., Migne, 199. 854.

   [1182] Metal., III. 4; Migne, 199. 900.

   [1183] See Rashdall, I. 67.

   [1184] See Poole's art. in Herzog, 2d ed., XVIII. 132 sqq.

   [1185] Quoted by Compayré, p. 200.

   [1186] Qui diutius sudavit in scholis et laudabiliter proferit in eis.
   Hurter, III. 244.

   [1187] See Laurie, pp. 62 sq.; Mullinger, pp. 63 sq., etc.

   [1188] Quoted by Mullinger, p. 110.

   [1189] Migne, 139. 337 sq., quoted by Schmid, p. 243

   [1190] .Migne, 189. 77. For other warnings, see Wattenbach, pp. 324
   sqq., and Sandys, pp. 595 sq.

   [1191] Richer, Historiae, III. 45, quoted by Schmid, p. 241.

   [1192] Ep., I. 55, exceptis his in quibus aliqua turpitudo sonat.

   [1193] Migne, 199. 854. The quotations from the poets in the
   Polycraticus are even more numerous. John also quoted the historians
   Sallust, Suetonius, Valerius Maximus, etc., but does nothing more than
   to refer by name to Livy, Caesar, and Tacitus. See Sandys, 521.

   [1194] Metal., I. 8; Migne, 199. 830. See Sandys, pp. 504 sqq., for
   Latin quotations from 1100 on.

   [1195] "Then shall the Bedell purvay for every master in Gramer a
   shrewde boy whom the master in Gramer shall bete openlye in the
   Scolys," etc, Mullinger, Univ. of Cambridge, I, 345.

   [1196] De vita sua, I. 4-6; Migne, 166. 843-848; Guizot, in his Hist.
   of Civilization, Bohn's ed., II. 94 sqq.; Schmid, p. 249, and Laurie,
   pp. 80 sqq., consider the account of so much importance that they give
   it at length in the original, or in translation.

   [1197] Ipsa liventes attendit ulnulas dorsicula ex viminum illisione
   cutem ubique prominulam. De vita sua, Migne, 156. 847.

   [1198] Quoted by Schmid, p. 246, note.

   [1199] Quoted by Compayré, p. 303.

   [1200] Hauck, IV. 452. See Schmid, p. 250.

   [1201] Discere si cupias gratis quod quaeris habebis. Migne, 101. 757.

   [1202] Schmid, p. 246.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 89. Books and Libraries.

   Literature: E. Edwards: Libraries and Founders of Libraries, Lond.,
   1865.--T. Gottlieb: Mittetalt. Bibliotheken, Leip., 1890.--F. A.
   Gasquet: Notes on Med. Libraries, Lond., 1891.--E. M. Thompson: Hd.
   book of Gr. and Lat. Palaeography, Lond., 1893. Contains excellent
   facsimiles of med. MSS., etc.--J. W. CLARK: Libraries in the Med. and
   Renaiss. Periods, Cambr., 1894.--G. R. Putnam: Books and their Makers,
   476-1709, 2 vols. N. Y., 1896 sq. See his elaborate list of books on
   monastic education, libraries, etc., I. xviii. sqq.--Mirbt: Publizistik
   in Zeitalter Greg. VII., pp. 96 sqq. and 119 sqq.--*Maitland: The Dark
   Ages.--*W. Wattenbach: D. Schriftwesen in Mittelalter, 3d ed., Leip.,
   1896.--Art. Bibliothek in Wetzer-Welte, II. 783 sqq. Transl. and
   Reprints of Univ. of Pa. II. 3.

   Books and schools go together and both are essential to progress of
   thought in the Church. The mediaeval catalogue of the convent of Muri
   asserts strongly the close union of the intellectual and religious
   life. It becomes us, so it ran, always to copy, adorn, improve, and
   annotate books, because the life of the spiritual man is nothing
   without books. [1203]

   Happy was the convent that possessed a few volumes. [1204] requent in
   the Middle Ages; and here they were accessible to the constituency
   which could read. It was a current saying, first traced to Gottfried,
   canon of St. Barbe-en-Auge, that a convent without a library is like a
   fortress without arms. [1205] early Middle Ages, there were small
   collections of books at York, Fulda, Monte Cassino, and other
   monasteries. They were greatly prized, and ecclesiastics made journeys
   to get them, as did Biscop, abbot of Wearmouth, who made five trips to
   Italy for that purpose. During the two centuries and more after Gregory
   VII., the use and the number of books increased; but it remained for
   the zeal of Petrarch in the fourteenth century to open a new era in the
   history of libraries. The period of the Renaissance which followed
   witnessed an unexampled avidity for old manuscripts which the
   transition of scholars from Constantinople made it possible to satisfy.

   To the convents of Western Europe, letters and religion owe a lasting
   debt, not only for the preservation of books, but for their
   multiplication. The monks of St. Benedict have the first place as the
   founders of libraries and guardians of patristic and classical
   literature. Their Rules required them to do a certain amount of reading
   each day, and at the beginning of Lent each received a book from the
   cloistral collection and was expected to read it "straight through."
   This direction shines as a light down through the history of the
   monastic institutions, though many a convent probably possessed no
   books and some of them had little appreciation of their value.

   A collection of several hundred books was relatively as large a library
   as a collection of hundreds of thousands of volumes would be now.
   Fleury, in the twelfth century, had 238 volumes, St. Riquier 258.
   [1206] estruction of the English monastery of Croyland in the eleventh
   century involved the loss of "300 original and more than 400 smaller
   volumes." The conventual buildings were destroyed in the night by fire.
   The interesting letter of the abbot Ingulph, relating the calamity,
   speaks of beautiful manuscripts, illuminated with pictures and adorned
   with crosses of gold. The good abbot, after describing the loss of the
   chapel, infirmary, and other parts of the buildings, went on to say
   "our cellar and the very casks, full of beer, were also burnt up."
   [1207]

   Catalogues are preserved from this period. Edwards gives a list of
   thirty-three mediaeval catalogues of English libraries. [1208] n,"
   [1209] he writers of the Carlovingian age, Bede and Alcuin. The
   catalogue of Corbie, Picardy, dating from the twelfth century, gives 39
   copies of Augustine, 16 of Jerome, 13 of Bede, 15 of Boethius, and 5 of
   Cicero, as well as copies of Terence, Livy, Pliny, and Seneca. [1210]
   work, the Meditations of Anselm. The Prüfening library had a copy each,
   of Anselm, Hugo, Abaelard, the Lombard and Gratian. Classical authors
   were common. The library at Durham had copies of Cicero, Terence,
   Virgil, Horace, Claudian, Statius, Sallust, Suetonius, Quintilian and
   other Latin authors. [1211]

   Gifts of books were regarded as worthy benefactions. Peter, bishop of
   Paris, before starting out for the Holy Land, gave 300 works over to
   the care of the convent of St. Victor. [1212] [1213] [1214] dmiring
   chronicler treats it as a claim to fame, that Theodoric secured, for
   his abbey of St. Evroult, the books of the Old and New Testaments and
   an entire set of Gregory the Great. Others followed his good example
   and secured the works of Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose, and other Fathers.
   [1215] [1216]

   Libraries were sometimes given with the stipulation that the books
   should be loaned out. This was the case with Jacob of Carnarius who, in
   1234, gave his library to the Dominicans of Vercelli on this condition.
   In 1270, Stephen, at one time archdeacon of Canterbury, donated his
   books to Notre Dame, Paris, on condition of their being loaned to poor
   theological students, and Peter of Joigny, 1297, bequeathed his
   collection directly to poor students. [1217] nce.

   Manuscripts were sometimes offered at the altar or at the shrines of
   saints as offerings for the healing of the giver's soul,--pro remedio
   animae suae. [1218] William of Longchamps, bishop of Ely, 1190, pawned
   13 copies of the Gospels for the redemption of Richard I. [1219] [1220]
   ere and there, a tax was levied for the benefit of a library, as in the
   case of Evesham, 1215, and the synod of Lyons the same year adopted a
   like expedient. [1221] f which were to be used for the needs of the
   library. [1222]

   Of all books, copies of the Scriptures were held in highest esteem.
   They were often bound in covers, inlaid with gold and silver, and
   sometimes ornamented with precious stones and richly illuminated. Paul,
   abbot of St. Albans, placed in the abbey-library eight Psalters and two
   Gospels highly ornamented with gold and gems, as well as a copy of the
   Collects, a copy of the Epistles, and 28 other books. In 1295, the dean
   of St. Paul's found in the cathedral 12 copies of the Gospels adorned
   with jewels, and a thirteenth copy kept in a case with relics. [1223]

   Books were kept first in armaria or horizontal presses and the
   librarian was called armarius. About the fourteenth century shelves
   were introduced along the cloistral walls. [1224] [1225] ry, chained to
   their places, for the use of the fellows. This custom was still in
   vogue in England in the sixteenth century, when copies of the English
   Bible were kept chained to the reading desks in the churches. The old
   Benedictine rule was still enforced for the distribution of books.
   Lanfranc's statutes for the English Benedictines, 1070, required the
   return of the books by the monks the first Sunday in Lent. They were
   then to be laid out on the floor and distributed for the ensuing year,
   one book to each monk. Any one failing to read his book was obliged to
   fall on his face and confess his neglect. [1226] [1227] and the synod
   of Paris, 1212, insisted that convents should not recede from this good
   practice which it pronounced a work of mercy.

   The book-room, or scriptorium, was part of a complete conventual
   building. It served as a place of writing and of transcribing
   manuscripts. Sometimes a monk had his own little book-room, called
   scriptoriolum, or kept books in his cell. Nicholas, Bernard's
   secretary, described his little room as next to the infirmary and
   "filled with choice and divine books." [1228] successor to John of
   Salisbury in the see of Chartres, spoke of his scriptoriolum as filled
   with books, where he could be free from the vanity and vexations of the
   world. The place had been assigned to him, he said, for reading,
   writing, meditating, praying, and adoring the Lord. [1229]

   Abbots themselves joined to their other labors the work of the copyist.
   So it was with Theodoric of St. Evroult, 1050-1057, a skilful scribe
   who, according to Ordericus Vitalis, [1230] skill," in copies of the
   Collects, Graduale, and Antiphonary which were deposited in the convent
   collection. Theodoric also secured the services of others to copy
   commentaries and the heptateuch. [1231] Copying was made a special
   feature of St. Albans by the abbot Paul, 1077-1093. He secured money
   for a scriptorium and brought scribes from a distance. In the latter
   part of the eleventh century, Hirschau in Southern Germany was noted
   for this kind of activity, through its abbot William, who saw that
   twelve good copyists were trained for his house. These men made many
   copies and William is said to have presented books to every convent he
   reformed. The scribe, Othlo of Emmeram, of the same century, has left
   us a list of the books he gave away. [1232]

   Diligence as a copyist sometimes stood monks in good stead when they
   came to face the realities of the future world. Of such an one,
   Ordericus makes mention. [1233] of Scripture, but he was a man of many
   moral offences. When the evil spirits laid claim to his soul, the
   angels produced the holy volume which the monk had transcribed. Every
   letter was counted and balanced against a sin. At last, it was found
   the letters had a majority of one. The devils tried to scrape up
   another sin, but in vain, and the Lord permitted the fortunate monk to
   return to the body and do proper penance.

   Copying was sometimes prescribed as a punishment for cloistral offences
   and the Carthusian rules withheld wine from the monk who was able to
   copy and would not ply his art. It seems at times to have been a most
   confining and wearisome task. Lewis, a monk of Wessobrunn in Bavaria,
   had some of this feeling when he appended to a transcription of
   Jerome's commentary on Daniel the following words and claimed the
   prayers of the reader: --


   Dum scripsit friguit, et quod cum lumine solis

   Scribere non potuit, perfecit lumine noctis.

   "When he wrote he froze, and what he could not complete by the light of
   day, he finished by the light of the night." [1234]

   The price of books continued to be high till the invention of the
   printing-press. A count of Anjou paid for a copy of the homilies of
   Haimo of Halberstadt 200 sheep and a large quantity of provisions. In
   1274, a finely written Bible sold for 50 marks, about $l70, when labor
   cost a shilling a day. Maitland computed that it would take a monk ten
   months to transcribe the Bible and that the labor would be worth to-day
   £60 or £70. [1235] The prices, however, were often greatly reduced, and
   Richard of Bury, in his Philobiblion, says that he purchased from the
   convent of St. Albans 32 volumes for £50.

   The copyists, like the builders of the cathedrals, usually concealed
   their names. It was a custom with them to close their task by appending
   some pious or, at times, some witty sentiment. A line, frequently
   appended, ran, finito libro, sit laus et gloria Christo. "The book is
   finished. Praise and honor be to Christ." The joy authors often feel at
   the completion of their writings was felt by a scribe when he wrote,
   libro completo, saltat scriptor pede leto. "Now the book is done, the
   scribe dances with glad foot." Another piously expressed his feelings
   when he wrote, dentur pro penna scriptori caelica regna. "May the
   heavenly reward be given to the scribe for his work with the quill."
   [1236]

   The pleasures of converse with books in the quiet of a library are thus
   attractively set forth by a mediaeval theologian, left alone in the
   convent when the other monks had gone off for recreation: --

   "Our house is empty save only myself and the rats and mice who nibble
   in solitary hunger. There is no voice in the hall, no footstep on the
   stairs .... I sit here with no company but books, dipping into dainty
   honeycombs of literature. All minds in the world's literature are
   concentrated in a library. This is the pinnacle of the temple from
   which we may see all the kingdoms of the world and the glory of them. I
   keep Egypt and the Holy Land in the closet next to the window. On the
   side of them are Athens and the empire of Rome. Never was such an army
   mustered as I have here. No general ever had such soldiers as I have.
   No kingdom ever had half such illustrious subjects as mine or subjects
   half as well disciplined. I can put my haughtiest subjects up or down
   as it pleases me .... I call Plato and he answers "here,"--a noble and
   sturdy soldier; "Aristotle," "here,"--a host in himself. Demosthenes,
   Pliny, Cicero, Tacitus, Caesar. "Here," they answer, and they smile at
   me in their immortality of youth. Modest all, they never speak unless
   spoken to. Bountiful all, they never refuse to answer. And they are all
   at peace together .... All the world is around me, all that ever
   stirred human hearts or fired the imagination is harmlessly here. My
   library cases are the avenues of time. Ages have wrought, generations
   grown, and all their blossoms are cast down here. It is the garden of
   immortal fruits without dog or dragon."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1203] Quia vita omnium spiritualium hominum sine libris nihil est,
   quoted by Wetzer-Welte, II. 792.

   [1204] Hurter, Innocent III. IV. 179.

   [1205] Claustrum sine armario quasi est castrum sine armamentario. See
   Maitland, p. 230; Wattenbach, p. 570.

   [1206] Clark, p. 25.

   [1207] Maitland, pp. 286 sqq.

   [1208] Edwards, pp. 448-454.

   [1209] Hauck, IV. 448.

   [1210] Edwards, p. 52.

   [1211] Edwards, p. 56. See also Sandys, pp. 500 sqq.

   [1212] Hurter, III. 314. A list of books is preserved which the
   archbishop of far Northern Lund gave to the cathedral.

   [1213] Stevenson, Life of Gross., p. 86.

   [1214] Ep., 44; Migne, 139. 214.

   [1215] Order. Vit., III. 3.

   [1216] Libri maxime Augustiniani, ut nosti, apud nos auro pretiosiores.
   sunt.

   [1217] Chart. Univ. Paris., I. 493. Translated in the Univ. of Penn.
   Translations and Reprints.

   [1218] Maitland, pp. 98 sq., 238 sqq.

   [1219] Maitland, p. 250.

   [1220] Wattenbach, p. 546.

   [1221] Wattenbach, p. 582.

   [1222] Putnam, I. 159.

   [1223] Maitland, p. 242.

   [1224] Clark, p. 24, and Gasquet, pp. 20-28.

   [1225] Such chained books were, in the Sorbonne from 1289 on "for the
   common use of the brethren"--in communem sociorum utilitatem.

   [1226] Putnam, I. 152. The statutes of Oriel College, Oxford, 1329,
   ordered the books taken out once a year, Nov. 2, each person, according
   to age, taking out a single volume. Clark, p. 34.

   [1227] Ep., 88; Migne, 182. 219. See Coulton's Salimbene, p. 167.

   [1228] Ep., 35; Migne, 196. 1626.

   [1229] Maitland, p. 442.

   [1230] III. 3; Engl. trans., I. 406. Ordericus frequently refers to
   copyists. III. 5, IV. 19, etc.

   [1231] The heptateuch included the first seven books of the Old
   Testament.

   [1232] See his own description, Maitland, pp. 454 sqq.

   [1233] III. 3; Engl. trans., I. 407.

   [1234] Maitland, p. 444.

   [1235] p. 232.

   [1236] Wattenbach., pp. 471-534, gives a number of subscriptions.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 90. The Universities.

   Literature: Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. by H. Denifle,
   O. P. and A. Chatelain, adjunct librarian of the Sorbonne, 4 vols.
   Paris, 1889-1897. This magnificent work gives the documents bearing on
   the origin, organization, customs, and rules of the University of Paris
   from 1200-1452; and forms one of the most valuable recent contributions
   to the study of the Middle Ages.--Auctarium Chartularii Univ. Paris.,
   ed. by Denifle and Chatelain, 2 vols. Paris, 1893-1897. It gives the
   documents bearing on the Hist. of the English "nation" in Paris from
   1393-1466.--Denifle: Urkunden zur Gesch. der mittelalt. Universitäten,
   in Archiv für Lit.- und Kirchengesch., V. 167 sqq., 1889.--Engl. trans.
   of the charter of Fred. Barbarossa, 1158; the Privilege of Philip
   Augustus, 1200; the charter of Frederick II. founding the Univ. of
   Naples; the Regulations of Robert de Courçon, 1215, etc., are given in
   the Trans. and Reprints of the Dep. of Hist., Univ. of Penn. -- C. E.
   Bulaeus (Du Boulay): Hist. univ. Paris., etc., a Carolo Magno ad nostra
   tempora (1600), 6 vols. Paris, 1665-1678. A splendid work, but wrong in
   its description of the origin of the university and some matters of its
   organization.--F. C. von Savigny, Prof. in Berlin, d. 1861: Gesch. des
   röm. Rechts im M. A., Heidel., 2d ed., 1834, vol. III.--J. H. Newman:
   Office and Work of Universities, London, 1856, vol. III of his Hist.
   Sketches. An exaggerated estimate of medieval culture. I. Döllinger: D.
   Universitäten sonst und jetzt, in his Akad. Vorträge, Nordl.,
   1889.--*Denifle: D. Entstehung d. Universitäten d. Mittelalters bis
   1400, Berlin, 1885, pp. 814. Marks an epoch in the treatment of the
   subject; is full of learning and original research, but repetitious and
   contentious. Denifle intended to write three more volumes.--*S. S.
   Laurie: The Rise and Constit. of Universities, etc., Camb., 1892.--G.
   Compayré: Abelard and Origin and Early Hist. of Universities, N. Y.,
   1898.--*H. Rashdall: The Universities of Europe in the M. A., 2 vols.,
   Oxford, 1895. --P. SCHAFF: The Univ. Past, Present and Future, in Lit.
   and Poetry, pp. 256-278.

   The university appears in Europe as an established institution in the
   twelfth century. It quickly became the restless centre of intellectual
   and literary life, the workshop of learning and scientific progress.
   Democratic in its constitution, it received men from every rank and
   sent them forth with new ideas and equipped to be the leaders of their
   age.

   Origin. -- The universities were a product of the mediaeval mind, to
   which nothing in the ancient world, in any adequate way, corresponded.
   They grew up on the soil of the cathedral and conventual studies, but
   there was no organic continuity between them and the earlier schools.
   They were of independent growth, coming into being in response to a
   demand, awakened by the changed circumstances of life and the revival
   of thought in Europe. No clatter and noise announced their coming, but
   they were developed gradually from imperfect beginnings into thoroughly
   organized literary corporations.

   Nor were the universities the immediate creation of the Church. Church
   authority did not bring them into being as it did the Crusades. All
   that can be said is that the men who wrought at their foundations and
   the lower superstructures were ecclesiastics and that popes were wise
   enough early to become their patrons and, as in the case of Paris, to
   take the reins of their general administration into their own hands.
   The time had come for a specialization of studies in the departments of
   human knowledge, the arts, law, medicine, and theology, which last,
   according to Jacob of Vitry, "alone can be called a liberal art, since
   it alone delivers the human soul from its woes."

   The universities owed their rise to the enthusiasm of single teachers
   [1237] he most prominent figure, were the centres where the university
   idea had its earliest and most substantial realization. These teachers
   satisfied and created a demand for specialization in education.

   Due credit must not be withheld from the guilds whose organization
   furnished a pattern for the university, especially in the case of
   Bologna. The university was the literary guild, representing a
   like-minded community of intellectual interests and workers. It is also
   possible that some credit must be given to Arabic influences, as in the
   case of the school of medicine at Salerno.

   The first universities arose in Italy, the earliest of all being
   Salerno and Bologna. These were followed by Paris and other French
   universities. England came next, and then Spain. Prague was the first
   to embody the idea in Central Europe. The distinctively German
   universities do not date beyond the second half of the fourteenth
   century, Vienna, 1365, Erfurt, 1379, Heidelberg, 1385, Cologne, 1388.
   The three Scotch universities, St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Aberdeen, were
   established in the fifteenth century. That century also witnessed the
   birth of the far northern Universities of Copenhagen and Upsala. By the
   end of the fifteenth century there were nearly eighty of these academic
   institutions. Some of these passed out of existence and some never
   attained to more than a local celebrity.

   Salerno, Bologna, Paris, Padua, Oxford, Cambridge, and other
   universities owed their existence to no papal or royal charter.
   Toulouse, 1229 and Rome, 1244 were the first to be founded by papal
   bulls. The University of Naples was founded by the emperor, Frederick
   II., 1224. The Spanish Universities of Palencia, 1212, Salamanca, 1230,
   and Seville, 1254, were established by the kings of Castile. Prague,
   1347, was founded by a double charter from the pope and Charles IV.
   Some universities had their origin in disaffection prevailing in
   universities already established: Padua started in a defection of
   students from Bologna; Cambridge, in 1209, in a defection of students
   from Oxford, and Leipzig, in 1409, grew out of the dissatisfaction of
   the German "nation" with its treatment at Prague. Heidelberg is the
   earliest institution of papal creation which went over to the
   Reformation. [1238]

   Organization. -- A university originally signified not a body of
   studies or a place where studies were prosecuted, but an aggregation of
   teachers and students--universitas magistrorum et scholarium. The term
   "university" was used of any group of persons and was a common
   expression for "Your body" or "all of you"--universitas vestra. [1239]
   versity," as we use it, was studium and studium generale, "study" or,
   "general study." Thus the University of Bologna was called studium
   Bononie or Bononiense,--as it is still called studio Bolognese in
   Italy, Paris, studium Parisiense, Oxford, studium Oxoniense. The
   addition "general" had reference to students, not to a variety of
   branches of knowledge, and denoted that the studium was open to
   students from every quarter. [1240] g. The designation of a seat of
   learning as alma or alma mater dates from the thirteenth century.

   A full university requires at least four faculties, the arts--now known
   at the German universities as the faculty of philosophy,--law,
   medicine, and theology. This idea was not embodied in the earliest
   foundations and some of the universities remained incomplete during
   their entire existence. Salerno was a medical school. Bologna was for
   more than a century only a school of law. Salamanca, the most venerable
   of existing Spanish educational institutions, did not have a faculty of
   theology till the end of the fourteenth century. [1241] lthough civil
   law was taught there before 1219. [1242] e. The reason for this may
   have been a purpose not to come into collision with the episcopal and
   conventual schools, which existed for the training of priests. The
   faculty of the arts, the lowest of the faculties, included the seven
   studies covered by the trivium and quadrivium, but was at a later
   period expanded so as to include metaphysical, linguistic, historic,
   and other studies not covered by the study of law, medicine, and
   theology. Theology was known as the highest and master study. Alexander
   IV., writing to Paris, 1256, said that theology ruled over the other
   studies like a mistress, and they followed her as servants. [1243]

   The university had its own government, endowments, and privileges.
   These privileges, or bills of rights, were of great value, giving the
   body of teachers and students protection from the usual police
   surveillance exercised by municipalities and included their exemption
   from taxation, from military service except in cases of exigency, and
   from the usual modes of trial before the municipal authorities. Suits
   brought against members of the University of Paris were tried before
   the bishop of Paris. In Bologna, such suits were tried before the
   professor of the accused student or the bishop. By the privilege of
   Philip Augustus, 1200, the chattels of students at Paris were exempt
   from seizure by the civil officer. The university was a state within
   the state, a free republic of letters. [1244] ed, they resorted to what
   was called cessation, cessatio, a suspension of the functions of the
   university or even removal to some other locality. In 1229 the
   University of Paris suspended for two years on account of the delay of
   Queen Blanche to give redress for the violent death of two students
   during the carnival. Many professors left Paris till not a single one
   of fame remained. The bishop of Paris launched excommunications against
   the chief offenders; but the university was victorious and the king
   made apology for the injuries inflicted and the pope revoked the
   ecclesiastical censures. Gregory IX., 1231, confirmed this privilege of
   suspending lectures. [1245] ty to teach, as conscience dictates,
   without fear of interference from the state.

   The Model Universities.--In the administration of their affairs the
   universities followed Bologna and Paris as models. In Bologna the
   students were in control, in Paris the masters in conjunction with the
   students. As for their relation to the pope and the authority of the
   Church, Bologna was always free, antipapal and anticlerical, as
   compared with her younger sister in France. The democratic principle
   had large recognition. The first element to be noticed is the part
   played by the different faculties. In Paris the faculties were fully
   organized by the middle of the thirteenth century. In 1281, the
   university as a body promised to defend each of its faculties. [1246]
   hat time each faculty passed upon its own degrees, regulated its own
   lectures, and performed other special acts.

   The second element was the part which the so-called nations had in the
   administration. In Bologna there were four nations, the Italians,
   English, [1247] goes back to the early years of the thirteenth century.
   [1248] into provinces. An elective official, known as the rector, stood
   at the head of the whole corporation. At Bologna he was called, as
   early as 1194, "rector of the associations," rector societatum. He
   directed the affairs of the university in conjunction with a board of
   counsellors representing the provinces.

   The first record calling the head of the University of Paris rector
   [1249] of the four nations. The rector had to be a master of arts and
   might be a layman, but must be a celibate. He performed on great
   occasions, and wore a striking costume. He was responsible to the body
   whose agent he was. The Paris rector was addressed as "your amplitude,"
   vestra amplitudo.

   At Paris there was also a chancellor, and he was the older officer. He
   stood at the head of the chapter of Notre Dame and was called
   interchangeably chancellor of the cathedral and chancellor of Paris. To
   him belonged the prerogative of giving the license to teach and confer
   degrees. His authority was recognized, time and again, by the popes,
   and also restricted by papal decree, so that what he lost the rector
   gained. [1250] e archdeacon of the diocese conferred the degrees.
   [1251]

   Degrees.--By 1264, at latest, each faculty at Paris had its own dean
   [1252] d by Bologna or Paris, carried with it the right to teach
   everywhere,--jus ubique docendi. Gregory IX., 1233, and other popes
   conferred the same prerogative upon the masters of Toulouse and other
   universities but it seems doubtful whether their degrees were
   respected. Even a degree from Oxford did not carry the right of
   lecturing at Paris without a reëxamination. When Alexander IV. granted
   to the masters of Salamanca the right of teaching everywhere, Bologna
   and Paris were expressly excepted. [1253]

   The question of mediaeval degrees offers much difficulty. There seem to
   have been three stages: bachelor, or baccalaureus, licentiate, and
   doctor or master. They corresponded to the three grades in the guilds:
   apprentice, assistant, and master. The bachelors were received after
   examination and did subordinate lecturing. The degree was not merely a
   testimonial of work done, but a certificate entitling the holder to ply
   the trade of reading or teaching. The titles, master, magister, doctor,
   dominus, and professor, scholasticus, were synonymous. "Doctor" was the
   usual title at Bologna, and "master" at Paris, but gradually "doctor"
   came to be used chiefly of the graduates in canon law at Paris, and
   "master" of graduates in theology. [1254] oke of the "doctors and
   masters in each faculty," no doubt using the words as synonyms. The
   test for the degrees was called the "determination," determinance, the
   main part of which was the presentation of a thesis and its defence
   against all comers.

   Eight years was fixed by Robert de Courcon, 1215, as the period of
   preparation for the theological doctorate, but in the beginning of the
   fourteenth century it was extended to fourteen years. In the department
   of jurisprudence a course of eight years,--in medicine a course of six
   years,--was required.

   Teachers and Studies.--The teaching was done at first in convents and
   in private quarters. In 1253 there were twelve professors of theology
   in Paris, nine of them teaching in convents and belonging to the
   orders. University buildings were of slow growth, and the phenomenon
   presented by such great universities as Johns Hopkins, Cornell, and the
   University of Chicago, starting out fully equipped with large
   endowments and buildings, was unknown in the Middle Ages. Professors
   and students had to make their own way and at first no provision was
   made by king or municipality for salaries. The professor lived by
   lecture fees and the gifts of rich students. Later, endowments were
   provided, and cities provided funds for the payment of salaries. [1255]
   [1256] d by Robert of Sorbon, 1257, for sixteen secular students, four
   from each nation. The term "secular" was used in distinction from
   conventual. Another famous college was the college of Navarre on St.
   Genevieve, founded by the queen of Philip the Fair, Jeanne of Navarre,
   1304. Rashdall, I. 478-517, gives a list of more than sixty colleges,
   or bursaries, founded in Paris before 1500. From being places of
   residence for needy students, the colleges came to include masters, as
   at Oxford and Cambridge. At Bologna the college system was never
   developed to the same extent as at Paris and in England.

   With rare exceptions, the teachers in all the faculties were
   ecclesiastics, or, if laymen, unmarried. John XXII., in 1331, granted a
   dispensation to a married man to teach medicine in Paris, but it was an
   exception. Not till 1452 was the requirement of celibacy modified for
   the faculty of medicine in Paris, and till 1479 for Heidelberg; and not
   till a later date were the legal professors of Paris and Bologna
   exempted from this restriction. The Reformation at once effected a
   change in the universities under Protestant influence. [1257]

   The lectures were given in Latin and students as well as masters were
   required to use Latin in conversation. Learning of any kind was
   regarded as too sacred a thing to be conveyed in the vulgar dialects of
   Europe. [1258] [1259] oks should be. The classics had no place. Certain
   works of Aristotle were forbidden, as were also, at a later date, the
   writings of Amauri of Bena, David of Dinant, and other supposed or real
   heretics. Gregory IX. warned the divinity students against affecting
   philosophy, and to be satisfied with becoming "theodocts." [1260]

   Attendance and Discipline.--The attendance at the mediaeval
   universities has been a matter of much dispute. Some of the figures
   seem to be incredibly large. [1261] for the earliest periods, and not
   till the end of the fourteenth century do we have actual records of the
   number of graduations in Paris. Odefridus, a writer of the thirteenth
   century, gives the number of students at Bologna two generations
   before, as 10,000. Paris was reported to have had 25,000 students, and
   Oxford as many as 30,000, [1262] tured to 3000 hearers, and this figure
   does not seem to be exaggerated when we consider the great attraction
   of his personality. In any estimate, it must be remembered that the
   student body included boys and also men well up in years. Rashdall
   makes 1500 to 3000 the maximum number for Oxford. [1263]

   There was no such thing as university discipline in the thirteenth
   century, as we understand discipline. The testimonies are unanimous
   that the students led a wild life. [1264] the department of arts. There
   were no dormitories, and the means of communication then at hand did
   not make it possible for parents to exercise the checks upon absent
   sons such as they may exercise to-day. Felix Platter, d. 1614, states
   in his autobiography that, as late as the middle of the sixteenth
   century, it required twenty days to make the journey from Basel to the
   school of Montpellier. At Paris students were excused from the payment
   of fees on account of the long distances from which they had come, the
   journeys often requiring several months and involving perils from
   robbers. [1265] into houses, ravished women, and committed robberies
   and "many other enormities hateful to God." [1266] ame proverbial.
   [1267] [1268]

   The rescript given by Frederick Barbarossa to Bologna, 1158, presented
   a picture of students as those "who exile themselves through love of
   learning and wear themselves out in poverty." The facts do not support
   any rosy picture of social equality, such as we would expect in an
   ideal democracy. The number who were drawn to the universities from
   love of adventure and novelty must have been large. The nobleman had
   his special quarters and his servants, while the poor student begged
   his bread. It was the custom of the chancellor of Oxford to issue
   licenses for the needy to beg. [1269] he first seats. [1270]

   The mediaeval universities were the centres of the ideals and hopes of
   the younger generation. There, the seeds were sown of the
   ecclesiastical and intellectual movements of after times and of the
   revolutions which the conservative groups pronounced scientific
   novelties and doctrinal heresies.

   A mediaeval writer pronounced the three chief forces for the
   maintenance of the Catholic faith to be the priesthood, the empire, and
   the university. This was not always the case. From Paris went forth
   some of the severest attacks on the theory of papal absolutism, and
   from there, a century later, the reformers, Gerson and D'Ailly,
   proceeded. Hussitism was begotten at Prague. Wyclif's teachings made
   Oxford a seat of heresy. Wittenberg, the last of the mediaeval
   universities to open its doors, protected and followed Luther. Basel,
   Pius II.'s creation, Heidelberg, Oxford, Cambridge, St. Andrews, and
   other universities became the bulwarks of the new ideas. On the other
   hand, the Sorbonne, Louvaine, and Cologne ordered Luther's works burnt.
   As an agent of culture and the onward progress of mankind, the Middle
   Ages made no contribution to modern times comparable in usefulness to
   the university.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1237] "A teacher inspired by a love of teaching gathered around him a
   circle of scholars eager to learn. Other teachers followed, the circle
   of listeners increased, and thus, by a kind of inward necessity, an
   enduring school was founded." Savigny, XX. 58.

   [1238] According to Denifle, after the middle of the thirteenth
   century, no university came into existence without a papal bull. I.
   777. But Kaufmann disputes this view and, as it would seem, with
   reason. See Laurie, p. 137; Rashdall, I. 13. The mediaeval custom of
   giving a university legal existence by a papal bull was renewed for the
   United States when Leo XIII. chartered the University of Washington
   City, 1888.

   [1239] Innocent III., 1205, addressed the professors of Paris in this
   way, universitatem vestram rogamus, Chart., I. 63. In this letter
   Innocent also addresses the corporation as universis magistris et
   scholaribus. So also Gregory IX., 1251, Alex. IV., 1256, etc., Chart.,
   I. 136, 342, but the expression "university of masters and scholars,"
   universitas magistrorum et scholarium, seems to have been used first in
   1221. Chart., I. ix, 98, 99

   [1240] Rashdall, I. 8, a "general study" might be founded for each
   separate faculty as the studium generale in theologica facultate.
   Denifle, I. 5.

   [1241] The term "faculty" at first seems to have been synonymous with
   "science," or branch of knowledge. Thus Frederick II., in chartering
   the University of Naples, spoke of those who teach the science of
   surgery, chirurgiae facultatem instruunt.

   [1242] Honorius III., 1219, forbade the teaching of civil law in Paris.
   Chart., I. p. xxviii, 92.

   [1243] Praeest reliquis sicut superior, etc., Chart., I. 343.

   [1244] The University of Cambridge in its calendar is still styled "a
   literary republic." Laurie, p. 186.

   [1245] Chart., I. 138, liceat vobis usque ad satisfactionem condignam
   suspendere lectiones.

   [1246] Chart., I. 590. The term "faculty" was first used of the
   university of Paris by Honorius III., 1219. Chart., I. x, 87.

   [1247] English archdeacons were expected, after their election, to go
   to Bologna to study canon law. See Capes, Hist. of the Eng. Church, p.
   240.

   [1248] Chart., I. 215, Honorius III., 1222, speaks of "nations," but
   does not definitely give the number. Chart., I. 103, Du Boulay,
   following a spurious document, dates their organization as far back as
   1206. Denifle puts the existence of the four nations in Paris as far
   back as 1215-1222. See Chart., I. xxi. The first clear trace of the
   division into nations seems to be in a bull of Honorius III., 1217, and
   concerns Bologna. It is addressed to the scolaribus universitatis de
   urbe, de campania et de Tuscia, Bononie commorantibus.

   [1249] Rector univ. magistrorum et scolarium, Chart., I. pp. xxiii,
   379.

   [1250] Chart., I. p. xix.

   [1251] Chart., I. 90 sqq.

   [1252] Chart., I. pp. xi, 441.

   [1253] Rashdall, I. 16.

   [1254] By the fifteenth century the title "doctor" had come to be the
   usual one for theologians in Germany, as Dr. Luther, Dr. Eck. Rashdall,
   I. 22. It was also applied to all the superior faculties. The title
   "master" was gradually restricted to the faculty of arts, and has gone
   out of use in Germany.

   [1255] By the fourteenth century most of the professors in Bologna were
   paid by the municipality. Savigny, quoted by Compayré, p. 283.

   [1256] A bursa at the University of Paris was the sum of money paid
   each week in board. Auctar., I. pp. xlv, xlix; Chart., II. 673 sqq.,
   etc.

   [1257] See Rashdall, II. 647 sqq. Compayré, p. 286, commenting upon the
   marital prohibition, observes that the rod would not have been retained
   so long in the universities if the teachers had had families.

   [1258] A good illustration of the use of Latin by students is given in
   the most interesting dialogue of two students on their way to
   Wittenberg, the MS. of which was discovered by Prof. Haussleiter, 1898,
   in the library of Jena, and published. Leipzig, 1903, D. Univ. Wittenb.
   n. d. Schilderung d. Mag. Andreas Meinhardi, 1507.

   [1259] Chart., I. 78.

   [1260] satagant fieri theodocti, Chart., I. 138. Students were obliged
   to swear they had "heard" the required books. Chart., I., 227 sqq., for
   the year 1252; II. 673, for the year 1347, etc.

   [1261] Denifle, p. 248.

   [1262] Richard Fitz-Ralph, archbishop of Armagh, writing about 1330,
   sets the number of students in his own day at six thousand.

   [1263] See Rashdall, II. 584 sqq.

   [1264] Chart., I. Nos. 60, 197, 425, etc.

   [1265] Auctar., I. p. xlvi.

   [1266] Chart., I. 426; Compayré, p. 276.

   [1267] Cantat ut Normannus, bibit ut Anglicanus, Auctar., I. p. lvi.
   For the fighting abilities of the English nation see Auctar. I. p. lx.
   Rashdall, II. 678 sqq., gives a number of cases of fights between town
   and gown in Paris. The cases of 1278 and 1304 were the most notorious.

   [1268] Chart., I. 138.

   [1269] Rashdall, II. 656 sqq. Rashdall gives the following estimate of
   living in Oxford in the fifteenth century. Meat was ¼ d. a pound;
   butter and cheese, ½d. a pound, while six pounds of wheat cost 4 d.
   Thus, 1½ pounds of bread, 1 pound of meat, and ¼ pound of butter and
   cheese made up about 1 d. a day, or 7 d. a week, "a tolerably
   substantial basis for a student's diet."

   [1270] Compayré, p. 271
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 91. The University of Bologna.

   Literature: Muratori: Antiqq. Ital., III. 884 sqq. Important documents
   bearing on the state of learning in Italy. --Acta nationis Germanicae
   univ. Bononiensis, ed. E. Friedländer et C. Malagola, Berl.,
   1887.--Carlo Malagola: Statuti delta università e dei collegi dello
   studio Bolognese, p. 524, Bologna, 1888.--Denifle: D. Statutem d.
   Juristen Univ. Bologna, 1317-1347, in Archiv. für Lit. -und
   Kirchengesch., III. 196-409 1887. Superseded by Malagola.--Giacomo
   Cassani (Prof. of Canon Law, Bologna): Dell' antico Studio di Bologna a
   sua origine, Bologna, 1888.--H. Fitting: Die Anfänge der Rechtsschule
   zu Bologna, Berl., 1888.--Savigny (see above) gives a full account with
   special reference to the study of Roman law, but must be supplemented
   and corrected by Denifle: Universitäten, etc.--For publications called
   forth by the eighth centenary, 1888, see P. Schaff: Lit. and Poetry, p.
   278. For full Lit., see Rashdall, I. 89-91.

   Bologna is the most venerable of European universities. Salerno, which
   preceded it in time, became sufficiently famous as a medical school to
   call forth from Petrarch the praise of being the fountain-head of
   medicine,--fons medicinae,--but its career was limited to two
   centuries. [1271] as the outgrowth of the awakened interest in medicine
   in Southern Italy in which Greek and Arabic influences had a part.

   In 1888, Bologna celebrated its eight hundredth anniversary and
   continues to be one of the most flourishing schools of Southern Europe.
   As early as the thirteenth century, the tradition was current that
   Theodosius II., in 433, had granted to it a charter. But its beginnings
   go no further back than the latter part of the eleventh or the earlier
   years of the twelfth century. At that period Irnerius, d. about 1130,
   was teaching the code of Justinian [1272] vil and ecclesiastical, are
   looked upon as the fathers of the university.

   Bologna became the chief school for the study of both laws in Europe.
   The schools of arts added 1221, of medicine 1260, and theology 1360--by
   a bull of Innocent VI.--never obtained the importance of the school of
   law.

   On a visit to the city in 1155 Frederick Barbarossa granted the
   university recognition and in 1158, on the field of Roncaglia, gave it
   its first charter. [1273] Bologna was a second and better Berytus, the
   nurse of jurisprudence, legum nutrix, and adopted the proud device,
   Bononia docet--"Bologna teaches." To papal patronage she owed little or
   nothing, and in this respect as in others her history did not run
   parallel with the University of Paris. [1274]

   The student body, which was in control, was at first divided into four
   "universities" or guilds. The statutes of the German "nation" have been
   preserved and declare as its object fraternal charity, mutual
   association, the care of the sick and support of the needy, the conduct
   of funerals, the termination of quarrels, and the proper escort of
   students about to take the examination for the degree of doctor. [1275]

   The rectors of the faculties were elected for two years and were
   required to be secular clerics, unmarried, and wearing the clerical
   habit. The ceremonies of installation included the placing of a hood on
   their heads. The two rectors of the two jurist "universities" gave
   place to a single rector after the middle of the fourteenth century.

   The professors took oaths to the student bodies, to follow their codes.
   If they wished to be absent from their duties, they were obliged to get
   leave of absence from the rectors. They were required to begin and
   close their lectures promptly at the ringing of the bell under penalty
   of a fine and were forbidden to skip any part of the text-books or
   postpone the answer to questions to the end of the lecture hour.
   Another rule required them to cover a certain amount of ground in a
   given period. [1276] when Bolognese students decamped and departed to
   Vicenza 1204, Padua 1222, and for the last time to Siena 1321.

   The professors, at first, were dependent upon fees and at times stopped
   their lectures because of the failure of the students to pay up. The
   jurist, Odefridus of Bologna, announced on one occasion that he would
   not lecture in the afternoons of the ensuing term because, "the
   scholars want to profit but not to pay." Professorial appointments were
   at first in the hands of the student body but afterwards became the
   prerogative of the municipality. This change was due in part to the
   obligation undertaken by the city government to pay fixed salaries.
   [1277] gely hereditary.

   A noticeable, though not exceptional, feature of Bologna was the
   admission of learned women to its teaching chairs. Novella d'Andrea,
   1312-1366, the daughter of the celebrated jurist Giovanni d'Andrea,
   lectured on philosophy and law, but behind a curtain, lest her face
   should attract the attention of the students from their studies. Among
   other female professors have been Laura Bassi, d. 1778, doctor and
   professor of philosophy and mathematics; Chlotilda Tambroni, who
   expounded the Greek classics, 1794-1817; and Giuseppina Cattani, who,
   until a few years ago, lectured on pathology. In Salerno, also, women
   practised medicine and lectured, as did Trotula, about 1059, who wrote
   on the diseases of women. In Paris, as we have been reminded by
   Denifle, the daughters of one Mangold taught theology in the latter
   part of the eleventh century. [1278]

   On the other hand, due care was taken to protect the students of
   Bologna against the wiles of women. The statutes of its college,
   founded by Cardinal Albornoz, 1367, for Spanish students, forbade them
   dancing because "the devil easily tempts men to evil through this
   amusement," and also forbade women to "enter the premises because a
   woman was the head of sin, the right hand of the devil, and the cause
   of the expulsion from paradise." [1279]

   A graduate of civil law was required at Bologna to have studied seven
   years, and of canon law six years. To become a doctor of both laws,
   utriusque juris, a term of ten years was prescribed. In 1292, Nicholas
   IV. formally granted the Bolognese doctors the right to lecture
   everywhere, a right they had exercised before. The promotion to the
   doctorate was accompanied with much pageantry an involved the candidate
   in large outlay for gifts and banquets. [1280]

   The class rooms in canon and civil jurisprudence at Bologna became
   synonymous with traditional opinions. There was no encouragement of
   originality. With the interpretation of the text-books, which had been
   handed down, the work of the professor was at an end. This conservatism
   Dante may have had in mind when he made the complaint that in Bologna
   only the Decretals were studied. And Roger Bacon exclaimed that "the
   study of jurisprudence has for forty years destroyed the study of
   wisdom [that is philosophy, the sciences, and theology], yes, the
   church itself and all departments." [1281] Savonarola and encouraged no
   religious or doctrinal reform.

   Note. - An account of the brilliant celebration of the eighth centenary
   of Bologna, 1888, is given by Philip Schaff: The University, etc., in
   Lit. and Poetry, pp. 265-278. On that occasion Dr. Schaff represented
   the University of New York. The exercises were honored by the presence
   of Humbert and the queen of Italy. The ill-fated Frederick III. of
   Germany sent from his sick-room a letter of congratulation, as in some
   sense the heir of Frederick Barbarossa. The clergy were conspicuous by
   their absence from the celebration, although among the visitors was
   Father Gavazzi, the ex-Barnabite friar, who in 1848 fired the hearts of
   his fellow-citizens, the Bolognese, for the cause of Italian liberty
   and unity and afterwards became the eloquent advocate of a new
   evangelical movement for his native land, abroad as well as at home. A
   contrast was presented at the five hundredth anniversary of the
   University of Heidelberg, 1886, which Dr. Schaff also attended, and
   which was inaugurated by a solemn religious service and sermon.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1271] See Laurie, p. 123 sqq.; Rashdall, I. 80 sqq.

   [1272] Rashdall, I. 120, associates an "epoch in the study of law" with
   Irnerius, but insists upon the activity of law teachers before his day.
   When Laurie, p. 128, still calls Irnerius the "rediscoverer" of the
   Roman law, the title is only relatively true.

   [1273] The document of 1155 is known as the Authentica Habita. A
   historical poem discovered and published by Giesebrecht, 1879,
   describes Frederick's visit of 1155. The document of 1158 is addressed
   to "all scholars and especially the professors of divine and sacred
   law." Denifle, p. 49 sqq.

   [1274] The first papal bull was that of Clement III., 1189, forbidding
   masters and scholars making a bid for a house already occupied by
   students.

   [1275] Denifle, p. 130, makes the scholastic guilds to have originated
   with the Germans. As a mercantile organization the guild was in
   existence in Bologna before studies began to flourish there. Foreign
   merchants residing there had their own societies. Also Rashdall, I.
   160.

   [1276] This was called reaching a certain "point,"punctum, which was a
   division in the civil text-book and in Gratian's Decretum. Rashdall, I.
   199.

   [1277] The first instance of a lecturer with a fixed salary was
   Garsias, the canonist, to whom £150 were promised. In 1289 two chairs
   were endowed at £150 and £100. In 1838 there were at Bologna 27
   professors of civil law, 12 of canon law, 14 of medicine, and 15 of the
   arts. Laurie, p. 140. In 1381 there were 23 salaried professors of the
   law and the city grant amounted to £63,670. Rashdall, I. 212 sq.

   [1278] Denifle, I. 233, Ordericus Vitalis speaks of women practitioners
   and mentions one by name who had studied at Palermo. Engl. trans. I.
   433. There were female physicians in Paris in the fourteenth century,
   one of whom, Jacoba, healed a royal chancellor. Chart., II. 263 sqq.
   The statutes of the medical faculty of Paris forbade a physician
   attending a patient who had not paid his bill to another physician and
   prohibited his practising with Jews or women practitioners. Rashdall,
   II. 430.

   [1279] Rashdall, I. 204.

   [1280] For these expenses see Rashdall, I. 229 sqq.

   [1281] Brewer's ed., p. 418. Bridges, Opus Majus of Rog. Bacon, I. p.
   lxxxiii sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 92. The University of Paris.

   Literature: The works of Bulaeus, Denifle, Rashdall, etc., as given in
   § 90. Vol. I. of the Chartularium gives the official documents bearing
   on the history of the Univ. from 1200-1286 with an Introd. by
   Denifle.--Crevier: Hist. de l'Univ. de Paris, 7 vols. Paris, 1761,
   based on Bulaeus.--P. Feret: La Faculté de Theol. de Paris et ses
   docteurs les plus celèbres au moyen âge, 5 vols. Paris, 1894 sqq.--A.
   Luchaire: L'univ. de Paris sous Phil. Auguste, Paris, 1899.--C. Gross:
   The Polit. Infl. of the Univ. of Paris in the M. A., in Am. Hist. Rev.,
   1901, pp. 440-446.--H. Felder: Gesch. der wissenschaftl. Studien im
   Franziskanerorden bis c. 1250, Freib., 1904.--F. X. Seppelt: D. Kampf
   d. Bettelorden an d. Univ. zu Paris in d. Mitte d. 13ten Jahrh.,
   Breslau, 1905.--Rashdall: Universities, I. 270-557, and the table of
   Lit. there given.

   The lustre of the University of Paris filled all Western Europe as
   early as the first years of the thirteenth century. It continued to be
   the chief seat of theological and general learning till the
   Reformation. In 1231 Gregory IX. called Paris "the parent of the
   sciences, another Kerieth Sepher, a city of letters, in which, as in a
   factory of wisdom, the precious stones and gold of wisdom are wrought
   and polished for the Church of Christ." [1282] [1283] most excellent
   state of letters, a famous city of the arts, a notable school of
   erudition, the highest factory of wisdom,--officina sapientiae -- and
   the most efficient gymnasium of study. There, a clear spring of the
   sciences breaks forth at which the peoples of all nations drink." Three
   hundred years later, in 1518, Luther, in his protest to Cajetan,
   expressed his willingness to have his case go before the University of
   Paris to which he referred, "as the parent of studies and from
   antiquity ever the most Christian University and that in which theology
   has been particularly cultivated."

   The old tradition, which traced the origin of the university back to
   Charlemagne, the pride of the French has been slow to abandon. Du
   Boulay devoted an entire volume to its assumed history before the year
   1000. Not even was Abaelard its founder. The most that can be said is,
   that that brilliant teacher prepared the way for the new institution,
   [1284]

   From its earliest era of development, the university received the
   recognition of royalty and the favor of popes who were quick to discern
   its future importance. In the year 1200 Philip Augustus, king of
   France, conferred upon it a valuable privilege, granting the students
   and teaching body independent rights over against the municipal
   government. Among its venerable documents are communications from
   Innocent III., his legate, Robert of Courçon, Honorius III. and Gregory
   IX., 1231. From that time on, the archives abound in papal letters and
   communications addressed to the pope by the university authorities.

   In Paris, as has already been said, the masters were the controlling
   body. The first use of the expression "university of masters and
   scholars" occurs in 1221. [1285] e of statutes is found in a bull of
   Innocent III., written about 1209. [1286] bert of Courçon, 1215,
   prescribed text-books and other regulations. A university seal was used
   as early as 1221. [1287]

   There has been much difference of opinion as to what was the original
   norm of the organization of the university. Denifle, the leading modern
   authority, insists against Du Boulay that it was the four faculties and
   not the "nations," and he finds the faculties developed in the earliest
   years of the thirteenth century. [1288] [1289] dy of masters," and in
   1213 he recognized the right of the masters to insist upon the
   conferring of the license to teach upon the candidates whom they
   presented. The chancellor was left no option in the matter. [1290] his
   authority was still more curtailed by the withdrawal of some of the
   masters to the hill of St. Genevieve on the western bank of the Seine.
   The abbot of St. Genevieve, who began to be styled, "Chancellor of St.
   Genevieve" in 1255, assumed the right to confer licensures or degrees
   and the right was recognized by papal decree. [1291]

   The four nations seem to have been developed out of the demand for
   discipline among the students of cognate regions and for mutual
   protection against the civil authorities. It is quite possible the
   example set in Bologna had some influence in Paris.

   The bull of Gregory IX., 1231, parens scientiarum, called by Denifle
   the "magna charta of the university," recognized and sealed its
   liberties. It was called forth by the suspension of lectures which had
   lasted two years. The trouble originated in a brawl in an inn, which
   developed into a fight between gown and town. The police of the city,
   with the assent of Queen Blanche, interfered, and killed several of the
   students. The professors ordered a "cessation" and, when they found
   that justice was not done, adjourned the university for six years. Some
   of them emigrated to England and were employed at Oxford and Cambridge.
   [1292] rought to an end by Gregory IX., who ratified the right of the
   masters to secede, and called upon Blanche to punish the offending
   officials, forbade the chancellor to have any prisons, and the bishop
   from imposing mulcts or imprisoning students.

   It is possible that the office of rector goes back as far as 1200, when
   an official was called "the head of the Paris scholars." [1293] [1294]
   r custom, in communicating with the university, to address the "rector
   and the masters." The question of precedence as between the rector and
   other high dignitaries, such as the bishop and chancellor of Paris, was
   one which led to much dispute and elbowing. Du Boulay, himself an
   ex-rector, takes pride in giving instances of the rector's outranking
   archbishops, cardinals, papal nuncios, peers of France, and other
   lesser noteworthies at public functions. [1295]

   The faculties came to be presided over by deans, the nations by
   proctors. In the management of the general affairs of the university,
   the vote was taken by faculties.

   The liberties, which the university enjoyed in its earlier history,
   were greatly curtailed by Louis XI. and by his successors in the latter
   half of the fifteenth century. The university was treated to sharp
   rebukes for attempting to interfere with matters that did not belong to
   it. The right of cessation was withdrawn and the free election of the
   rectors denied. [1296]

   The fame of the University of Paris came from its schools of arts and
   theology. The college of the Sorbonne, originally a bursary for poor
   students of theology, afterwards gave its name to the theological
   department. It was founded by Robert of Sorbon, the chaplain of St.
   Louis, the king himself giving part of the site for its building. In
   the course of time, its halls came to be used for disputations, and the
   decisions of the faculty obtained a European reputation. Theological
   students of twenty-five years of age, who had studied six years, and
   passed an examination, were eligible for licensure as bachelors. For
   the first three years they read on the Bible and then on the Sentences
   of the Lombard. These readers were distinguished as Biblici and
   Sententiarii. The age limit for the doctorate was thirty-five.

   One of the most interesting chapters in the history of the university
   is the struggle over the admission of the mendicant friars in the
   middle of the thirteenth century. The papacy secured victory for the
   friars. And the unwilling university was obliged to recognize them as a
   part of its teaching force.

   The struggle broke out first at the time of the "cessation," 1229,
   when, as it would seem, the Dominicans secretly favored the side of the
   civil magistrates against the university authorities, and poisoned the
   court against them. The Dominicans were established in Paris, 1217 and
   the Franciscans, 1220, and both orders, furnished with letters of
   commendation by Honorius III., were at first well received, so the
   masters themselves declared in a document dated 1254. [1297] demand the
   right to degrees for their students without promising submission to the
   statutes of the university. One of the first two Dominican masters to
   teach at the university was the Englishman, John of Giles. After
   preaching on poverty in St. Jacques, John descended from the pulpit and
   put on the Dominican robes.

   At the "cessation" of 1251 the two Dominicans and one Franciscan, who
   were recognized as masters by the university, refused to join with the
   other authorities, and, after the settlement of the difficulty, the two
   Dominicans were refused readmittance. A statute was passed forbidding
   admission to the fellowship, consortium, of the university for those
   who refused to take the oath to obey its rules. The friars refused to
   obey the statute and secured from Alexander IV. an order requiring the
   university to receive them, and setting aside all sentences passed
   against them. [1298]

   The friction continued, and the seculars sought to break the influence
   of the Franciscans by pointing out the heresies of Joachim of Flore.
   The friars retorted by attacking William of St. Amour whose work, The
   Perils of the Last Times, was a vigorous onslaught upon mendicancy as
   contrary to Apostolic teaching. William's book, which called out
   refutations from Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura, was burnt, and
   refusing to recant, the author was suspended from teaching and banished
   from France. [1299] repayment to the university for its readiness from
   of old to accept its guidance by depriving the institution of its
   liberties. [1300]

   From the middle of the fourteenth century, the University of Paris
   played no mean part in the political affairs of France. More than once
   she spoke before the court and before the peers of the realm, and more
   than once was she rebuked for her unsolicited zeal. [1301] of Arc.
   [1302]

   As a factor in the religious history of Europe, the university figured
   most prominently during the Western schism--1378-1418. She suggested
   the three ways of healing the rupture and, to accomplish this result,
   sent her agents through Western Europe to confer with the kings and
   other powers. Under the guidance of her chancellors, Gerson and
   D'Ailly, the discussions of the Reformatory councils of Pisa and
   Constance were directed, which brought the papal schism to an end. The
   voting by nations at Constance was her triumph.

   As for disputes on distinctly doctrinal questions, the university
   antagonized John XXII. and his heresy, denying the beatific vision at
   death. In 1497 she exacted from all candidates for degrees an oath
   accepting the dogma of the immaculate conception. When the Protestant
   Reformation came, she decided against that movement and ordered the
   books of Luther burnt.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1282] Chart., I. 137.

   [1283] Chart., I. 343.

   [1284] Denifle, p. 677.

   [1285] Chart., I. 98 sq.

   [1286] Denifle gives the date as 1208 or 1209, Chart., I. 67. Rashdall,
   I. 301, puts it in 1210.

   [1287] Chart., I. 100. The seal was broken 1225. The seal of 1292 is
   preserved in Paris, Chart., I. p. ix sq.

   [1288] Universitäten, pp. 64 sqq., 655 sqq. Du Boulay was followed by
   Savigny. Seppelt, p. 221, agrees with Denifle.

   [1289] John's biographer, Thomas of Walsingham, says John was a
   diligent student in Paris "in his youth" and was taken into "the
   association of the elect masters."

   [1290] Chart., I. 73, 75, 85.

   [1291] Chart., I. 75, 85. The formula used by the chancellor of St.
   Genevieve is given in the Chart., I. 299.

   [1292] See Henry III.'s letter, Chart., I. 119.

   [1293] Capitale Parisiensium scolarium, Chart., I. 60. This, the view
   of Du Boulay, is adopted by Savigny. Rashdall, I. 297, gives the
   expression an entirely different signification, and says it does not
   refer to persons at all but to chattels. Denifle, p. 119, takes an
   entirely different view, and denies that the university had a rector in
   the full sense till the middle of the fourteenth century. His view is
   that the rector of the faculty of the Arts gradually came to be
   recognized as the rector of the whole university. Rashdall gives good
   grounds for holding that he was the recognized head of the university,
   certainly as far back as the middle of the thirteenth century.

   [1294] Chart., I. 179, 379.

   [1295] Bulaeus, V. 359.

   [1296] Amer. Hist. Rev., 1901, p. 442.

   [1297] Chart., I. 253. Felder, pp. 159 sqq., strange to say, entirely
   passes over this conflict so that the reader would never dream there
   had been one.

   [1298] Chart., I. 285, omnes sententias privationis seu separationis a
   consortia ... penitus revocamus.

   [1299] Chart., I. 362, 363, 367, 404, etc.

   [1300] See Rashdall, I. 391. The account given above differs from the
   account of Seppelt who justifies the friars at every step and finds in
   the good reception they at first received from the university masters a
   proof that they conducted themselves properly all the way through.

   [1301] See Amer. Hist. Rev., 1901, p. 442 sq.

   [1302] Chart., IV. Nos. 510-528.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 93. Oxford and Cambridge.

   Literature: Anthony Wood (1632-1695): Hist. et Antiquitates Univ.
   Oxoniensis, 2 vols. Oxford, 1674. A trans. from MS. by Wase and Peers,
   under the supervision of Dr. Fell from Wood's English MS. Wood was
   dissatisfied with the translation and rewrote his work, which was
   published a hundred years after his death with a continuation by John
   Gutsch: The Hist. and Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls in the
   Univ. of Oxf., 2 vols. Oxford, 1786-1790. Also: The Hist. and
   Antiquities of Oxf., now first published in English from the original
   MS. in the Bodleian Library, 2 vols. Oxford, 1792-1796. By the same:
   Athenae Oxonienses, 2 vols. London, 1691-1692, 3d ed., by Ph. Bliss,
   1813-1820, 4 vols. The last work is biographical, and gives an account
   of the Oxonian writers and bishops from 1500-1690.

   Oxford Historical Society's Publications, 45 vols. Contents: University
   Register, 1449-1463, 1505-1671, ed. by W. C. Boase, 5 vols.; Hearne's
   Collectanea, 1705-1719, 6 vols.; Early History of Oxford (727-1100);
   Memorials of Merton College, etc.--V. A. HUBER: D. Engl. Universitäten,
   2 vols. Cassel, 1839. Engl. trans. by F. W. Newman, a brother of the
   cardinal, 3 vols. London, 1848.--C. Jeafferson: Annals of Oxford, 2
   vols. 2d ed. London, 1871.--H. C. M. Lyte: Hist. of the Univ. of Oxf.
   from the Earliest Times to 1530, Oxford, 1886.--H. C. Brodrick: Hist.
   of the Univ. of Oxf., London, 1887.--Rashdall: Universities, II.
   319-542.--Jessopp: The Coming of the Friars, pp. 262-302.--Thomas
   Fuller: Hist. of the Univ. of Cambr. ed. by Pritchard and Wright,
   Cambridge, 1840.--C. H. Cooper: Annals of Cambr., 4 vols. 1842-1852;
   Memorials of Cambr., 3 vols. 1884.--Mullinger: Hist. of the Univ. of
   Cambr. from the earliest times to the accession of Charles I., 2 vols.
   Cambridge, 1873-1883; Hist. of the Univ. of Cambr., London, 1887, an
   abridgment of the preceding work. For extensive Lit., see Rashdall, II.
   319 sqq., 543 sq.

   Next to Paris in age and importance, as a school of philosophy and
   theology, is the University of Oxford, whose foundation tradition
   falsely traces to King Alfred. The first historical notice of Oxenford,
   or Oxford, occurs in 912. Three religious institutions were founded in
   the town, from any one of which or all of which the school may have had
   its inception: the priory of St. Frideswyde, Osseney abbey, and the
   church of the canons regular of St. George's in the Castle. The usually
   accepted view connects it with the first. But it is possible the
   university had its real beginning in a migration from Paris in 1167.
   This view is based upon a statement of John of Salisbury, that France
   had expelled her alien scholars and an order of Henry II. forbidding
   clerks to go to the Continent or to return from it without a license
   from the justiciar. [1303]

   The first of the teachers, Thibaut d'Estampes, Theobaldus Stampensis,
   moved from St. Stephen's abbey, Caen, and taught in Oxford between 1117
   and 1121. He had a school of from sixty to a hundred pupils, and called
   himself an Oxford master, magister oxenfordiae. He was ridiculed by a
   monk as a "petty clerk" tantillus clericellus, one of those "wandering
   chaplains, with pointed beards, curled hair, and effeminate dress, who
   are ashamed of the proper ecclesiastical habit and the tonsure," and
   was also accused of being "occupied with secular literature."

   The University of Cambridge, which first appears clearly in 1209,
   [1304] dates from the bull of Gregory IX., 1233, which mentions a
   chancellor. [1305]

   During the Reformation period, Cambridge occupied a position of note
   and influence equal to Oxford. Fisher, bishop of Rochester, martyred by
   Henry VIII. and one of the freest patrons of learning, was instrumental
   in the foundation of two colleges, Christs, 1505, and St. John, 1511.
   Among its teachers were Erasmus, and later Bucer and Fagius, the
   Continental Reformers. Tyndale, the translator of the first printed
   English New Testament, and Thomas Bilney, both of them martyrs, were
   its scholars. So were the three martyrs, Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley,
   though they were burnt at Oxford. During the Elizabethan period, the
   university was a stronghold of Puritanism with Cartwright and Travers
   occupying chairs. Cudworth and the Neo-Platonists flourished there. And
   in recent years its chairs have been filled by such representatives of
   the historical and exegetical schools as Bishop Lightfoot, Westcott,
   his successor at Durham, Ellicott, bishop of Gloucester and Bristol,
   and John Anthony Hort.

   Oxford and Cambridge differ from the Continental universities in giving
   prominence to undergraduate studies and in the system of colleges and
   halls, and also in the closer vital relations they sustain to the
   Church.

   In 1149 the Italian, Vacarius, introduced the study of civil law in
   Oxford, if we are to follow the doubtful testimony of Gervaise of
   Canterbury, though it is more probable that he delivered his lectures
   in the household of the archbishop of Canterbury, Theobald. [1306]

   One of the very earliest notices of Oxford as a seat of study is found
   in a description by Giraldus Cambrensis, the Welsh traveller and
   historian. About the year 1185 he visited the town and read "before the
   faculties, doctors, and students" his work on the Topography of
   Ireland. [1307] Map, archdeacon of Oxford, is called by Giraldus "an
   Oxford master." The first degree known to have been conferred was given
   to Edmund Rich, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury. From Geraldus it
   is evident that the masters were grouped in faculties. As early as 1209
   and in consequence of the hanging of three students by the mayor, there
   was a migration of masters and students, said to have been three
   thousand in number, from which the University of Cambridge had its
   beginning. [1308]

   The University of Oxford was less bound by ecclesiastical authority
   than Paris. An unsuccessful attempt was made by the bishop of Lincoln,
   in whose diocese it was located, to assert supervisory authority. The
   bull of Innocent IV., issued 1254, was the nearest approach to a papal
   charter and confirmed the university in its "immunities and ancient
   customs." In 1201 a chancellor is mentioned for the first time. From
   the beginning this official seems to have been elected by the
   university. He originally held his office for a term of two years. At
   the present time the chancellor is an honorary dignitary who does not
   pretend to reside in Oxford.

   In 1395, the university was exempted by papal bull from all control of
   bishops or legati nati. This decree was revoked in 1411 in consequence
   of the disturbances with Wyclif and his followers, but, in 1490, Sixtus
   IV. again renewed the exemption from ecclesiastical authority.

   The university was constantly having conflicts with the town and its
   authorities. The most notable one occurred in 1354. As usual, it
   originated in a tavern brawl, the keeper of the place being supported
   not only by his fellow-townsmen but by thousands from the neighboring
   country. [1309] t it was crushed to the earth and a scholar put to
   death while he was clinging to the friar who held it. Much blood was
   shed. The townsmen, bent upon paying off old scores, broke into twenty
   college inns and halls and pillaged them. Even the sanctity of the
   churches was not respected, and the scholars were hunted down who
   sought shelter in them. The students left the city. The chancellor
   appealed the case to the king, and through his authority and the
   spiritual authority of the bishop the town corporation was forced to
   make reparation. The place was put under interdict for a year.
   Officials were punished and restitution of goods to the students was
   made. The interdict was withdrawn only on condition that the mayor,
   bailiffs, and sixty burghers should appear in St. Mary's church on the
   anniversary of the breaking out of the riot, St. Scholastica's day, and
   do penance for the slaughtered students, each burgher laying down a
   penny on the high altar, the sum to be divided equally between poor
   students and the curate. It was not till 1825, that the university
   agreed to forego the spectacle of this annual penance which had been
   kept up for nearly five centuries. Not for several years did the
   university assume its former aspect. [1310] e did not always reign. The
   Irish contingent was banished, 1413, by act of parliament for
   turbulence. [1311]

   The arrival of the Dominicans and Franciscans, as has been said in
   other places, was an event of very great interest at Oxford, but they
   never attained to the independent power they reached in Paris. They
   were followed by the Carmelites, the Augustinians, and other orders.

   The next important event was the controversy over Wyclif and the
   doctrines and persons of the Lollards, which filled the years of the
   last quarter of the fourteenth century and beyond.

   At the English universities the college system received a permanent
   development. Endowments, established by the liberality of bishops,
   kings, and other personalities, furnished the nucleus for corporations
   and halls consisting of masters and students, each with a more or less
   distinct life of it sown. These college bodies and their buildings
   continue to impart to Oxford and Cambridge a mediaeval aspect and to
   recall on every hand the venerable memories of past centuries.
   Twenty-one of these colleges and five halls remain in Oxford. The
   oldest are University College founded by a bequest of William of Durham
   at his death, 1249; Merton, 1264; Balliol founded by the father of the
   Scotch king, 1266; Exeter, 1314; Oriel, 1324; Queen's College, 1340;
   the famous New College, 1379, founded by William of Wykenham, bishop of
   Winchester; All Souls, 1438; Magdalen, 1448, where Wolsey was fellow.
   Among the illustrious men who taught at Oxford, in the earlier periods,
   were Edmund Rich, Roger Bacon, Grosseteste, Adam Marsh, Duns Scotus,
   Ockam, Bradwardine, Richard of Armagh, Wyclif.

   As a centre of theological training, Oxford has been closely identified
   with some of the most important movements in the religious history of
   England. There Wyclif preached his doctrine and practical reforms.
   There the Humanists, Grocyn, Colet, and Linacre taught. The school was
   an important religious centre in the time of the Reformation, in the
   Commonwealth period, and the period of the Restoration. Within its
   precincts the Wesleys and Whitefield studied and the Methodist movement
   had its birth, and there, in the first half of the last century, Pusey,
   Keble, and Newman exerted the spell of their influence, and the
   Tractarian movement was started and fostered. Since the year 1854
   Oxford and Cambridge have been open to Dissenters. All religious tests
   were abolished 187l. In 1885 the spiritual descendants of the Puritans,
   the Independents, established Mansfield College, in Oxford, for the
   training of ministers.

   Note.--List of Mediaeval Universities. [1312]

   Before 1100, Salerno.

   1100-1200.--Bologna, 1150?; Paris, 1160?; Oxford, 1170?; Reggio and
   Modena.

   1200-1300.--Vicenza, 1204; Cambridge, 1209; Palencia, Spain, 1212, by
   Alfonzo VIII. of Castile, abandoned; Arezzo, 1215; Padua, 1222; Naples,
   1224; Vercelli, 1228; Toulouse, 1229, by Gregory IX.; Salamanca, 1230,
   by Ferdinand III. of Castile and confirmed by Alexander IV., 1254;
   Curia Romana, 1244, by Pope Innocent IV.; Piacenza, Italy, 1248;
   Seville, 1254, by Alfonso X. of Castile; Montpellier, 1289, by Nicolas
   IV.; Alcala, 1293, by Sancho of Aragon, transferred 1837 to Madrid;
   Pamiers, France, 1295, by Boniface VIII.

   1300-1400.--Lerida, 1300, by James II. of Aragon and Sicily; Rome,
   1303, by Boniface VIII.; Angers, 1305; Orleans, 1306, by Philip the
   Fair and Clement V.; Perugia, 1308, by Clement V.; Lisbon, 1309, by
   King Diniz, transferred to Coimbra; Dublin, 1312, chartered by Clement
   V. but not organized; Treviso, 1318; Cahors, 1332, by John XXII.;
   Grenoble, 1339, by Benedict XII.; Verona, 1339, by Benedict XII.; Pisa,
   1343, by Clement VI.; Valladolid, 1346, by Clement VI.; Prague, 1347,
   by Clement VI. and Charles IV.; Perpignan, 1349, by Peter IV. of
   Aragon, confirmed by Clement VII., 1379; Florence, 1349, by Charles
   IV.; Siena, 1357, by Charles IV.; Huesca, 1359; Pavia, 1361, by Charles
   IV. and by Boniface VIII., 1389; Vienna, 1365, by Rudolf IV. and Urban
   V.; Orange, 1365; Cracow, 1364, by Casimir III. of Poland and Urban V.;
   Fünfkirchen, Hungary, 1365, by Urban V.; Orvieto, 1377; Erfurt, 1379,
   by Clement VII.; Cologne, 1385, Urban VI.; Heidelberg, 1386, by the
   Elector Ruprecht of the Palatinate and Urban VI.; Lucca, 1387; Ferrara,
   1391; Fermo, 1398.

   1400-1500.--Würzburg, 1402; Turin, 1405; Aix, in Provence, 1409;
   Leipzig, 1409; St. Andrews, 1411; Rostock, 1419; Dôle, 1423; Louvain,
   Belgium, 1425; Poictiers, 1431; Caen, 1437; Catana, Sicily, 1444;
   Barcelona, 1450; Valence, France, 1452; Glasgow, 1453; Greifswald,
   1455; Freiburg im Breisgau, 1455; Basel, 1459; Nantes, 1460; Pressburg,
   1465; Ingolstadt, 1472; Saragossa, 1474; Copenhagen, 1475; Mainz, 1476;
   Upsala, 1477; Tübingen, 1477; Parma, 1482; Besançon, 1485; Aberdeen,
   1494; Wittenberg, 1502, by Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1303] Rashdall, II. 331-345, argues the point with much force.

   [1304] Mullinger and others find that the priory of Barnwell furnished
   the germ of the university in the early years of the twelfth century.
   Rashdall, II. 545, denies this origin. Legend ascribed the foundation
   of the university to a Spanish prince, Cantaber, of uncertain date, or
   to King Arthur or to the Saxon king Sigebert of the seventh century.

   [1305] Gregory IX.'s bull, addressed to the cancellarius et universitas
   scholarium Cantabrigiensium, is preserved in the Vatican Archives and
   printed by Denifle, Universitäten, pp. 370 sq. The university archives
   were burned by townsmen during riots, 1261 and 1322.

   [1306] For the quotation from Gervaise see Rashdall, II. 336. John of
   Salisbury puts the teaching in the archbishop's household.

   [1307] Quoted by Rashdall, II. 341.

   [1308] Roger of Wendover, anno 1290, says that Oxford was completely
   forsaken of all masters and students who went, some to Cambridge and
   some to Reading. These students had lived together with a fourth who
   killed a woman and then fled. For other cessations see Rashdall, II.
   395, etc. For other attempts to form universities at Northampton,
   Stamford, and Durham (by Cromwell), see Rashdall, II. 396 sqq.

   [1309] Two thousand entered the city gates. See Rashdall's account, II.
   403 sqq.

   [1310] Rashdall, II. 411, says, that by the middle of the fifteenth
   century the "town was almost entirely subjugated to the authority of
   the university." He also says, II. 416, that "few things are more
   calculated to make us realize the enormous extent to which civilization
   has succeeded in curbing the natural passions, even of the lowest
   strata of modern society, than the annals of the mediaeval university."

   [1311] Rashdall, II. 416.

   [1312] Comp. the tables of Denifle, 807-810, Compayré, 50-52, and
   Rashdall in Table of Contents, vol. II.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 94. The Cathedrals.

   Literature: J. Fergusson: Hist. of Architecture in All Countries, 2
   vols. 1865-1867, and since.--Sir G. G. Scott: The Rise and Devel. of
   Med. Arch., London, 1879.--Viollet-Le Duc: Lectures on Arch., Engl.
   trans., 2 vols. London, 1877.--T. R. Smith: Arch. Gothic and
   Renaissance, N. Y., 1880.--B. Ferree: Christ. Thought in Arch., in
   Papers of Am. Soc. of Ch. Hist., 1892, pp. 113-140.--F. X. Kraus:
   Gesch. der christl. Kunst, 2 vols. Freib., 1896-1900.--F. Bond: Engl.
   cathedrals, London, 1899.--R. STURGIS: Dict. of Arch. and Building, 3
   vols. N. Y., 1901 sq.--Art. Kirchenbau by Hauck, in Herzog, X. 774-793.
   P. Lacroix: The Arts of the Middle Ages, Engl. trans., London.--Ruskin:
   Stones of Venice, Seven Lamps of Arch., and other writings. This
   enthusiastic admirer of architecture, especially the Gothic, judged art
   from the higher standpoint of morality and religion.

   The cathedrals of the Middle Ages were the expression of religious
   praise and devotion and entirely the product of the Church. No other
   element entered into their construction. They were hymns in stone, and
   next to the universities are the most imposing and beneficent
   contribution the mediaeval period made to later generations. The
   soldiery of the Crusades failed in its attempt at conquest. The
   builders at home wrought out structures which have fed the piety and
   excited the admiration of all ages since. They were not due to the
   papacy but to the devotion of cities, nobles, and people.

   It was a marked progress from the triclinia, or rooms in private
   houses, and crypts, in which the early Christians worshipped, to the
   cathedral of St. Sophia, at the completion of which Justinian is said
   to have exclaimed, "O Solomon, I have excelled thee." And what a change
   it was from the huts and rude temples of worship of Central and
   Northern Europe to the splendid structures dedicated to Christian
   worship,--the worship which Augustine of Canterbury, and Boniface, and
   St. Ansgar had introduced among the barbarous Northern tribes!

   It is also characteristic that the great mediaeval structures were not
   palaces or buildings devoted to commerce, although the Gothic palace of
   the doges, in Venice, and the town halls of Brussels, Louvaine, and
   other cities of Belgium and Holland are extensive and imposing. They
   were buildings devoted to religion, whether cathedral or conventual
   structures. They were often, as in France, placed on an elevation or in
   the centre of the city, and around them the dwellings clustered as if
   for protection.

   The great cathedrals became a daily sermon, bearing testimony to the
   presence of God and the resurrection of Christ. They served the people
   as a Bible whose essential teachings they beheld with the eye. Through
   the spectacle of their walls and soaring spires, their thoughts were
   uplifted to spiritual things. Their ample spaces, filled or dimly lit
   with the sunlight piercing through stained-glass windows, reminded them
   of the glory of the life beyond, which makes itself known through
   varied revelations to the lonely and mysterious existence of the earth.
   The strong foundations and massive columns and buttresses typified the
   stability of God's throne, and that He hath made all things through the
   word of His power.

   Their construction occupied years and, in cases, centuries were
   necessary to complete them. Who can estimate the prayers and pious
   devotion which the laying of the first stones called forth, and which
   continued to be poured out till the last layer of stones was laid on
   the towers or fitted into the finial? Their sculpture and stained-glass
   windows, frescoes, and paintings presented scenes from Scripture and
   the history of the Church. There, kings and queens, warriors, and the
   men whom the age pronounced godly were laid away in sepulture, a custom
   continued after the modern period had begun, as in the case of Luther
   and Melanchthon, whose ashes rest in the Castle Church of Wittenberg.
   In spite of frequent fires consuming parts of the great churches or the
   entire buildings, they were restored or reconstructed, often several
   times, as in the case of the cathedrals of Chartres, Canterbury, and
   Norwich. Central towers collapsed, as in the case of Winchester,
   Peterborough, Lincoln, and other English cathedrals, but they were
   rebuilt. In the erection of these churches princes and people joined,
   and to further this object they gave their contributions of material
   and labor. The women of Ulm gave up all their ornaments to advance the
   work upon the cathedral of that city, and to the construction of the
   cathedral in Cologne Germans in all lands contributed.

   The eleventh century is the beginning of one of the most notable
   periods of architecture in the world's history, lasting for nearly
   three centuries. It has a distinct character of its own and in its
   service high talent was consecrated. The monks may be said to have led
   the way by their zeal to erect strong, ample, and beautiful cloistral
   establishments. These called forth in France the ambition of the
   bishops to surpass them. Two styles of architecture are usually
   distinguished in this period, the Romanesque, called in England also
   the Norman, and the Gothic. Writers on architecture make a number of
   subdivisions and some have included all the architecture of the twelfth
   to the fifteenth centuries under the title Gothic, or Christian
   Pointed. During these centuries Europe, from the South to far Northern
   Scotland and Sweden, was dotted with imposing structures which on the
   one hand vied with St. Sophia of Constantinople, and on the other have
   been imitated but not equalled since.

   In Rome as late as the thirteenth century, when Honorius III. began the
   construction of San Lorenzo, the old basilica style continued to rule.
   The Romanesque style started from Northern Italy and, in the beginning
   of the eleventh century, crossed the Alps, where it had its most
   glorious triumphs. In Italy, the cathedral of Pisa represents the
   blending of the old and the new, the cruciform shape and the dome. In
   Germany, the cathedrals of Spires, Worms, and Mainz belong to this
   period, and in England its earlier cathedrals, or portions of them,
   like Winchester, begun about 1070, Worcester about 1084, Peterborough
   about 1120, Norwich about 1096, Ely about 1083, Durham about 1099.

   For the fundamental ground plan of the basilica was substituted the
   form of the cross. The size of the choir was increased and the choir
   was elevated. It was the age of the priesthood, and sacerdotalism was
   represented in the enlargement of the altar, in increased and rich
   stalls for the clergy, and spaces at the rear of the altar. These
   features also belong to the preceding period, but now receive greater
   emphasis. The large end of the cross, or nave, especially in the
   English cathedrals, was greatly extended so that the altar and its
   furniture were seen from afar, for the chief doors were in that end,
   which faced the west. In England, the transepts, or arms of the cross,
   became long and spacious. The tower became a prominent feature, and
   buttresses were added to the walls. In Italy, the tower took the shape
   of a campanile, which was built in addition to the dome, and was
   sometimes a separate building and never an essential part of it. The
   vaulted and groined roof took the place of the flat roof.

   The Gothic style, so called in Italy from its reputed barbaric
   features, found altogether its highest development in the North, and
   started in Northern France. It is the grandest style of church
   architecture ever wrought out. It was shown in the height of the church
   walls and in spires struggling to reach to the very throne of God
   itself. The vault of the cathedral of Amiens is 147 feet above the
   floor, of Beauvais 157 feet, of Cologne 155 feet. This style developed
   the pointed arch, perpendicular lines, the lancet window. It had some
   of the features of the Lombardy poplars, soaring, stern, solemn. In its
   strong, ramparted buttresses, its towers, and its massive columns, it
   represented the hardihood and strength of the northern forest. Its
   pointed roofs were adapted to receive the storms of snow common to the
   North. Its flying buttresses and elaborate carvings within, and its
   splendid entrances, especially in the French cathedrals, typified the
   richness of Christian promise and hope.

   The Gothic style started in France in the thirteenth century. Notable
   examples are found in Rheims, begun 1211, Amiens, Laon, and in Notre
   Dame, Paris, begun in 1163. The arches are less pointed than in England
   and the portals are on a much grander scale and more highly ornamented.
   At Notre Dame we have one of the finest specimens of flying buttresses.
   In its case and most cases of French Gothic there are towers. The
   cathedrals of Paris, Amiens, and Rheims have unfinished towers. The
   Sainte Chapelle in Paris is a splendid piece of pure Gothic.

   In Germany, fine examples of Gothic are found in the church at Marburg
   dedicated to St. Elizabeth, in Nürnberg, Bamberg, Freiburg, Strassburg,
   and other cities. The cathedral of Cologne is said to be the most
   perfect specimen of Gothic in existence. Its choir was begun in 1248,
   Konrad of Hochsteden laying the corner-stone in the presence of the
   newly elected emperor, William of Holland, and many princes. The choir
   was dedicated in 1322. By 1437 one of the towers was finished up to
   one-third of its present height. At the time of the Reformation the
   roof was covered with boards. In the nineteenth century the original
   plans were discovered and the completion of the edifice, including the
   two spires, was made a national undertaking. The work was finished in
   1880.

   England is rich in memorials of mediaeval architecture which began with
   the arrival of the Normans. The nation's life is interwoven with them,
   and Westminster Abbey is perhaps the most august place of sepulture in
   the world. In addition to the cathedrals already mentioned, Lincoln,
   Canterbury, York, Salisbury, and other great churches were begun in
   this period. Addition after addition was made till the noble churches
   of England got their final shape. The tower is one of the prominent
   features of the English cathedral, Lichfield being probably the most
   important with spires. The finest outside impression is made by
   Salisbury and Lincoln minsters. Many of these cathedrals were built by
   Benedictine monks, such as Canterbury, Durham, Ely, and Norwich, and by
   the canons regular of St. Augustine, as Carlisle and Bristol. Lincoln,
   Chichester, Salisbury, York, St. David's, and others were served by
   secular priests.

   The architects of Scotland seem to have come from England and to have
   built after English models. The noblest of her mediaeval churches are
   Glasgow, St. Andrews, Dumblane, and Elgin, and among her convents,
   Kelso, Dryburgh, Holyrood, and Melrose.

   In Spain, great minsters at Toledo, Burgos, and other cities were built
   in Gothic style in the thirteenth century, and Seville, which offers
   the largest floor surface of all the Christian churches, and is also of
   the same type, was begun in 1401 and completed 1520.

   In Italy, Gothic was never fully at home. The cathedrals of Milan,
   Florence, and Siena are regarded as its finer specimens. Siena was
   begun in 1243. The minster of Milan was not begun till 1385. It is the
   largest Christian church after Seville and St. Peter's. Its west façade
   is out of accord with the rest of the structure, which is pure Gothic.
   It is built of white marble and soars up to the clouds in hundreds of
   spires. Within full sight of the Milan cathedral are the Alps, crowned
   with snow and elevated far above the din of human traffic and voices;
   and in comparison with those mightier cathedrals of God, the creations
   of man seem small even as man himself seems small in comparison with
   his Maker.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER XII.

   SCHOLASTIC AND MYSTIC THEOLOGY.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 95. Literature and General Introduction.

   Literature: I.--The works Of Anselm, Abaelard, Peter The Lombard, Hugo
   Of St. Victor, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventura, Duns
   Scotus, and other Schoolmen.

   II.--R. D. Hampden (bishop of Hereford, d. 1868): The Scholastic
   Philos. considered in its Relation to Christ. Theol., Bampton Lectures,
   Oxf., 1832, 3d ed. 1848.--B. Haureau: De la philos. scholast., 2 vols.
   Paris, 1850.--W. Kaulich: Gesch. d. scholast. Philos., Prag, 1863.--C.
   Prantl: Gesch. d. Logik im Abendlande, 4 vols. Leip., 1861-1870:--P. D.
   Maurice (d. 1872): Med. Philos., London, 1870.--*A. Stöckl (Rom.
   Cath.): Gesch. d. Philos. d. Mittelalters, Mainz, 3 vols. 1864-1866.
   Vol. I. covers the beginnings of Scholasticism from Isidore of Seville
   to Peter the Lombard; Vol. II., the period of its supremacy; Vol. III.,
   the period of its decline down to Jesuitism and Jansenism.--R. Reuter
   (Prof. of Ch. Hist. at Göttingen, d. 1889): Gesch. d. Rel. Aufklärung
   im Mittelalter, 2 vols. Berlin, 1875-1877. Important for the sceptical
   and rationalistic tendencies of the M. A.--TH. Harper: The Metaphysics
   of the School, London, 1880.--K. Werner (Rom. Cath.): D. Scholastik des
   späteren Mittelalters, 4 vols. Wien, 1881-1887. Begins with Duns
   Scotus.--The relevant chapters in the Histories of Doctrine, by
   Harnack, Loofs, Fisher, Seeberg, Sheldon, and the Rom. Cath. divines,
   and J. Bach: Dogmengesch. d. Mittelalters, 2 vols. 1873-1875, and *J.
   Schwane: Dogmengesch. d. mittleren Zeit, 1882.--The Histories of
   Philos. by Ritter, Erdmann, Ueberweg-Heinze, and Scholasticism, by
   Prof. Seth, in Enc. Brit. XXI. 417-431.

   Scholasticism is the term given to the theology of the Middle Ages. It
   forms a distinct body of speculation, as do the works of the Fathers
   and the writings of the Reformers. The Fathers worked in the quarries
   of Scripture and, in conflict with heresy, wrought out, one by one, its
   teachings into dogmatic statements. The Schoolmen collected, analyzed
   and systematized these dogmas and argued their reasonableness against
   all conceivable objections. The Reformers, throwing off the yoke of
   human authority, and disparaging the Schoolmen, returned to the
   fountain of Scripture, and restated its truths.

   The leading peculiarities of Scholasticism are that it subjected the
   reason to Church authority and sought to prove the dogmas of the Church
   independently by dialectics. As for the Scriptures, the Schoolmen
   accepted their authority and show an extensive acquaintance with their
   pages from Genesis to Revelation. With a rare exception, like Abaelard,
   they also accepted implicitly the teaching of the Fathers as accurately
   reflecting the Scriptures. A distinction was made by Alexander of Hales
   and others between the Scriptures which were treated as truth, veritas,
   and the teaching of the Fathers, which was treated as authority,
   auctoritas.

   It was not their concern to search in the Scriptures for new truth or
   in any sense to reopen the investigation of the Scriptures. The task
   they undertook was to confirm what they had inherited. For this reason
   they made no original contributions to exegesis and biblical theology.
   They did not pretend to have discovered any new dogmas. They were
   purveyors of the dogma they had inherited from the Fathers.

   It was the aim of the Schoolmen to accomplish two things,--to reconcile
   dogma and reason, and to arrange the doctrines of the Church in an
   orderly system called summa theologiae. These systems, like our modern
   encyclopaedias, were intended to be exhaustive. It is to the credit of
   the human mind that every serious problem in the domains of religion
   and ethics was thus brought under the inspection of the intellect. The
   Schoolmen, however, went to the extreme of introducing into their
   discussions every imaginable question,--questions which, if answered,
   would do no good except to satisfy a prurient curiosity. Anselm gives
   the best example of treatises on distinct subjects, such as the
   existence of God, the necessity of the Incarnation, and the fall of the
   devil. Peter the Lombard produced the most clear, and Thomas Aquinas
   the most complete and finished systematic bodies of divinity.

   With intrepid confidence these busy thinkers ventured upon the loftiest
   speculations, raised and answered all sorts of doubts and ran every
   accepted dogma through a fiery ordeal to show its invulnerable nature.
   They were the knights of theology, its Godfreys and Tancreds.
   Philosophy with them was their handmaid,--ancilla,--dialectics their
   sword and lance.

   In a rigid dialectical treatment, the doctrines of Christianity are in
   danger of losing their freshness and vital power, and of being turned
   into a theological corpse. This result was avoided in the case of the
   greatest of the mediaeval theologians by their religious fervor.
   Anselm, Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventura were men of warm piety and,
   like Augustine, they combined with the metaphysical element a mystical
   element, with the temper of speculation the habit of meditation and
   prayer.

   He is far from the truth who imagines the mediaeval speculations to be
   mere spectacular balloonings, feats of intellectual acrobatism. They
   were, on the contrary, serious studies pursued with a solemn purpose.
   The Schoolmen were moved with a profound sense of the presence of God
   and the sacrifice of the cross, and such treatments as the ethical
   portions of Thomas Aquinas' writings show deep interest in the sphere
   of human conduct. For this reason, as well as for the reason that they
   stand for the theological literature of more than two centuries, these
   writings live, and no doubt will continue to live. [1313]

   Following Augustine, the Schoolmen started with the principle that
   faith precedes knowledge--fides praecedit intellectum. Or, as Anselm
   also put it, "I believe that I may understand; I do not understand that
   I may believe" credo ut intelligam, non intelligo ut credam. They
   quoted as proof text, Isa. 7:9. "If ye will not believe, surely ye
   shall not be established." Abaelard was an exception, and reversed the
   order, making knowledge precede faith; but all arrived at the same
   result. Revelation and reason, faith and science, theology and
   philosophy agree, for they proceed from the one God who cannot
   contradict himself.

   In addition to the interest which attaches to Scholasticism as a
   distinct body of intellectual effort, is its importance as the ruling
   theology in the Roman Catholic Church to this day. Such dogmas as the
   treatment of heresy, the supremacy of the Church over the State, the
   immaculate conception, and the seven sacraments, as stated by the
   Schoolmen, are still binding, or at any rate, they have not been
   formally renounced. Leo XIII. bore fresh witness to this when, in his
   encyclical of Aug. 4, 1879, he pronounced the theology of Thomas
   Aquinas the standard of Catholic orthodoxy, and the safest guide of
   Christian philosophy in the battle of faith with the scepticism of the
   nineteenth century.

   The Scholastic systems, like all the distinctive institutions and
   movements of the Middle Ages, were on an imposing scale. The industry
   of their authors cannot fail to excite amazement. Statement follows
   statement with tedious but consequential necessity and precision until
   chapter is added to chapter and tome is piled upon tome, and the
   subject has been looked at in every possible aspect and been exhausted.
   Duns Scotus produced thirteen folio volumes, and perhaps died when he
   was only thirty-four. The volumes of Albertus Magnus are still more
   extensive. These theological systems are justly compared with the
   institution of the mediaeval papacy, and the creations of Gothic
   architecture, imposing, massive, and strongly buttressed. The papacy
   subjected all kingdoms to its divine authority. Architecture made all
   materials and known mechanical arts tributary to worship. The Schoolmen
   used all the forces of logic and philosophy to vindicate the orthodox
   system of theology, but they used much wood and straw in their
   constructions, as the sounder exegesis and more scriptural theology of
   the Reformers and these later days have shown.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1313] 1. Milman, Hist. of Lat. Christianity, VIII. 257, is certainly
   unjust when he says: "With all their search into the unfathomable, the
   Schoolmen have fathomed nothing; with all their vast logical apparatus,
   they have proved nothing to the satisfaction of the inquisitive mind."
   One has only to think of the ontological argument of Anselm and the
   cosmological arguments of Thomas Aquinas and the statements wrought out
   on the satisfaction of Christ to feel that the statement is not true.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 96. Sources and Development of Scholasticism.

   The chief feeders of Scholasticism were the writings of Augustine and
   Aristotle. The former furnished the matter, the latter the form; the
   one the dogmatic principles, the other the dialectic method.

   The Augustine, who ruled the thought of the Middle Ages, was the
   churchly, sacramentarian, anti-Manichaean, and anti-Donatist
   theologian. It was the same Augustine, and yet another, to whom Luther
   and Calvin appealed for their doctrines of sin and grace. How strange
   that the same mighty intellect who helped to rear the structure of
   Scholastic divinity should have aided the Reformers in pulling it down
   and rearing another structure, at once more Scriptural and better
   adapted to the practical needs of life!

   Aristotle was, in the estimation of the Middle Ages, the master
   philosophical thinker. The Schoolmen show their surpassing esteem for
   him in calling him again and again "the philosopher." Dante excluded
   both him and Virgil as pagans from paradise and purgatory and placed
   them in the vestibule of the inferno, where, however, they are exempt
   from actual suffering. Aristotle was regarded as a forerunner of
   Christian truth, a John the Baptist in method and knowledge of natural
   things--precursor Christi in naturalibus. Until the thirteenth century,
   his works were only imperfectly known. The Categories and the de
   interpretatione were known to Abaelard and other Schoolmen in the Latin
   version of Boethius, and three books of the Organon to John of
   Salisbury. His Physics and Metaphysics became known about 1200, and all
   his works were made accessible early in the thirteenth century through
   the mediation of the Arab philosophers, Avicenna, d. 1037, Averrhoes,
   d. 1198, and Abuacer, d. 1185, and through Jewish sources. Roger Bacon
   laments the mistakes of translations made from the Arabic, by Michael
   Scot, Gerard of Cremona, and others. [1314]

   At first the Stagyrite was looked upon with suspicion or even
   prohibited by the popes and synods as adapted to breed heresy and
   spiritual pride. [1315]


   Every one is excluded and banned

   Who does not come clad in Aristotle's armor. [1316]

   The Reformers shook off his yoke and Luther, in a moment of temper at
   the degenerate Schoolmen of his day, denounced him as "the accursed
   pagan Aristotle" and in his Babylonish Captivity called the mediaeval
   Church "the Thomistic or Aristotelian Church."

   The line of the Schoolmen begins in the last year of the eleventh
   century with Roscellinus and Anselm. Two centuries before, John Scotus
   Erigena had anticipated some of their discussions of fundamental
   themes, and laid down the principle that true philosophy and true
   religion are one. But he does not seem to have had any perceptible
   influence on Scholastic thought. The history divides itself into three
   periods: the rise of Scholasticism, its full bloom, and its decline.
   [1317] lard, d. 1142, Bernard, d. 1153, Hugo de St. Victor, d. 1161,
   Richard of St. Victor, d. 1173, and Gilbert of Poictiers, d. 1154. The
   chief names of the second period are Peter the Lombard, d. 1160,
   Alexander of Hales, d. 1243, Albertus Magnus, d. 1280, Thomas Aquinas,
   d. 1274, Bonaventura, d. 1274, Roger Bacon, d. 1294, and Duns Scotus,
   d. 1308. To the period of decline belong, among others, Durandus, d.
   1334, Bradwardine, d. 1349, and Ockam, d. 1367. England, France,
   Germany, Italy, and Spain made contributions to this galaxy of men.
   Gabriel Biel, professor at Tübingen, who died 1495, is usually called
   the last of the Schoolmen. Almost all the great Schoolmen were monks.

   The two centuries included between the careers of Anselm and Duns
   Scotus show decided modifications of opinion on important questions
   such as the immaculate conception, and in regard to the possibility of
   proving from pure reason such doctrines as the incarnation and the
   Trinity. These two doctrines Thomas Aquinas, as well as Duns Scotus and
   Ockam, declared to be outside the domain of pure ratiocination. Even
   the existence of God and the immortality of the soul came to be
   regarded by Duns Scotus and the later Schoolmen as mysteries which were
   to be received solely upon the authority of the Church. The argument
   from probability was emphasized in the last stages of Scholastic
   thought as it had not been before.

   In their effort to express the minutest distinctions of thought, the
   Schoolmen invented a new vocabulary unknown to classical Latin,
   including such words as ens, absolutum identitas quidditas, haecceitas,
   aliquiditas, aleitas. [1318] ody of the resurrection. Such questions as
   the following were asked and most solemnly discussed by the leading
   Schoolmen. Albertus Magnus asked whether it was harder for God to
   create the universe than to create man and whether the understandings
   of angels are brighter in the morning or in the evening. "Who sinned
   most, Adam or Eve?" was a favorite question with Anselm, Hugo de St.
   Victor, [1319] ssion, concluded it was at the ninth hour, the hour at
   which Christ expired. Bonaventura debated whether several angels can be
   in one place at the same time, whether one angel can be in several
   places at the same time, and whether God loved the human race more than
   He loved Christ. [1320] ibly said that it would have been more rational
   for him to have asked why the Lombard did not appear on earth as an ass
   than for the Lombard to ask whether God could have become incarnate in
   female form. The famous discussion over the effect the eating of the
   host would have upon a mouse will be taken up in connection with the
   Lord's Supper. Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, Thomas Aquinas, and others
   pondered over the problem. It was asked by Robert Pullen whether man in
   the resurrection will receive back the rib he lost in Eden, and whether
   a man will recover all the clippings of his finger nails.

   Such endless discussions have been ridiculed as puerile and frivolous,
   though, as has already been said, they grew out of the desire to be
   exhaustive. At last and justly, they brought Scholasticism into
   disrepute. While it was losing itself in the clouds and mists of things
   transcendental, it neglected the earth at its feet. As the papacy
   passed sentence upon itself by intolerable ambition, so Scholasticism
   undermined its authority by intellectual sophistries and was set aside
   by the practical interests of the Renaissance and Humanism and by
   simple faith, searching through the Scriptures, to reach the living
   sympathy of Christ. [1321]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1314] See Roger Bacon: Opus Majus, Bridges' ed. I. 54-56; Sandys,
   Class. Scholarship, pp. 507, 540-546, 568-sqq., and Seth, Enc. Brit.,
   XXI. 419.

   [1315] The council of Paris, 1209, forbade the use of his Natural
   Philosophy. Gregory IX., 1231, condemned the Physics, but in 1254 the
   University of Paris prescribed the number of hours to be devoted to the
   explanation of Aristotle's works.

   [1316] Omnis hic excluditur, omnis est abjectus. Qui non Aristotelis
   venit armis tectus. Chart., I. p. xviii.

   [1317] Cousin made three periods, the first when philosophy was in
   subjection to theology, the second when they were in union, and the
   third when they were separated.

   [1318] "Otherness," applied by Rich. de St. Victor to the Trinitarian
   distinctions.

   [1319] de sacram., I. 7; Migne's ed., 176, 290.

   [1320] Peltier's ed., V. 38.

   [1321] Thomas Fuller quaintly compared the Schoolmen to those who built
   their houses in London on small patches of ground "improving their
   small bottom with towering speculations."
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 97. Realism and Nominalism.

   The underlying philosophical problem of the Scholastic speculations was
   the real and independent existence of general or generic concepts,
   called universalia or universals. Do they necessarily involve
   substantial being? On this question the Schoolmen were divided into two
   camps, the Realists and the Nominalists. [1322] s.

   Realism taught that the universals are not mere generalizations of the
   mind but have a real existence. Following Plato, as he is represented
   by Aristotle, one class of Realists held that the universals are
   creative types, exemplars in the divine mind. Their view was stated in
   the expression--universalia ante rem -- that is, the universals exist
   before the individual, concrete object. The Aristotelian Realists held
   that the universals possess a real existence, but exist only in
   individual things. This was the doctrine of universalia in re.
   Humanity, for example, is a universal having a real existence. Socrates
   partakes of it, and he is an individual man, distinct from other men.
   Anselm, representing the Platonic school, treated the universal
   humanity as having independent existence by itself. Duns Scotus,
   representing the second theory, found in the universal the basis of all
   classification and gives to it only in this sense a real existence.

   The Nominalists taught that universals or general conceptions have no
   antecedent existence. They are mere names--nomina, flatus vocis, voces
   -- and are derived from a comparison of individual things and their
   qualities. Thus beauty is a conception of the mind gotten from the
   observation of objects which are beautiful. The individual things are
   first observed and the universal, or abstract conception, is derived
   from it. This doctrine found statement in the expression universalia
   post rem, the universal becomes known after the individual. A
   modification of this view went by the name of Conceptualism, or the
   doctrine that universals have existence as conceptions in the mind, but
   not in real being. [1323]

   The starting-point for this dialectical distinction may have been a
   passage in Porphyry's Isagoge, as transmitted by Boethius. Declining to
   enter into a discussion of the question, Porphyry asks whether the
   universals are to be regarded as having distinct substantial existence
   apart from tangible things or whether they were only conceptions of the
   mind, having substantial existence only in tangible things. [1324]

   The theory of Realism was called in question in the eleventh century by
   Roscellinus, a contemporary of Anselm and the teacher of Abaelard, who,
   as it would seem, advocated Nominalism. [1325] piegne in the diocese of
   Soissons, 1092, when he was obliged to recant his alleged tritheism,
   which he substituted for the doctrine of the Trinity.

   The views of this theologian called forth Anselm's treatise on the
   Trinity, and Abaelard despised him as a quack dialectician. [1326] ee
   substances, as Scotus Erigena had done before. These persons were three
   distinct beings equal in power and will, but each separate from the
   other and complete in himself, like three men or angels. These three
   could not be one God in the sense of being of the same essence, for
   then the Father and the Holy Spirit would have had to become incarnate
   as well as the Son.

   Defending the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity, Anselm proceeded on the
   basis of strict realism and declared that the three persons represented
   three relations and not three substances. Fountain, brook, and pond are
   three; yet the same water is in each one and we could not say the brook
   is the fountain or the fountain is the pond. The water of the brook may
   be carried through a pipe, but in that case it would not be the
   fountain which was carried through, nor the pond. So in the same way,
   the Godhead became incarnate without involving the incarnation of the
   Father and Holy Spirit.

   The decision of the synod of Soissons and Anselm's argument drove
   Nominalism from the field and it was not again publicly avowed till the
   fourteenth century when it was revived by the energetic and practical
   mind of Ockam, by Durandus and others. It was for a time fiercely
   combated by councils and King Louis XI., but was then adopted by many
   of the great teachers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1322] H. Doergens, Lehre von d. Universalien, Heidelb., 1867; J. H.
   Löwe, D. Kampf zwischen d. Realismus und Nominalismus im Mittelalter,
   Prag, 1876. Art."Universalien," in Wetzer-Welte, XII. 305 sqq. The
   Histt. of Philosophy.

   [1323] According to John of Salisbury there were no less than thirteen
   different shades of opinion on the subject. See Prantl, Gesch. der
   Logik, II. 118.

   [1324] The passage from Porphyry runs--mox de generibus et speciebus
   illud quidem sive subsistant, sive in solis nudis intellectibus posita
   sint, sive subsistentia corporalia sint an incorporalia, et utrum
   separata a sensibilibus, an insensibilibus posita et circa haec
   consistentia, dicere recusabo. Altissimum enim negotium est hujusmodi
   et majoris egens inquisitionis. See Gieseler, Ch. Hist., Germ. ed.,
   III. 384.

   [1325] Otto of Freising, de gest. Frid., I. 47, spoke of him as the
   originator of Nominalism in that age, qui primus nostris temporibus in
   logica sententiam vocum instituit. According to John of Salisbury,
   nominalism almost wholly vanished with Roscellinus, Metalog., II. 17.

   [1326] Pseudo-Dialecticus. Ep., 21. De fide trin. 3. tres personae sunt
   tres res sicut tres angeli aut tres animae, ita tamen ut voluntas et
   potestas omnino sunt idem. Also Ep., II. 41.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 98. Anselm of Canterbury.

   Literature: The Works of Anselm. First complete ed. by Gerberon, Paris,
   1675, reprinted in Migne, vols. 158, 159.--Anselm's opuscula, trans.
   Chicago, 1903, pp. 288.--Anselm's Devotions, trans. by Pusey, Oxf.,
   1856, London, 1872, and by C. C. J. Webb., London, 1903.--Trans. of Cur
   Deus homo in Anc. and Mod. Library, London.--The Life of Anselm by his
   secretary and devoted friend Eadmer: de vita Anselmi and Historia
   novorum in Migne, and ed. by Rule in Rolls series, London, 1884.--John
   of Salisbury's Life, written to further Anselm's canonization by
   Alexander III., Migne, 199: 1009-1040, is based upon Eadmer.--William
   Of Malmesbury in Gesta Pontificum adds some materials.--Modern Lives,
   by *F. R. Hasse, 2 vols. Leip., 1843-1852, Abrdg. trans. by *W. Turner,
   London, 1850. One of the best of Hist. monographs.--*C. De Remusat:
   Paris, 1853, last ed., 1868.--*Dean R. W. Church (d. 1890): London, new
   ed., 1877 (good account of Anselm's career, but pays little attention
   to his philosophy and theology).--M. Rule: 2 vols. London, 1883,
   eulogistic and ultramontane.--P. Ragey: 2 vols. Paris, 1890.--J. M.
   Rigg: London, 1896.--A. C. Welch, Edinburgh, 1901.--*W. R. W. Stephens
   in Dict. Natl. Biog., II. 10-31.--P. Schaff, in Presb. and Ref'd
   Review, Jan., 1894.--*Ed. A. Freeman: The Reign of William Rufus, 2
   vols. London, 1882.--H. Böhmer: Kirche u. Staat in England u. in der
   Normandie im XI. u. XIIten Jahrh., Leip., 1899.--Anselm's philosophy is
   discussed by Ritter, Erdmann, and Ueberweg-Heinze in their Histories of
   Philos.; his theology is treated by Baur: Gesch. d. Christl. Lehre. von
   d. Versöhnung, Tübingen, 1838, 142-189.--Ritschl: Rechtfertigung u.
   Versöhnung, and in the Histories of Doctrine.--Kölling: D. satisfactio
   vicaria, 2 vols., Gütersloh, 1897-1899. A vigorous presentation of the
   Anselmic view.--Leipoldt: D. Begriff meritum in Anselm, in Theol.
   Studien u. Kritiken, 1904.--Le Chanoine Porée: Hist. de l'Abbaye du
   Bec, Paris, 1901.

   Anselm of Canterbury, 1033-1109, the first of the great Schoolmen, was
   one of the ablest and purest men of the mediaeval Church. He touched
   the history of his age at many points. He was an enthusiastic advocate
   of monasticism. He was archbishop of Canterbury and fought the battle
   of the Hildebrandian hierarchy against the State in England. His
   Christian meditations give him a high rank in its annals of piety. His
   profound speculation marks one of the leading epochs in the history of
   theology and won for him a place among the doctors of the Church. While
   Bernard was greatest as a monk, Anselm was greatest as a theologian. He
   was the most original thinker the Church had seen since the days of
   Augustine. [1327]

   Life.--Anselm was born at Aosta, in Piedmont, at the foot of the great
   St. Bernard, which divides Italy from western Switzerland. [1328]
   violently against his son's religious aspirations, but on his death-bed
   himself assumed the monastic garb to escape perdition.

   In his childish imagination, Anselm conceived God Almighty as seated on
   a throne at the top of the Alps, and in a dream, he climbed up the
   mountain to meet Him. Seeing, on his way, the king's maidens engaged in
   the harvest field, for it was Autumn, neglecting their work he
   determined to report their negligence to the king. The lad was most
   graciously received and asked whence he came and what he desired. The
   king's kindness made him forget all about the charges he was intending
   to make. Then, refreshed with the whitest of bread, he descended again
   to the valley. The following day he firmly believed he had actually
   been in heaven and eaten at the Lord's table. This was the story he
   told after he had ascended the chair of Canterbury.

   A quarrel with his father led to Anselm's leaving his home. He set his
   face toward the West and finally settled in the Norman abbey of Le Bec,
   then under the care of his illustrious countryman Lanfranc. Here he
   studied, took orders, and, on Lanfranc's transfer to the convent of St.
   Stephen at Caen, 1063, became prior, and, in 1078, abbot. At Bec he
   wrote most of his works. His warm devotion to the monastic life appears
   in his repeated references to it in his letters and in his longing to
   get back to the convent after he had been made archbishop.

   In 1093, he succeeded Lanfranc as archbishop of Canterbury. His
   struggle with William Rufus and Henry I. over investiture has already
   been described (pp. 88-93). During his exile on the Continent he
   attended a synod at Bari, where he defended the Latin doctrine of the
   procession of the Holy Spirit against the Greek bishops who were
   present. [1329]

   The archbishop's last years in England were years of quiet, and he had
   a peaceful end. They lifted him from the bed and placed him on ashes on
   the floor. There, "as morning was breaking, on the Wednesday before
   Easter," April 21, 1109, the sixteenth year of his pontificate and the
   seventy-sixth of his life, he slept in peace, as his biographer Eadmer
   says, "having given up his spirit into the hands of his Creator." He
   lies buried in Canterbury Cathedral at the side of Lanfranc.

   Anselm was a man of spotless integrity, single devotion to truth and
   righteousness, patient in suffering, and revered as a saint before his
   official canonization in 1494. [1330] labrian prophet, Joachim. [1331]

   Writings.--Anselm's chief works in the departments of theology are his
   Monologium and Proslogium, which present proofs for God's existence,
   and the Cur Deus homo, "Why God became Man," a treatise on the
   atonement. He also wrote on the Trinity against Roscellinus; on
   original sin, free will, the harmony of foreknowledge and
   foreordination, and the fall of the devil. To these theological
   treatises are to be added a number of writings of a more practical
   nature, homilies, meditations, and four hundred and twelve letters in
   which we see him in different relations, as a prelate of the Church, a
   pastor, as a teacher giving advice to pupils, and as a friend. [1332]
   ayers reveal the depth of his piety. His theological treatises betray
   the genius of his intellect. In extent they are far less voluminous
   than the works of Thomas Aquinas and other Schoolmen of the later
   period.

   Theology.--Anselm was one of those rare characters in whom lofty reason
   and childlike faith work together in perfect harmony. Love to God was
   the soul of his daily life and love to God is the burning centre of his
   theology. It was not doubt that led him to speculation, but enthusiasm
   for truth and devotion to God. His famous proposition, which
   Schleiermacher adopted as a motto for his own theology, is that faith
   precedes knowledge--fides praecedit intellectum. Things divine must be
   a matter of experience before they can be comprehended by the
   intellect. "He who does not believe," Anselm said, "has not felt, and
   he who has not felt, does not understand." [1333] [1334] ed himself
   against blind belief, and calls it a sin of neglect when he who has
   faith, does not strive after knowledge. [1335]

   These views, in which supernaturalism and rationalism are harmonized,
   form the working principle of the Anselmic theology. The two sources of
   knowledge are the Bible and the teaching of the Church which are in
   complete agreement with one another and are one with true philosophy.
   [1336] spirit and method secured for him the titles "the second
   Augustine" and the, Tongue of Augustine."

   Anselm made two permanent contributions to theology, his argument for
   the existence of God and his theory of the atonement.

   The ontological argument, which he stated, constitutes an epoch in the
   history of the proofs for God's existence. It was first laid clown in
   the Monologium or Soliloquy, which he called the example of meditation
   on the reasonableness of faith, but mixed with cosmological elements.
   Starting from the idea that goodness and truth must have an existence
   independent of concrete things, Anselm ascends from the conception of
   what is relatively good and great, to Him who is absolutely good and
   great.

   In the Proslogium, or Allocution, the ontological argument is presented
   in its purest form. Anselm was led to its construction by the desire to
   find out a single argument, sufficient in itself, to prove the divine
   existence. The argument was the result of long reflection and rooted in
   piety and prayer. Day and night the author was haunted with the idea
   that God's existence could be so proved. He was troubled over it to
   such a degree that at times he could not sleep or take his meals.
   Finally, one night, during vigils, the argument stood clearly before
   his mind in complete outline. The notes were written down while the
   impression was still fresh in Anselm's mind. The first copy was lost;
   the second was inadvertently broken to pieces.

   Anselm's argument, which is the highest example of religious meditation
   and scholastic reasoning, is prefaced with an exhortation and the
   words, "I do not seek to understand in order that I may believe, but I
   believe in order that I may understand, for of this I feel sure, that,
   if I did not believe, I would not understand."

   The reasoning starts from the idea the mind has of God, and proceeds to
   the affirmation of the necessity of God's objective existence. The mind
   has a concept of something than which nothing greater can be conceived.
   [1337] in his heart, "there is no God, " Ps. 14:1. He grasps the
   conception when he listens, and what he grasps is in his mind. This
   something, than which nothing greater can be conceived, cannot exist
   solely in the mind. For, if it existed solely in the mind, then it
   would be possible to think of it as existing also in reality
   (objectively), and that would be something greater. [1338] ists both in
   the mind and in reality. This is God. "So truly," exclaims Anselm,
   "dost Thou exist, O Lord God, that it is not possible to conceive of
   Thee as not existing. For, if any mind could conceive of anything
   better than Thou art, then the creature would ascend above the Creator
   and become His judge, which is supremely absurd. Everything else
   besides Thyself can be conceived of as not existing."

   The syllogism, compact as its presentation is and precise as its
   language seems to be, is nevertheless defective, as a logical
   statement. It begs the question. It offends against the principle that
   deductions from a definition are valid only on the supposition that the
   thing defined exists. The definition and the statement of God's
   existence are in the major premise, "there is something than which
   nothing greater can be conceived." And yet it was the objective
   existence of this being, Anselm wanted to prove. Setting this objection
   aside, there is the other fatal objection that objective existence is
   not a predicate. Objective being is implied when we affirm anything.
   This objection was stated by Kant. [1339] [1340]

   The reasoning of the Proslogium was attacked by the monk Gaunilo of
   Marmontier, near Bec, in his Liber pro insipiente. He protested against
   the inference from the subjective conception to objective reality on
   the ground that by the same method we might argue from any of our
   conceptions to the reality of the thing conceived, as for example for
   the existence of a lost island, the Atlantis. "That, than which nothing
   greater can be thought," does not exist in the mind in any other way
   than does the perfection of such an island. The real existence of a
   thing must be known before we can predicate anything of it. Gaunilo's
   objection Anselm answered by declaring that the idea of the lost island
   was not a necessary conception while that of the highest being was, and
   that it was to it alone his argument applied.

   Untenable as Anselm's argument is logically, it possesses a strong
   fascination, and contains a great truth. The being of God is an
   intuition of the mind, which can only be explained by God's objective
   existence. The modern theory of correlation lends its aid to
   corroborate what was, after all, fundamental in the Anselmic
   presentation, namely, that the idea of God in the mind must have
   corresponding to it a God who really exists. Otherwise, we are left to
   the mystery which is perhaps still greater, how such an idea could ever
   have taken firm and general hold of the human mind. [1341]

   The doctrine of the atonement.--With the Cur Deus homo, "Why God became
   Man," a new chapter opens in the development of the doctrine of the
   atonement. The treatise, which is in the form of a dialogue, is the
   author's most elaborate work, and he thought the argument sufficient to
   break down the objections of Jew and Pagan to the Christian system.

   Anselm was the first to attempt to prove the necessity of the
   incarnation and death of the Son of God by the processes of pure
   reason. He argued that the world cannot be redeemed by an arbitrary
   decree of God, nor through man or angel. Man is under the domination of
   the devil, deserves punishment, and is justly punished; but the devil
   torments him without right, [1342] Col. 2:14) is not a note due the
   devil, but the sentence of God that he who sinned should be the servant
   of sin.

   God cannot allow his original purpose to be thwarted. Sin must be
   forgiven, but how? Man owes subjection to God's will. Sin is denying to
   God the honor due him. [1343] be forgiveness. Bare restitution,
   however, is not a sufficient satisfaction. For his "contumely," man
   must give back more than he has taken. He must compensate God's honor.
   [1344] ages to satisfy the demands of violated honor.

   All sin, then, must either receive punishment or be covered by
   satisfaction. Can man make this satisfaction? No. Were it possible for
   him to lead a perfectly holy life, from the moment he became conscious
   of his debt, he would be simply doing his duty for that period. The
   debt of the past would remain unsettled. But sin, having struck at the
   roots of man's being, he is not able to lead a perfect life.

   God's justice, then, man is not able to satisfy. Man ought, but cannot.
   God need not, but does. For, most foreign to God would it be to allow
   man, the most precious of his creatures, to perish. But as God himself
   must make the satisfaction, and man ought to make it, the satisfaction
   must be made by one who is both God and man, that is, the God-man.
   [1345]

   To make satisfaction, the God-man must give back to God something he is
   not under obligation to render. A life of perfect obedience he owes.
   Death he does not owe, for death is the wages of sin, and he had no
   sin. By submitting to death, he acquired merit. Because this merit is
   infinite in value, being connected with the person of the infinite Son
   of God, it covers the infinite guilt of the sinner and constitutes the
   satisfaction required.

   Anselm concludes his treatise with the inquiry why the devil and his
   angels are not saved by Christ. His answer is that they did not derive
   their guilt and sinful estate through a single individual as men do
   from Adam. Each sinned for himself. For this reason each would have to
   be saved for himself by a God-angel. In declaring the salvation of
   fallen angels to be impossible, Anselm closes with the words, "I do not
   say that this is impossible as though the value of Christ's death were
   not great enough to be sufficient for all the sins of men and fallen
   angels, but because of a reason in the unchangeable nature of things
   which stands in the way of the salvation of the lost angels." [1346]

   It is the merit of Anselm's argument that, while Athanasius and
   Augustine had laid stress upon the article that through Christ's
   sufferings atonement was made, Anselm explained the necessity of those
   sufferings. He also did the most valuable service of setting aside the
   view, which had been handed down from the Fathers, that Christ's death
   was a ransom-price paid to Satan. Even Augustine had asserted the
   rights of the devil. Again, Anselm laid proper stress upon the guilt of
   sin. He made earnest with it, not as a mistake, but as a violation of
   law, a derogation from the honor due to God.

   The subject of the atonement was not exhausted by the argument of the
   Cur Deus homo. No one theory can comprehend its whole meaning. Certain
   biblical features have been made prominent since his day which Anselm
   did not emphasize. Each creative age has its own statement of theology,
   and now one aspect and now another aspect of the unchangeable biblical
   truth is made prominent. The different theories must be put into their
   proper places as fragments of the full statement of truth. Anselm
   regarded the atonement from the legal rather than from the moral side
   of the divine nature. The attribute of justice is given a
   disproportionate emphasis. Man's relation to God is construed wholly as
   the relation of a subordinate to a superior. The fatherhood of God has
   no adequate recognition. The actor in human redemption is God, the
   sovereign and the judge. Anselm left out John 3:16 and the Parable of
   the Prodigal Son. [1347]

   Anselm as a mystic.--In Anselm, mysticism was combined with
   scholasticism, pious devotion with lofty speculation, prayer with
   logical analysis. His deeply spiritual nature manifests itself in all
   his writings, but especially in his strictly devotional works, his
   Meditations and Prayers. [1348] scussions.

   The Schoolman's spiritual reflections abound in glowing utterances from
   the inner tabernacle of his heart. Now he loses himself in the
   contemplation of the divine attributes, now he laments over the
   deadness and waywardness of man. Now he soars aloft in strains of
   praise and adoration, now he whispers low the pleadings for mercy and
   pardon. At one moment he surveys the tragedy of the cross or the joys
   of the redeemed; at another the terrors of the judgment and hopeless
   estate of the lost. Such a blending of mellow sentiment with high
   speculations is seldom found. No one of the greater personages of the
   Middle Ages, except Bernard, excels him in the mystical element; and he
   often reminds us of Bernard, as when he exclaims, "O good Jesus, how
   sweet thou art to the heart of him who thinks of thee and loves thee."
   [1349] acrificing, merciful, wise, mighty, most sweet and
   lovely"--valde dulcis et suavis. The soaring grandeur of Anselm's
   thoughts may be likened to the mountains of the land of his birth, and
   the pure abundance of his spiritual feeling to the brooks and meadows
   of its valleys. He quotes again and again from Scripture, and its
   language constitutes the chief vehicle of his thoughts.

   In the first meditation, Anselm makes the famous comparison of human
   life to the passage over a slender bridge, spanning a deep, dark abyss
   whose bed is full of all kinds of foul and ghastly things. [1350] one's
   way! And how greatly would not the anguish be increased, if great birds
   were flying in the air, intent on swooping down and defeating the
   purpose of the traveller! And how much more anguish would be added if
   at every step a tile should fall away from behind him! The ravine is
   hell, measureless in its depth, horribly dark with black, dismal
   vapors! [1351] he birds are malign spirits. We, the travellers, are
   blinded with ignorance and bound with the iron difficulty of doing
   well. Shall we not turn our eyes unto the Lord "who is our light and
   our salvation, of whom shall we be afraid?" Ps. 27:1.

   The Prayers are addressed to the Son and Spirit as well as to the
   Father. To these are added petitions to the Virgin, on whom Anselm
   bestows the most fulsome titles, and to the saints. In this Anselm was
   fully the child of his age.

   These devotional exercises, the liturgy of Anselm's soul, are a
   storehouse of pious thought to which due appreciation has not been
   accorded. The mystical element gives him a higher place than his
   theological treatises, elevated and important as they are. [1352]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1327] Loofs, p. 271, says, "He is perhaps the most important of all
   the mediaeval theologians."

   [1328] Church gives a graphic picture of "wild Aosta lulled by Alpine
   rills." Aosta was a Roman settlement bearing the name Augusta
   Praetoria, and was made a bishopric about the fifth century.

   [1329] His views were set forth in the de processione Spiritus Sancti.
   He argued that the Spirit proceeded from the Father not as father but
   as God. He must therefore also proceed from the Son as God.

   [1330] See quotations in Freeman, W. Rufus, II. 661.

   [1331] Paradiso, XII. 137.

   [1332] Freeman has an excursus on Anselm's letters in his W. Rufus, II.
   570-588.

   [1333] Qui non crediderit, non experietur, et qui expertus non fuerit
   non intelliget, de fide trin., 2; Migne, 158, 264.

   [1334] Ep., II. 41;Migne, 158. 1193, Christianus per fidem debet ad
   intellectum proficere non per intellectum ad fidem.

   [1335] Cur Deus homo, I. 2; Migne, 158. 364.

   [1336] Eadmer: nihil asserere nisi quod aut canonicis aut Augustini
   dictis posse defendi videret.

   [1337] aliquid quo majus nihil cogitari potest.

   [1338] si vel in solo intellectu est, potest cogitari esse et in re,
   quod majus est.

   [1339] Thomas Aquinas said that, even if the name of God means illud
   quo majus cogitari non potest, yet it would not be possible to proceed
   to the affirmation of God's real existence, because the atheist denies
   that there is aliquid quo majus cogitari non potest, Summa, I. ii. 2.
   Hegel replied to Kant that the Begriff an und für sich selbst enthält
   das Sein also eine Bestimmtheit. Professor E. Caird, in an article,
   Anselm's Argument for the Being of God (Journal of Theolog. Studies,
   1900, pp. 23-39), sums up his objection to Anselm's argument by saying,
   "It is the scholastic distortion of an idea which was first presented
   in the Platonic philosophy," etc. Ritschl, Justification and
   Reconciliation, p. 217, makes the same objection when he says Anselm
   confuses reality and thought.

   [1340] intelligere andin intellectu esse.

   [1341] A careful statement of the history of the ontological argument
   was given by Köstlin, D. Beweise fürs Dasein Gottes, in Studien u.
   Kritiken, 1875, 1876. Also Ruze, D. ontol. Gottesbeweis seit Anselm,
   Halle, 1882.

   [1342] Quamvis homo juste a diabolo torqueretur, ipse tamen illum
   injuste torquebat,etc., I. 7; Migne, 158. 367 sq. Again Anselm takes up
   this point, II. 20; p. 427 sq., and says it was not necessary for God
   to descend to conquer the devil or to proceed judicially against him in
   order to liberate man. Nothing else did God owe the devil but
   punishment, and nothing else did man owe the devil but to treat him as
   he had been treated, that is, to conquer him as man himself had been
   conquered. All that was demanded by the devil, man owed to God and not
   to the devil.

   [1343] Non aliud est peccare quam Deo non reddere debitum. I. 11;
   Migne, p. 376.

   [1344] pro contumelia illata plus reddere quam abstulit .... Debet
   omnis qui peccat, honorem quem rapuit, Deo solvere et haec est
   satisfactio quam omnis peccator Deo debet facere.

   [1345] Satisfactio quam nec potest facere nisi Deus nec debet nisi
   homo, necesse est ut eam faciat Deus-homo, II. 6; Migne, p. 404.

   [1346] II. 22; Migne, 158. 431. It is a matter of dispute how far
   Anselm drew upon the doctrine of penance which had been handed down
   from the Fathers or from the German law with its Wehrgeld, or debt of
   honor; or whether he drew upon them at all. It is probable that the
   Church's penitential system had affected the chivalric idea of honor.
   Harnack, Dogmengesch., III. 252 sq., and Ritschl, Justification, etc.,
   p. 263, make the objection against Anselm's argument that it was based
   upon an "idea of God's justice which implies an equality in private
   rights between God and man."

   [1347] Harnack gives prolonged attention to Anselm's argument
   (Dogmengesch., III. 341-358) and, in specifying its merits and defects,
   declares that the defects largely outweigh the merits. Anselm's theory
   is not at all to be adopted, die Theorie ist völlig unannehmbar. It
   would not be necessary, Harnack says, to waste many words over the
   defects if it were not that the theology of the present day is stuck in
   traditionalism and neglects all the canons of Gospel, ethics, logic,
   and culture. He declares it to be a fearful thought that God may not
   forgive from pure love, but had to have his honor appeased by sacrfice.
   Anselm's argument taken by itself does not justify such severe
   criticism, and, if his other writings and his own character be taken
   into account, he will be absolved from the implied charges.

   [1348] Meditationes seu Orationes, Migne, 158. 709-1014. See Hasse, I.
   176-232.

   [1349] Jesu bone, quam dulcis es in corde cogitantis de te et
   diligentis te, Migne, 158. 770.

   [1350] Rule, I. 48, describes from personal observation the ancient and
   dizzy bridge, le Pont de l'Aël, over a torrent near Aosta, which, as he
   says, Anselm in making his description may have had in mind.

   [1351] Sine mensura profundum, et tenebrosa caligine horribiliter
   obscurum, Migne, 158, 719.

   [1352] The later Schoolmen did not lean back upon Anselm's theology as
   we might have expected them to do. He was, however, often quoted, as by
   Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus, e.g., Summa, I. 3, 13, etc.,
   Borgnet's ed., XXXI. 60<cbr>, 69</cbr>, 326.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 99. Peter Abaelard.

   Literature: Works of Abaelard: ed. first by Duchesne, Paris, 1616.
   Cousin: Ouvrages inédites d'Abélard, Paris, 1836, containing the
   Dialectica and Sic et Non; also the Opera omnia, 2 vols. Paris,
   1849-1859. Reprod. in Migne, vol. 178.--R. Stölzle: De unitate et
   trinitate divina, first ed., Freib. im Br., 1891.--Ed. of his Letters
   by R. Rawlinson, Lond., 1718. Engl. trans. of Letters of Abaelard and
   Heloise, in Temple Classics.

   Biographical: Abaelard's Autobiography: Hist. calamitatum, in Migne,
   178. 113-180.--Berengar: Apologeticus contra Bernardum, etc., in Migne,
   178. 1856-1870.--Bernard's letters as quoted below.--Otto of Freising:
   De Gestis Frid., 47 sqq.--John of Salisbury: Metalog. and Hist.
   Pontificalis.--Modern Lives by A. F. Gervaise, Paris, 1728; Cousin, in
   the Ouvrages, 1836; Wilkins, Göttingen, 1855; Ch. de Rémusat, Paris,
   1845, 2 vols., new ed., 1855; O. I. de Rochely (Abél. et le
   rationalisme moderne), Paris 1867; Bonnier (Abél. et S. Bernard),
   Paris, 1862; Vacandard (P. Abél. et sa lutte avec S. Bernard), Paris,
   1881; *S. M. Deutsch (P. Abael, ein kritischer Theologe des 12ten
   Jahrh., the best exposition of Abaelard's system, Leip., 1883; A.
   Hausrath, Leip., 1893; Joseph McCabe, London, 1901.--E. Kaiser: P.
   Abél. Critique, Freib., 1901.--The story of Abaelard and Heloise has
   been specially told by Mad. Guizot, 2 vols., Paris 1839; Jacobi, Berl.,
   1850; Wright, New York, 1853; Kahnis, Leip., 1865, etc.--Compayré,
   Abél. and the Orig. and Early His. of Universities.--R. L. Poole: P.
   Abailard in Illustrations of Med. Thought, Lond., 1884, pp.
   136-167.--Stöckl: Phil. des Mittelalters, I. 218-272.--Denifle: D.
   Sentenzen d. Abael. und die Bearbeitungen seiner Theologie vor Mitte
   des 12ten Jahrh. in Archiv für Lit. und Kirchengesch., etc., 1885, pp.
   402-470, 584-624; Hefele, Councils, V. 451-488.--The Histories of
   Philos. of Ueberweg-Heinze and Ritter -- The Lives of St. Bernard by
   Neander, I. 207-297; II. 1-44; Morison, 254-322; Vacandard, II.
   120-181.--The Histories of Doctrine of Schwane, Harnack, Loofs, Fisher,
   Seeberg, Sheldon.

   During the first half of the twelfth century, Peter Abaelard,
   1079-1142, was one of the most conspicuous characters of Europe. His
   fame was derived from the brilliance of his intellect. He differed
   widely from Anselm. The latter was a constructive theologian; Abaelard,
   a critic. Anselm was deliberate, Abaelard, impulsive and rash. Anselm
   preferred seclusion; Abaelard sought publicity. Among teachers
   exercising the spell of magnetism over their hearers, Abaelard stands
   in the front rank and probably has not been excelled in France. In some
   of his theological speculations he was in advance of his age. His
   personal misfortunes give to his biography a flavor of romance which
   belongs to no other Schoolman. A man of daring thought and restless
   disposition, he was unstable in his mental beliefs and morally
   unreliable. Our main authority for his career is the Story of
   Misfortunes, Historia calamitatum, written by his own hand, (Migne,
   178. 113-180,) in the form of a letter.

   The eldest son of a knight, Abaelard was born at the village of Palais
   or le Pallet, a few miles from Nantes. His original name was Pierre de
   Palais. Both his parents entered convents. Abaelard had for his first
   teacher Roscellinus. He listened to William of Champeaux, then at the
   head of the cathedral school at Paris, and soon began with confidence
   to refute William's positions. [1353] l. After a period of sickness,
   spent under his father's roof, he returned to Paris. He again listened
   to William on rhetoric, but openly announced himself as an antagonist
   of his views, and taught on Mt. Genevieve, then covered with vineyards.
   Abaelard represents himself as having drawn almost the last scholar
   away from the cathedral school to Genevieve. We next find him under
   Anselm of Laon, who, with his brother Radulf, had made the school of
   Laon famous. Again Abaelard set himself up against his teacher,
   describing him as having a wonderful flow of words, but no thoughts.
   When he lit a fire, he filled the whole house with smoke. [1354] ekiel.

   Now the opportunity of his life came and he was called to preside over
   the cathedral school at Paris. William of Champeaux had retired to St.
   Victor and then had been made bishop. The years that immediately
   followed were the most brilliant in Abaelard's career. All the world
   seemed about to do him homage. Scholars from all parts thronged to hear
   him. He lectured on philosophy and theology. He was well read in
   classical and widely read in sacred literature. His dialectic powers
   were ripe and, where arguments failed, the teacher's imagination and
   rhetoric came to the rescue. His books were read not only in the
   schools and convents, but in castles and guildhouses. William of
   Thierry said [1355] towns, the people crowded the streets and strained
   their necks to catch a glimpse of him. His remarkable influence over
   men and women must be explained not by his intellectual depth so much
   as by a certain daring and literary art and brilliance. He was
   attractive of person, and Bernard may have had this in mind when he
   says, Abaelard was outwardly a John though he had the heart of a Herod.
   [1356] these qualities he added a gay cheerfulness which expressed
   itself in compositions of song and in singing, which made him
   acceptable to women, as in later years Heloise reminded him. [1357]

   In the midst of this popularity came the fell tragedy of his life, his
   connection with Heloise, whom Remusat has called "the first of women."
   [1358] her seducer forfeits by his treatment of her the esteem of all
   who prefer manly strength and fidelity to gifts of mind, however
   brilliant.

   Heloise was probably the daughter of a canon and had her home in Paris
   with her uncle, Fulbert, also a canon. When Abaelard came to know her,
   she was seventeen, attractive in person and richly endowed in mind.
   Abaelard prevailed upon Fulbert to admit him to his house as Heloise's
   teacher. Heloise had before been at the convent of Argenteuil. The
   meetings between pupil and tutor became meetings of lovers. Over open
   books, as Abaelard wrote, more words of love were passed than of
   discussion and more kisses than instruction. The matter was whispered
   about in Paris. Fulbert was in rage. Abaelard removed Heloise to his
   sister's in Brittany, where she bore a son, called Astralabius. [1359]
   he himself distinctly says. [1360]

   The Story of Misfortunes leaves no doubt that what he was willing to do
   proceeded from fear and that he was not actuated by any sense of honor
   toward Heloise or proper view of woman or of marriage. What accord, he
   wrote, "has study with nurses, writing materials with cradles, books
   and desks with spinning wheels, reeds and ink with spindles! Who,
   intent upon sacred and philosophical reflections could endure the
   squalling of children, the lullabies of nurses and the noisy crowd of
   men and women! Who would stand the disagreeable and constant dirt of
   little children!"

   Abaelard declared a secret marriage was performed in obedience to the
   demands of Heloise's relatives. At best it was a mock ceremony, for
   Heloise persisted in denying she was Abaelard's wife. With mistaken but
   splendid devotion, she declined to marry him, believing that marriage
   would interrupt his career. In one of her letters to him she wrote: "If
   to you, the name of wife seems more proper, to me always was more dear
   the little word friend, or if you do not deem that name proper, then
   the name of concubine or harlot, concubina vel scortum. I invoke God as
   my witness that, if Augustus had wished to give me the rule over the
   whole world by asking me in marriage, I would rather be your mistress,
   meretrix, than his empress, imperatrix. Thy passion drew thee to me
   rather than thy friendship, and the heat of desire rather than love."
   [1361]

   Abaelard removed Heloise to Argenteuil and she assumed the veil. He
   visited her in secret and now Fulbert took revenge. Entering into
   collusion with Abaelard's servant, he fell upon him at night and
   mutilated him. Thus humiliated, Abaelard entered the convent of St.
   Denis, 1118,--not from any impulse of piety but from expediency. [1362]
   me indifferent to Heloise.

   New trials fell upon his chequered career--charges of heresy. He was
   arraigned for Sabellian views on the Trinity at Soissons, 1121, before
   the papal legate. Roscellinus, his old teacher, opened the accusations.
   Abaelard complains that two enemies were responsible for the actual
   trial and its issue, Alberic and Lotulf, teachers at Rheims. He was
   obliged to commit his book to the flames [1363]

   Again he got himself into difficulty by opposing the current belief,
   based upon Bede's statement, that Dionysius or St. Denis, the patron of
   France, was the Dionysius converted by Paul at Athens. The monks of St.
   Denis would not tolerate him. He fled, retracted his utterance, and
   with the permission of Suger, the new abbot of St. Denis, settled in a
   waste tract in Champagne and built an oratory which he called after the
   third person of the Trinity, the Paraclete. Students again gathered
   around him, and the original structure of reeds and straw was replaced
   by a substantial building of stone. But old rivals, as he says, again
   began to pursue him just as the heretics pursued Athanasius of old, and
   "certain ecclesiastics"--presumably Norbert, the founder of the
   Premonstrants, and Bernard of Clairvaux--were stirred up against him.
   Abaelard, perhaps with not too much self-disparagement, says of himself
   that, in comparison to them, he seemed to be as an ant before a lion.
   It was under these circumstances that he received the notice of his
   election as abbot of the monastery of St. Gildas on the sea, in his
   native Brittany. He went, declaring that "the envy of the Francians
   drove him to the West, as the envy of the Romans drove Jerome to the
   East."

   The monks of St. Gildas are portrayed by Abaelard as a band of
   unmitigated ruffians. They had their wives and children settled upon
   the convent's domains. They treated their new abbot with contempt and
   violence, twice, at least, attempting his life. On one occasion it was
   by drugging the chalice. He complained of the barrenness of the
   surroundings. Bernard described him as an abbot without discipline. In
   sheer despair, Abaelard fled and in "striving to escape one sword I
   threw myself upon another," he said. At this point the autobiography
   breaks off and we know little of its author till 1136. [1364]

   In the meantime the nuns of Argentueil were driven out of their
   quarters. In 1127, Abaelard placed Heloise in charge of the Paraclete,
   and under her management it became prosperous. He had observed a cold
   silence for a protracted period, but now and again visited the
   Paraclete and delivered sermons to the nuns. Heloise received the Story
   of Misfortunes, and, in receiving it, wrote, addressing him as "her
   lord or rather father, her husband or rather brother, from his handmaid
   or rather daughter, his consort or rather sister." Her first two
   letters have scarcely, if ever, been equalled in the annals of
   correspondence in complete abandonment of heart and glowing expressions
   of devotion. She appealed to him to send her communications. Had she
   not offered her very being on the altar for his sake! Had she not
   obeyed him in everything, and in nothing would she offend him!

   Abaelard replied to Heloise as the superior of the nuns of the
   Paraclete. She was to him nothing more. He preached to her sermons on
   prayer, asked for the intercession of the nuns on his behalf, and
   directed that his body be laid away in the Paraclete. He rejoiced that
   Heloise's connection with himself prevented her from entering into
   marriage and giving birth to children. She had thereby been forced into
   a higher life and to be the mother of many spiritual daughters. Heloise
   plied him with questions about hard passages in the Scriptures and
   about practical matters of daily living and monastic dress, --a device
   to secure the continuance of the correspondence. Abaelard replied by
   giving rules for the nuns which were long and severe. He enjoined upon
   them, above all else, the study of the Scriptures, and called upon them
   to imitate Jerome who took up Hebrew late in life. He sent them
   sermons, seven of which had been delivered in the Paraclete. He
   proposed that there should be a convent for monks close by the
   Paraclete. The monks and nuns were to help each other. An abbot was to
   stand at the head of both institutions. The nuns were to do the monks'
   washing and cooking, milk the cows, feed the chickens and geese.

   In 1137 and again in 1139, we find Abaelard suddenly installed at St.
   Genevieve and enjoying, for a while, meteoric popularity. John of
   Salisbury was one of his pupils. How the change was brought about does
   not fully appear. But Abaelard was not destined to have peace. The
   final period of his restless career now opens. Bernard was at that time
   the most imposing religious personality of Europe, Abaelard was its
   keenest philosophical thinker. The one was the representative of
   churchmanship and church authority, the other of freedom of inquiry. A
   clash between these two personalities was at hand. It cannot be
   regarded as an historical misfortune that these two men met on the open
   field of controversy and on the floor of ecclesiastical synods. History
   is most true to herself when she represents men just as they were. She
   is a poor teacher, when she does not take opportunity to reveal their
   infirmities as well as their virtues.

   Abaelard was as much to blame for bringing on the conflict by his
   self-assertive manner as Bernard was to blame by unnecessarily
   trespassing upon Abaelard's territory. William, abbot of St. Thierry,
   addressed a letter to Bernard and Geoffrey, bishop of Chalons,
   announcing that Abaelard was again teaching and writing doctrinal
   novelties. These were not matters of mean import, but concerned the
   doctrine of the Trinity, the person of Christ, the Holy Spirit, and
   God's grace. They were even receiving favor in the curia at Rome.
   William adduced no less than thirteen errors. [1365]

   The first open sign of antagonism was a letter written by Abaelard,
   brimming over with self-conceit. On a visit to Heloise at the
   Paraclete, Bernard had taken exception to the use of the phrase
   "supersubstantial bread" in the Lord's Prayer, instead of "daily bread"
   as given by Luke. Abaelard heard of the objection from Heloise, and, as
   if eager to break a lance with Bernard, wrote to him, showing he was in
   error. He became sarcastic, pointing out that, at Clairvaux, novelties
   were being practised which were otherwise unknown to the Church. New
   hymns were sung and certain intercessory prayers left out as if the
   Cistercian monks did not stand in need of intercession also. [1366]

   So far as we know, Bernard did not answer this letter. After some
   delay, he acted upon the request of William of Thierry. He visited
   Abaelard in Paris and sought to secure from him a promise that he would
   retract his errors. [1367]

   The difference was brought to open conflict at the synod of Sens, 1141,
   where Abaelard asked that his case might be presented, and that he
   might meet Bernard in argument. Arnold of Brescia seems to have been
   among those present. [1368] and was from the first looked upon with
   suspicion. Bernard had come to the synod to lay the whole weight of his
   influence against Abaelard. He had summoned the bishops as friends of
   Christ, whose bride called to them out of the thicket of heresies. He
   wrote to the cardinals and to Innocent II., characterizing Abaelard as
   a ravenous lion, and a dragon. With Arnold as his armor-bearer at his
   side, Abaelard stood like another Goliath calling out against the ranks
   of Israel, while Bernard felt himself a youth in dialectical skill.

   At a preliminary meeting with the bishops, Bernard went over the case
   and it seems to have been decided, at least in an informal way, that
   Abaelard should be condemned. [1369] the great surprise of all,
   Abaelard declined to argue his case and appealed it to the pope.
   Passing by Gilbert of Poictiers, Abaelard is said to have whispered
   Horace's line,


   "Look well to your affairs now that your neighbor's house is burning."

   Nam tua res agitur, paries eum proximus ardet.

   To Rome the case must go. Abaelard no doubt felt that he had nothing to
   hope for from the prelates. [1370] ight expect some favor and he had
   friends in the curia. The synod called upon the supreme pontiff to
   brand Abaelard's heresies with perpetual condemnation--perpetua
   damnatione -- and to punish their defenders. The charges, fourteen in
   number, concerned the Trinity, the nature of faith, the power and work
   of Christ, and the nature of sin. [1371] nst the accused man. Abaelard
   and Arnold of Brescia were in collusion. Abaelard had joined himself
   with Arius in ascribing degrees within the Trinity, with Pelagius in
   putting free will before grace, and with Nestorius in separating the
   person of Christ. In name and exterior a monk, he was at heart a
   heretic. He had emerged from Brittany as a tortuous snake from its hole
   and, as in the case of the hydra, seven heads appeared where before
   there had been but one. [1372] only thing Abaelard did not know was the
   word nescio, "I do not know."

   The judgment was swift in coming and crushing when it came. Ten days
   were sufficient. The fourteen articles were burned by the pope's own
   hand in front of St. Peter's in the presence of the cardinals. Abaelard
   himself was declared to be a heretic and the penalty of perpetual
   silence and confinement was imposed upon him. The unfortunate man had
   set out for Rome and was hardly well started on his journey, when the
   sentence reached him. He stopped at Cluny, where he met the most useful
   friend of his life, Peter the Venerable. At Peter's intercession,
   Innocent allowed the homeless scholar to remain in Cluny whence the
   pope himself had gone forth.

   Following Peter's counsel, Abaelard again met Bernard face to face. In
   a defence of his orthodoxy, addressed to Heloise, he affirmed his
   acceptance of all the articles of the Church from the article on the
   Trinity to the resurrection of the dead. As it was with Jerome, so no
   one could write much without being misunderstood.

   But his turbulent career was at an end. He was sent by Peter to St.
   Marcellus near Chalons for his health, and there he died April 21,
   1142, sixty-three years old. His last days in Cluny are described by
   Peter in a letter written to Heloise, full of true Christian sympathy.
   He called Abaelard a true philosopher of Christ. One so humble in
   manner he had not seen. He was abstinent in meat and drink. He read
   continually and prayed fervently. Faithfully he had committed his body
   and soul to his Lord Redeemer for time and eternity. "So Master Peter
   finished his days and he who was known in almost the whole world for
   his great erudition and ability as a teacher died peacefully in Him who
   said 'Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly of heart,' and he is, as we
   must believe, gone to Him."

   Abaelard's body was carried to the Paraclete and there given rest.
   Twenty-two years later, Heloise was laid at his side. The inscription
   placed over the tomb ran, "The Socrates of the Gauls, the great Plato
   of the Occidentals, our Aristotle, who was greater or equal to him
   among the logicians! Abaelard was the prince of the world's scholars,
   varied in talent, subtle and keen, conquering all things by his mental
   force. And then he became a conqueror indeed, when, entering Cluny, be
   passed over to the true philosophy of Christ." [1373] d and the first
   abbess Heloise, once joined by studies, mind, love, forbidden
   marriage,--infaustis nuptiis, --and penitence and now, as we hope, in
   eternal felicity."

   At the destruction of the Paraclete during the French Revolution, 1792,
   the marble sarcophagus was removed to Paris and in 1816 it was
   transferred to the cemetery of Père la Chaise. There it remains, the
   chief object of interest in that solemn place of the dead, attracting
   Frenchmen and visitors from distant lands who commemorate, with tears
   of sympathy and a prayer over the mistakes of mortals, the unfortunate
   lovers.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1353] From this point and the enmity of William, he dates his
   misfortunes. Hinc calamitatum mearum quae nunc perseverant coeperunt
   exordia et quo amplius fama extendebatur nostra, aliena in me succensa
   est invidia, Migne, p. 116.

   [1354] Verborum usum habebat mirabilem, sed sensu contemptibilem et
   ratione vacuum, Migne, p. 123.

   [1355] Ep., 326; St. Bernard's Works, Migne, 182. 531.

   [1356] Remusat gives an attractive picture of his appearance, I. 43 sq.

   [1357] Ep., II.; Migne, 178, 188.

   [1358] See his description, I. 47 sqq.

   [1359] A letter is preserved written by Abaelard to his son. It
   indicates affection. The father urges him to study the Scriptures. An
   Astralabius is mentioned as belonging to the chapter of Nantes in 1150.
   Hausrath, p. 173, conjectures he was Abaelard's son.

   [1360] Ut amplius mitagarem, obtuli me ei satisfacere eam scilicet quam
   corruperam mihi matrimonio copulando, dummodo id secreto fieret, ne
   famae detrimentum incurrerem. Migne, p. 130.

   [1361] Concupiscentia te mihi potius quam amicitia sociavit, libidinis
   ardor potius quam amor. Ep., II.; Migne, p. 186.

   [1362] Deutsch, p. 35. So war Abaelard Mönch geworden, nicht von
   innerem Verlangen getrieben, etc. His relations with Heloise made
   freedom in his position as a public teacher in the open for the time
   impossible.

   [1363] Introductio in theologiam. Abaelard is our chief authority for
   the trial. Hist. Calam., Migne, pp. 141-150. See Otto of Freising.

   [1364] Abaelard closes his autobiography by declaring that like another
   Cain he was dragged about the earth, a fugitive and vagabond, but also
   by quoting passages upon the providence of God as that all things work
   together for good to them that love Him.

   [1365] Ep. Bernardi, 326; Migne, 132. 531 sqq. William sent to Bernard
   Abaelard's Theologia and other works to make good his charges. He
   feared Abaelard would become "a dragon" whom no one could destroy.
   Kutter, in his Wilhelm von St. Thierry, pp. 34, 36, 43, 48, insists, as
   against Deutsch, that William was the exciting originator of the trial
   of Abaelard, which was soon to follow, and that Bernard preferred
   silence and peace to conflict, and was amused to action by William's
   appeal.

   [1366] Ep. Abael., X.; Migne, 178. 335.

   [1367] Bernard's biographer, Gaufrid, states that Abaelard promised
   amendment. No reference was made to such a promise in the charges at
   Sens, an omission difficult to understand if the promise was really
   made. See Remusat, I. 172, and Poole, p. 163.

   [1368] Ep. Bernardi, 189; Migne, 182. 355. Bernard describes the
   meeting and sets forth the danger from Abaelard's influence, Epp.
   187-194, 330-338. For an account of this trial, see my art., "St.
   Bernard the Churchman" in Princeton Rev., 1903, pp. 180 sqq.

   [1369] This preliminary meeting rests upon the testimony of Berengar
   and upon a passage in John of Salisbury, Hist. Pontif., chap. VIII. 9.
   John, in describing the trial of Gilbert of Poictiers, says Bernard
   wanted to have Gilbert's case prejudged in a preliminary sitting and by
   the same method he had resorted to in the case of Abaelard, --arte sim
   ili magistrum Petrum agressus erat. Berengar's defence of Abaelard
   descends to passionate invective. Migne, 178. 1858 sqq. Berengar
   represents the bishops and Bernard as being heated with wine at this
   preliminary conference, when they decided against Abaelard. The details
   of his account and his charges against Bernard are altogether out of
   accord with his character as it is otherwise known to us. Deutsch
   (Neander's St. Bernard, II. 1 sqq.) cannot free Bernard from unfairness
   in the part he took at this conference, as Vacandard does.

   [1370] The statement is not inconsistent with the representation of
   Otto of Freising, a disinterested reporter, who gives as reason for
   refusing to make an argument that he feared a popular tumult.

   [1371] Migne, 182. 1049-1051. Also Hefele, V. 463 sqq.

   [1372] Ep., 331; Migne, 182. 537. There are nine of these letters to
   the cardinals, 188, 192, 193, 331-335, 338. The longest letter was the
   one addressed to the pope, 190; Migne, 182. 1051-1071. The great
   vehemence of these letters have exposed Bernard in some quarters to
   unmitigated condemnation. From the standpoint of Christian moderation
   and charity they are difficult to understand and cannot be justified.
   Hausrath, p. 248, etc., represents him as der werltkluge Abt von
   Clairvaux, resorting to all the arts of diplomacy to secure a verdict
   against Abaelard. M'Cabe, in a very readable chapter, pp. 322-354,
   takes the same view. Without excusing him, it must be remembered in
   passing judgment that heresy was regarded with horror in that age.
   Bernard, no doubt, also shrank from Abaelard as a man who sought
   applause rather than the advancement of the Church. Morison, p. 302,
   speaks "of a horror of great darkness falling upon Bernard," when he
   recognized the dangers of a new era. Neander, St. Bernard, II. 3, says
   that no one can question that Bernard's zeal proceeded from a pure
   Christian purpose, but that he used the weapons of hatred under the
   mask of holy love.

   [1373] Migne, 178. 103.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 100. Abaelard's Teachings and Theology.

   Furnished with brilliant talents, Abaelard stands in the front rank of
   French public teachers. But he was a creature of impulse and
   offensively conscious of his own gifts and acquirements. He lacked the
   reverent modesty and equilibrium which become greatness. He was
   deficient in moral force to lift him above the whips and stings of
   fortune, or rather the calamities of his own making. He seems to have
   discerned no goal beyond his own selfish ambition. As Neander has said,
   if he had been a man of pure moral character, he would have
   accomplished more than he did in the domain of scholarly study. A man
   of the highest type could not have written his Story of Misfortunes in
   the tone that Abaelard wrote. He shows not a sign of repentance towards
   God for his treatment of Heloise. When he recalls that episode, it is
   not to find fault with himself, and it is not to do her any reparation.

   His readiness to put himself in opposition to his teachers and to speak
   contemptuously of them and to find the motive for such opposition in
   envy, indicates also a lack of the higher moral sentiment. It is his
   own loss of fame and position that he is continually thinking of, and
   lamenting. Instead of ascribing his misfortunes to his own mistakes and
   mistemper, he ascribes them to the rivalry and jealousy of others.
   [1374]

   Abaelard's writings are dialectic, ethical, and theological treatises,
   poems and letters to Heloise, and his autobiography. His chief
   theological works are a Commentary on the Romans, the Introduction to
   Theology, and a Christian Theology, the last two being mainly concerned
   with the Trinity, a colloquy between a philosopher, a Jew, and a
   Christian and the Sic et Non, Yes and No. In the last work the author
   puts side by side in one hundred and fifty-eight chapters a collection
   of quotations from the Fathers which seem to be or really are
   contradictory. The compiler does not offer a reconciliation. The
   subjects on which the divergent opinions are collated range from the
   abstruse problem of the Trinity and the person of Christ to the
   questions whether Eve alone was seduced or Adam with her, whether Adam
   was buried on Calvary (the view taken by Ambrose and Jerome) or not
   (Isidore of Seville), and whether Adam was saved or not. His chief
   writing on Ethics was the Scito te ipsum, "Know thyself."

   In some of his theological conceptions Abaelard was in advance of his
   age. The new seeds of thought which he let fall have germinated in
   recent times. His writings show that, in the twelfth century also, the
   critical sense had a representative.

   1. In the conflict over Realism and Nominalism Abaelard occupied an
   intermediate position. On the one hand he ridiculed the nominalism of
   Roscellinus, and on the other he controverted the severe realism of
   William of Champeaux. He taught that the universal is more than a word,
   vox. It is an affirmation, sermo. [1375] e creation.

   2. Of much more interest are Abaelard's views of the ultimate seat of
   religious authority and of inspiration. Although his statements at
   times seem to be contradictory, the conclusion is justified that he was
   an advocate of a certain freedom of criticism and inquiry, even though
   its results contradicted the authority of the Church. He recognized the
   principle of inspiration, but by this he did not mean what Gregory the
   Great taught, that the biblical authors were altogether passive. They
   exercised a measure of independence, and they were kept from all
   mistakes.

   The rule upon which he treated the Fathers and the Scriptures is set
   forth in the Prologue of the Sic et Non. [1376] lectual freedom, for
   the accredited belief was that their statements were invariably
   consistent. Abaelard pronounced this a mistake. Did not Augustine
   retract some of his statements? Their mistakes, however, and the
   supposed mistakes of the Scriptures may be only imaginary, due to our
   failure to understand what they say. Paul, in saying that Melchisedek
   has neither father nor mother, only meant that the names of his parents
   were not given in the Old Testament. The appearance of Samuel to Saul
   at the interview with the witch of Endor was only a fancy, not a
   reality. Prophets did not always speak with the Spirit of God, and
   Peter made mistakes. Why should not the Fathers also have made
   mistakes? The authority of Scripture and the Fathers does not preclude
   critical investigation. On the contrary, the critical spirit is the
   proper spirit in which to approach them. "In the spirit of doubt we
   approach inquiry, and by inquiry we find out the truth, as He, who was
   the Truth said, 'Seek and ye shall find, knock and it shall be opened
   unto you.' " [1377]

   The mystical and the philosophical elements, united in Anselm, were
   separated in Abaelard. But Abaelard followed the philosophical
   principle further than Anselm. He was a born critic, restless of mind,
   and anxious to make an innovation. In him the inquisitive temper was in
   the ascendant over the fiducial. Some writers even treat him as the
   forerunner of modern rationalism. In appearance, at least, he started
   from a principle the opposite of Anselm's, namely, "nothing is to be
   believed, until it has been understood." [1378] [1379] es not rest upon
   authority, but upon inquiry and experience. There are times, however,
   when he seems to contradict himself and to set forth the opposite
   principle. He says, "We believe in order to know, and unless ye
   believe, ye cannot know." [1380] mporaries felt that he was unsound and
   that his position would overthrow the authority of the Church. [1381]

   The greater doctrines of the Trinity and the existence of God, Abaelard
   held, could not be proved as necessary, but only as probable. In
   opposition to the pruriency of Scolasticism, he set up the principle
   that many things pertaining to God need neither to be believed, nor
   denied, for no danger is involved in the belief or denial of them.
   [1382] w or not, and whether God will grant pity to a certain most
   wicked man or not. On the other hand be declared that to affirm that we
   cannot understand what has been taught about the Trinity is to say that
   the sacred writers themselves did not understand what they taught.
   [1383] [1384]

   3. In his statement of the doctrine of the Trinity, Abaelard laid
   himself open to the charge both of modalism and Arianism. It called
   forth Bernard's severest charges. Abaelard made no contribution to the
   subject. The idea of the Trinity he derived from God's absolute
   perfections. God, as power, is the Father; as wisdom, He is the Son; as
   love, the Spirit. The Scriptures are appealed to for this view. The
   Father has put all things in His power, Acts 1:7. The Son, as Logos, is
   wisdom. The Holy Spirit is called good, Ps. 143:10, and imparts
   spiritual gifts. The figure gave much umbrage, by which he compared the
   three persons of the Trinity to the brass of which a seal is made, the
   form of the seal, and the seal itself proceeding from, or combining the
   brass and the form. "The brass itself which is the substance of the
   brazen seal, and the seal itself of which the brass is the substance,
   are essentially one; yet the brass and the seal are so distinct in
   their properties, that the property of the brass is one, and the
   property of the brazen seal another." These are ultimately three
   things: the brass, aes, the brass capable of sealing, sigillabile, and
   the brass in the act of sealing, sigillans.

   4. In his treatment of the atonement, Abaelard has valuable original
   elements. [1385] rence to Anselm's great treatise. Man, Abaelard said,
   is in the power of the devil, but the devil has no right to this power.
   What rights does a slave have over another slave whom he leads astray?
   Christ not only did not pay any price to the devil for man's
   redemption, he also did not make satisfaction to divine justice and
   appease God's wrath. If the fall of Adam needed satisfaction by the
   death of some one, who then would be able to satisfy for the death of
   Christ? In the life and death of the Redeemer, God's purpose was to
   manifest. His love and thus to stir up love in the breast of man, and
   to draw man by love back to Himself. God might have redeemed man by a
   word, but He chose to set before man an exhibition of His love in
   Christ. Christ's love constitutes the merit of Christ. The theory
   anticipates the modern moral influence theory of the atonement, so
   called.

   5. Abaelard's doctrine of sin likewise presents features of difference
   from the view current in his time. [1386] to eat the forbidden fruit,
   that is, after her desire was aroused and before the actual partaking
   of the fruit. [1387]

   The seat of sin is the intention, which is the root, bearing good and
   bad fruit. [1388] tentio, is not the simple purpose, say, to kill a man
   in opposition to killing one without premeditation, but it is the
   underlying purpose to do right or wrong. In this consciousness of right
   or wrong lies the guilt. Those who put Christ to death from a feeling
   that they were doing right, did not sin, or, if they sinned, sinned
   much less grievously than if they had resisted their conscience and not
   put him to death. How then was it that Christ prayed that those who
   crucified him might be forgiven? Abaelard answers by saying that the
   punishment for which forgiveness was asked was temporal in its nature.

   The logical deduction from Abaelard's premises would have been that no
   one incurs penalty but those who voluntarily consent to sin. But from
   this he shrank back. The godless condition of the heathen he painted in
   darkest colors. He, however, praised the philosophers and ascribed to
   them a knowledge through the Sibylline books, or otherwise, of the
   divine unity and even of the Trinity. [1389] ent II. that, while
   Abaelard labored to prove Plato a Christian, he proved himself to be a
   pagan. Liberal as he was in some of his doctrinal views, he was wholly
   at one with the Church in its insistence upon the efficiency of the
   sacraments, especially baptism and the Lord's Supper.

   Because Abaelard stands outside of the theological circle of his day,
   he will always be one of the most interesting figures of the Middle
   Ages. His defect was in the lack of moral power. The student often
   finds himself asking the question, whether his statements were always
   the genuine expression of convictions. But for this lack of moral
   force, he might have been the Tertullian of the Middle Ages, whom he is
   not unlike in dash and original freshness of thought. The African
   Father, so vigorous in moral power, the Latin Church excludes from the
   number of the saints on account of his ecclesiastical dissent. Abaelard
   she cannot include on account of moral weakness. [1390] rors charged
   against him, he might have been given a place among the martyrs of
   thought. [1391]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1374] The Story of Misfortunes was written while he was abbot of St.
   Gildas. It has been compared to the Confessions of Augustine. But no
   comparison could more sadly offend against truth. Abaelard revealed his
   inward states to gain a worldly end. He wanted to draw attention to
   himself and prepare the way for a new career. His letters to Heloise
   are not so much to assure her of his orthodoxy as to make that
   impression upon the Church authorities. This is the position taken by
   Deutsch, pp. 43 sqq., Hausrath, 275 sqq., and Nitsch, art. Abaelard in
   Herzog.

   [1375] The French writers designate Abaelard's theory Conceptualism,
   and hold that he substituted conceptus for voces. Deutsch, p. 105.
   Walter Map, writing in the second half of the twelfth century, speaks
   of Abaelard as "the leader of the Nominalists, princeps nominalismi,
   who sinned more in dialectics than he did in his treatment of
   Scripture." Wright's ed., I. 24, p. 41.

   [1376] See also Introd. ad Theol., Migne, 178. 980.

   [1377] Dubitando ad inquisitionem venimus, inquirendo veritatem
   percipimus. Sic et Non, Migne, p. 1349. Deutsch, pp. 159 sq., speaks of
   this spirit of free inquiry, Die Freiheit der Forschung, as the note
   running through all Abaelard's writings.

   [1378] Hist. Calam., Migne, 178. 142. Nec credi posse aliquid nisi
   primitus intellectus, etc.

   [1379] Introd. ad Theol., Migne, p. 1051, also p. 959. Fides quippe
   dicitur existimatio non apparentium, cognitio vero ipsarum rerum
   experientia per ipsam earam praesentiam.

   [1380] Credimus ut cognoscamus; nisi credideritis, non intelligetis.
   See other quotations in Hefele, V. 463-469; also Deutsch, in his
   chapter on Faith and Knowledge, pp. 168 sqq.

   [1381] So the charges of Bernard and the Synod of Sens, and Otto of
   Freising. De gestis Frid., 48.

   [1382] Introd. ad Theol., Migne, p. 986.

   [1383] Introd. ad Theol., Migne, p. 1052.

   [1384] Catholica quippe est fides, id est universalis quae ita omnibus
   necessaria est ut nemo discretus absque ea salvari possit, Migne, p.
   986. In view of such a statement, Poole's remark has much in its favor,
   "it was not really Abaelard's results that formed the strength of the
   indictment against him, but the method by which he reached them," p.
   153.

   [1385] They are found in his Com. on Romans, as well as in his Introd.
   ad Theol. and his Sermons, V., X., XII.

   [1386] They are set forth more particularly in the ethical treatise
   Scito te ipsum and the Com. on Romans, especially in an excursus on
   original sin, appended to chap. V., Migne, pp. 866-874.

   [1387] He thinks the tree whose fruit excited the sexual passions was
   the vine. Hexameron, Migne, p. 777.

   [1388] Com. on Romans, chap. II. 6. Deutsch, pp. 344 sqq., deals at
   length with Abaelard's views on Sin.

   [1389] Introd. ad Theol., Migne, p. 1008.

   [1390] Hausrath, pp. 293 sqq., assigns to Abaelard a place in the front
   rank of such martyrs. He justifies him for declining to stand by his
   conclusions in these words: "It would be unfair to demand that a
   scholar, who was under the pressure of such circumstances (that is
   mediaeval ecclesiasticism should have the courage of a farm hand, or
   carry his views to their logical conclusion like a statesman."

   [1391] Abaelard left admiring pupils, some of whom, like Omnibene,
   wrote books of Sentences based upon their teacher's Theology, and
   followed his threefold division of faith, the Sacraments, and love. See
   Denifle, Archiv, pp, 613 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 101. Younger Contemporaries of Abaelard.

   Literature: For Gilbert (Gislebertus) of Poictiers. His Commentaries on
   Boethius, De trinitate are in Migne, 64. 1266 sqq. T he De sex
   principiis, Migne, 188. 1250-1270. For his life: Gaufrid of Auxerre,
   Migne, 185. 595 sqq.--Otto of Freising, De gestis Frid., 50-57.--J. of
   Salisbury, Hist. pontif., VIII.--Poole, in Illustr. of the Hist. of
   Med. Thought, pp. 167-200. Hefele, V. 503-508,
   520-524.--Neander-Deutsch, St. Bernard, II. 130-144.

   For John of Salisbury, Works in Migne, vols. 190, 199, and J. A. Giles,
   Oxford, 1848, 5 vols.--Hist. pontificalis romanus, in Mon. German.,
   vol. XX.--Lives by Reuter, Berlin, 1842.--*C. Schaarschmidt, Joh.
   Saresbriensis nach Leben und Studien, Schriften und Philosophie, Leip.,
   1862, and art. in Herzog, IX. 313-319.--Denimuid, Paris,
   1873.--Schubert: Staatslehre J. von Sal., Berlin, 1897.--Stubbs, in
   Study of Med. and Mod. Hist., Lectt. VI., VII.--Poole, in Illustr.
   etc., pp. 201-226, and Dict. of Natl. Biogr., XXIX. 439-446.

   Among Abaelard's younger contemporaries and pupils were Gilbert of
   Poictiers, John of Salisbury, and Robert Pullen, theologians who were
   more or less influenced by Abaelard's spirit of free inquiry. Peter the
   Lombard, d. 1164, also shows strong traces of Abaelard's teaching,
   especially in his Christology. [1392]

   Gilbert of Poictiers, 1070-1154, is better known by his public trial
   than by his writings, or any permanent contributions to theology. Born
   at Poictiers, he studied under Bernard of Chartres, William of
   Champeaux, Anselm of Laon, and Abaelard. He stood at the head of the
   cathedral school in Chartres for ten years, and in 1137 began teaching
   in Paris. In 1142 he was made bishop of Poictiers. His two principal
   works are De sex principiis, an exposition of Aristotle's last six
   categories, which Aristotle himself left unexplained, and a commentary
   on the work on the Trinity, ascribed to Boethius. They occupy only a
   few pages in print.

   Gilbert's work on the Trinity involved him in a trial for heresy, in
   which Bernard was again a leading actor. [1393] use mode of statement
   and intense realism that exposed him to the accusation of unorthodoxy.

   Some of Gilbert's pupils were ready to testify against him, but
   sufficient evidence of tritheism were not forthcoming at Paris and the
   pope, who presided, adjourned the case to Rheims. At Rheims, Bernard
   who had been appointed prosecutor offended some of the cardinals by his
   methods of conducting the prosecution. Both Otto of Freising and John
   of Salisbury [1394] he good sense of pope Eugenius.

   To the pope's question whether Gilbert believed that the highest
   essence, by virtue of which, as he asserted, each of the three persons
   of the Trinity was God, was itself God, Gilbert replied in the
   negative. [1395] the assembly by his thorough acquaintance with the
   Fathers. The charge was declared unproven and Gilbert was enjoined to
   correct the questionable statements in the light of the fourth
   proposition brought in by Bernard. The accused continued to administer
   his see till his death. Otto of Freising concludes his account by
   saying, that either Bernard was deceived as to the nature of Gilbert's
   teaching as David was deceived by Mephibosheth, 2 Sam. 9:19 sqq., or
   that Gilbert covered up his real meaning by an adroit use of words to
   escape the judgment of the Church. With reference to his habit of
   confusing wisdom with words Walter of St. Victor called Gilbert one of
   the four labyrinths of France.

   John of Salisbury, about 1115-1180, was the chief literary figure and
   scholar among the Englishmen of the twelfth century, and exhibits in
   his works the practical tendency of the later English philosophy.
   [1396] spent ten or twelve years in "divers studies" on the Continent,
   sat at the feet of Abaelard on Mt. Genevieve, 1136, and heard Gilbert
   of Poictiers, William of Conches, Robert Pullen, and other renowned
   teachers. A full account of the years spent in study is given in his
   Metalogicus. Returning to England, he stood in a confidential relation
   to archbishop Theobald. At a later time he espoused Becket's cause and
   was present in the cathedral when the archbishop was murdered. He had
   urged the archbishop not to enter his church. In 1176 he was made
   bishop of Chartres. He says he crossed the Alps no less than ten times
   on ecclesiastical business.

   By his reminiscences and miscellanies, John contributed, as few men
   did, to our knowledge of the age in which he lived. He had the
   instincts of a Humanist, and, had he lived several centuries later,
   would probably have been in full sympathy with the Renaissance. His
   chief works are the Metalogicus, the Polycraticus, and the Historia
   pontificalis. The Polycraticus is a treatise on the principles of
   government and philosophy, written for the purpose of drawing attention
   away from the trifling disputes and occupations of the world to a
   consideration of the Church and the proper uses of life. [1397]
   otations from the Scriptures and classical writers, and shows that the
   Church is the true conservator of morality and the defender of justice
   in the State. He was one of the best-read men of his age in the
   classics. [1398]

   In the Metalogicus, John calls a halt to the casuistry of Scholasticism
   and declares that the reason is apt to err as well as the senses.
   Dialectics had come to be used as an exhibition of mental acumen, and
   men, like Adam du Petit Pont, made their lectures as intricate and
   obscure as possible, so as to attract students by the appearance of
   profundity. John declared that logic was a vain thing except as an
   instrument, and by itself as useless as the "sword of Hercules in a
   pygmy's hand." He emphasized the importance of knowledge that can be
   put to use, and gave a long list of things about which a wise man may
   have doubts, such as providence and human fortune, the origin of the
   soul, the origin of motion, whether all sins are equal and equally to
   be punished. God, he affirmed, is exalted above all that the mind can
   conceive, and surpasses our power of ratiocination. [1399]

   The Historia pontificalis is an account of ecclesiastical matters
   falling under John's own observation, extending from the council at
   Rheims, 1148, to the year 1152.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1392] Denifle includes the Lombard in the theological school of
   Abaelard. See his Abaelard's Sentenzen und d. Bearbeitungen seiner
   Theologie, Archiv, 1885, pp. 613-624.

   [1393] Neander-Deutsch, St. Bernard, II. 131. Poole, p. 181, calls
   Gilbert's exposition of the Trinity "one of the subtlest and most
   elaborate contributions to theological metaphysics the Middle Ages
   produced."

   [1394] Hist. pontif., VIII.; Migne, pp. 522 sqq. One of the accusers
   was Adam du Petit Pont, an Englishman, afterwards bishop of St. Asaph.
   He got his name from the school he set up on a little bridge connecting
   Paris with the Latin quarter. Schaarschmidt, p. 13.

   [1395] Otto of Freising states the four detailed charges as follows: 1.
   divina essentia non est deus. 2. proprietates personarum non sunt ipsae
   personae. 3. theolog. personae in nulla praedicantur propositione. 4.
   dimna natura non est incarnata. Gaufried, Migne, 185. 617, states the
   first three a little differently.

   [1396] Stephens calls him "by far the most distinguished English
   scholar of his century."Hist. of the Engl. Ch., pp. 320 sqq.

   [1397] Schaarschmidt calls it "the first great theory of the state in
   the literature of the Middle Ages." In view of the variety of its
   contents, Poole, p. 218, says that "it is to some extent an
   encyclopaedia of the cultivated thought of the middle of the twelfth
   century."

   [1398] Poole says, "No writer of his age can be placed beside him in
   the extent and depth of his classical reading."Dict. of Natl. Biog.,
   XXIX. 441. Schaarschmidt speaks of his marvellous acquaintance with the
   classics--eine staunenswerthe Vertrautheit.

   [1399] Metalog., VII. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 102. Peter the Lombard and the Summists.

   Literature: Works of P. Lombard, Migne, vols. 191, 192.--Protois, P.
   Lomb. son épôque, sa vie, ses écrits et son influence, Paris, 1881.
   Contains sermons not found in Migne.--Kögel: P. Lomb. in s. Stellung
   zur Philos. des Mittelalters, Leip., 1897.--*O. Baltzer: D. Sentenzen
   d. P. Lomb., irhe Quellen und ihre dogmengeschichtl. Bedeutung, Leip.,
   1902. --*Denifle: D. Sentenzen Abaelards, etc., in Archiv, 1885, pp.
   404 sqq.--Arts. Lombardus, in Wetzer-Welte, IX. 1916-1923, and *Herzog,
   by Seeberg, XI. 630-642.--Stöckl, Philos. des Mittelalters, I. 390-411.
   The Histories of Doctrine of Schwane, pp. 160 sqq., Bach, Harnack,
   Fisher, etc.

   Peter the Lombard is the father of systematic theology in the Catholic
   Church. He produced the most useful and popular theological text-book
   of the Middle Ages, as Thomas Aquinas produced the most complete
   theological system. In method, he belongs to the age of the great
   theologians of the thirteenth century, when Scholasticism was at its
   height. In point of time, he has his place in the twelfth century, with
   whose theologians, Bernard, Abaelard, Gilbert, Hugo of St. Victor, and
   others, he was personally acquainted. Peter was born at Novara, in
   Northern Italy, and died in Paris about 1164. [1400] in Paris. Walter
   Map, describing his experiences in France, calls him "the famous
   theologian." In 1159 he was made bishop of Paris.

   His monumental work, the Four Books of Sentences, libri quatuor
   sententiarum, covers, in a systematic way, the whole field of dogmatic
   theology, as John of Damascus had done four hundred years before in his
   summary of the Orthodox Faith. It won for its author the title, the
   Master of Sentences, magister sententiarum. Other systems of theology
   under the name of sentences had preceded the Lombard's treatise. Such a
   work was ascribed to Abaelard by St. Bernard. [1401] roduced such works
   and followed Abaelard's threefold division of faith, charity, and the
   sacraments. [1402] [1403] ert Pullen, who died about 1147, was an
   Englishman and one of the first teachers at Oxford, then went to Paris,
   where he had John of Salisbury for one of his hearers about 1142,
   enjoyed the friendship of St. Bernard, came into favor at Rome, and was
   appointed cardinal by Coelestin II.

   The Lombard's work is clear, compact, and sententious, moderate and
   judicial in spirit, and little given to the treatment of useless
   questions of casuistry. In spite of some attacks upon its orthodoxy, it
   received wide recognition and was used for several centuries as a
   text-book, as Calvin's Institutes, at a later period, was used in the
   Protestant churches. Down to the sixteenth century, every candidate for
   the degree of B. A. at Paris was obliged to pass an examination in it.
   Few books have enjoyed the distinction of having had so many
   commentaries written upon them. One hundred and sixty are said to be by
   Englishmen, and one hundred and fifty-two by members of the order of
   St. Dominic. The greatest of the Schoolmen lectured and wrote
   commentaries upon it, as Alexander Hales, Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura,
   Thomas Aquinas, Durandus, and Ockam. [1404]

   Not uninfluenced by the method pursued by Abaelard in the Sic et Non,
   the Lombard collated statements from the Fathers and he set about
   making his compilation to relieve the student from the task and toil of
   searching for himself in the Fathers. [1405] [1406] oposed to show the
   harmony existing between the patristic statements. In the arrangement
   of his material and for the material itself he drew largely upon
   Abaelard, Gratian, and Hugo of St. Vector, [1407] ew for entire
   paragraphs.

   The Sentences are divided into four parts, treating of the triune God,
   created beings and sin, the incarnation, the Christian virtues and the
   decalogue, and the sacraments with some questions in eschatology. The
   author's method is to state the doctrine taught by the Church, to
   confirm it from Scripture, then to adduce the opinions of the Fathers
   and, if they seemed to be in conflict, to reconcile them. His ultimate
   design was to lift up the light of truth in its candlestick, and he
   assures us his labor had cost him much toil and sweat of the brow.
   [1408]

   The Lombard's arguments for the divine existence are chiefly
   cosmological. God's predestination of the elect is the cause of good in
   them and is not based upon any foreseen goodness they may have. Their
   number cannot be increased or diminished. On the other hand, God does
   not take the initiation the condemnation of the lost. Their reprobation
   follows as a consequence upon the evil in them which is foreseen.
   [1409]

   In the second book, the Lombard makes the famous statement which he
   quotes from Augustine, and which has often been falsely ascribed as
   original to Matthew Henry, that the woman was not taken from Adam's
   head, as if she were to rule over him or from his feet as if she were
   to be his slave, but from his side that she might be his consort. By
   the Fall man suffered injury as from a wound, vulneratio, not
   deprivation of all virtue. Original sin is handed down through the
   medium of the body and becomes operative upon the soul by the soul's
   contact with the body. The root of sin is concupiscence,
   concupiscentia. The Lombard was a creationist. [1410]

   In his treatment of the atonement, Peter denied that Christ's death was
   a price paid to the devil. It is the manifestation of God's love, and
   by Christ's love on the cross, love is enkindled within us. Here the
   Lombard approaches the view of Abaelard. He has nothing to say in favor
   of Anselm's view that the death of Christ was a payment to the divine
   honor. [1411]

   In his treatment of the sacraments, the Lombard commends immersion as
   the proper form of baptism, triune or single. [1412] ted into the body
   and blood of Christ. Water is to be mixed with the wine, the water
   signifying the people redeemed by Christ's passion.

   It is remarkable that a work which came into such general esteem, and
   whose statements are so carefully guarded by references to Augustine,
   should have been attacked again and again as heretical, as at the synod
   of Tours, 1163, and at the Third Lateran, 1179; but at neither was any
   action taken. Again at the Fourth Lateran, 1215, Peter's statement of
   the Trinity was attacked. Peter had said that the Father, Son, and
   Spirit were "a certain highest being," and that the substance neither
   begets nor is begotten, nor does it proceed from anything. [1413] m a
   heretic, but the council took another view and pronounced in favor of
   Peter's orthodoxy. Walter of St. Victor went so far as to accuse the
   author of the Sentences with Sabellianism, Arianism, and "novel
   heresies." [1414] n get as clear an idea of mediaeval theology in a
   succinct form as in Peter Lombard unless it be in the Breviloquium of
   Bonaventura.

   The last and one of the clearest of the Summists of the twelfth century
   was Alanus de Insulis, Alain of Lille, who was born at Lille, Flanders,
   and died about 1202. [1415]

   In the Rules of Sacred Theology Alanus gives one hundred and
   twenty-five brief expositions of theological propositions. In the five
   books on the Catholic Faith, [1416] nts. [1417]

   Another name which may be introduced here is Walter of St. Victor, who
   is chiefly known by his characterization of Abaelard, Gilbert of
   Poictiers, Peter the Lombard, and the Lombard's pupil, Peter of
   Poictiers, afterwards chancellor of the University of Paris, as the
   four labyrinths of France. He likened their reasoning to the garrulity
   of frogs, -- ranarum garrulitas,--and declared that, as sophists, they
   had unsettled the faith by their questions and counterquestions.
   Walter's work has never been printed. He succeeded Richard as prior of
   the convent of St. Victor. He died about 1180. [1418]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1400] This is the date given on an ancient epitaph in Paris, but the
   date is made uncertain by the appointment of a bishop of Paris as the
   Lombard's successor, 1160. This would seem to indicate his death
   occurred at that time unless he was deposed on the charge of simony, of
   which, as Walter of St. Victor says, he was guilty. Migne, 199. 1140.

   [1401] Liber quem dicunt sententarium, Ep., 188; Migne, 182. 668.
   Walter of St. Victor declares it to have been by Abaelard's hand or
   taken from his works, aut ex libris ejus excerptus. See Deutsch, P.
   Abaelard excursus.

   [1402] Denifle, Archiv, 1885, learnedly establishes the relation of
   these works to Abaelard. They exist in MSS. at Nürnberg, Munich, etc.
   Omnebene expressly declared his work to be a compilatlon taken from
   different sources.

   [1403] Sententiarum theologicarum libri, VII.; Migne, vol. 186. His
   name is spelt Pullein, Pullan, etc. See Rashdall's art. in Dict. of
   Nat'l Biogr., XLVII. 19.

   [1404] The Jesuit Possevin gives a list of 246 commentaries in print.
   See Wetzer-Welte, IX. 1921, which speaks of the number of commentaries
   as unzaelig, "without number." Hergenröther (Gesch. II. 516) speaks of
   them in the same way as zahllos. The first commentary, according to
   Werner (Thom. von Aquino, I. 314), was by William of Seignelay, teacher
   in Paris and later bishop of Paris.

   [1405] Prolog. to the Sentences, brevi volumine complicans patrum
   sententias appositis eorum eorum testimoniis, etc.

   [1406] Baltzer, pp. 2-5, gives the results of a careful study.
   Augustine furnishes 1000 quotations. Hilary comes next, being quoted 86
   times. Baltzer's book is a laborious comparison of every paragraph of
   the Lombard with the Fathers and his predecessors among the Schoolmen,
   especially Abaelard and Hugo of St. Victor.

   [1407] Denifle (Archiv, pp. 621 sqq.) is authority for the statement
   that he also quotes from Gandulf's Sentences which still remain in MS.
   at Turin.

   [1408] Migne, 192. 522.

   [1409] Reprobatio Dei est praescientia militiae in quibusdam non
   finiendae, et praeparatio poenae non terminandae.

   [1410] II. 31; Migne, p. 211.

   [1411] Mors nos justificat, dum per eam caritas excitatur in cordibus
   nostris, III. 19; Migne, p. 285. John of Cornwall, his pupil, expressly
   says that the Bombard learned his view of the atonement from Abaelard
   and often had Abaelard's Theologia in his hands, Migne, 199. 1052. See
   Denifle, pp. 616 sqq. Baltzer, pp. 96 sqq., goes so far as to say that
   his silence is to be interpreted as a denial of the Anselmic theory.

   [1412] IV. 3; Migne, p. 335.

   [1413] Quaedam summa res est Pater et Filius et Spiritus et illa non
   est generans neque genita nec procedens.

   [1414] From time to time questionable articles continued to be cited
   from the Lombard. In the middle of the thirteenth century the number of
   such articles at variance with the doctrine of the Church was given as
   eight. The doctors of Paris increased the number. Eymeric wrote a
   treatise on twenty-two such heretical statements. A list of fifteen are
   given at the close of Peter's Sentences. Migne, 451-454.

   [1415] He is probably a different man from Alanus, archbishop of
   Auxerre, with whom he has often been identified, and who spent the last
   twenty years of his life at Clairvaux and wrote a life of St. Bernard.
   Migne, 186. 470-523. See Deutsch, Alanus, Herzog, I. 283 sqq.
   Hergenröther-Kirsch frequently quotes Alanus.

   [1416] Regulae de sacra theologia, Migne, 210. 621-684; and de arte
   sive de articulis catholicae fidei, Migne, 593-617.

   [1417] Congregatio fidelium confitentium Christum, et sacramentorum
   subsidium, Migne, p. 613. Under the title liber sententiarum, Migne,
   229-264, he wrote also on the Lord's birth, John the Baptist, and Mary.

   [1418] Walter speaks of the four labyrinths as "treating with
   scholastic levity the mysteries of the Trinity and the incarnation and
   vomiting out many heresies." Planck gave an analysis of Walter's work
   in Studien und Kritiken, 1844, pp. 823 sqq. Bulaeus, in Hist.
   universitatum, vol. II. 402, 629, gives extracts, which are reprinted
   in Migne, 199, pp. 1127 sqq. Denifle also gives quotations, Archiv,
   etc., 1886, pp. 404 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 103. Mysticism.

   Literature: The Works of St. Bernard, Hugo and Richard of St. Victor,
   Rupert of Deutz, and also of Anselm, Bonaventura, Thomas Aquinas, all
   in Migne's Patrology.--G. Arnold: Historie und Beschreibung d. myst.
   Theologie, Frankf., 1703.--H. Schmid: D. Mysticismus des Mittelalters,
   Jena, 1824.--J. Görres (Prof. of Hist. in Munich, founder of German
   ultramontanism, d. 1848): D. christl. Mystik, 4 vols. Regensb.,
   1836-1842. A product of the fancy rather than of sober historical
   investigation.--A. Helfferich: D. christl. Mystik, etc., 2 parts,
   Gotha, 1842. --R. A. Vaughn: Hours with the Mystics, Lond., 1856, 4th
   ed., no date, with preface by Wycliffe Vaughan .--Ludwig Noack: D.
   christl. Mystik nach ihrem geschichtl. Entwickelungsgang, 2 parts,
   Königsb., 1863.--J. Hamberger: Stimmen der Mystik, etc., 2 parts,
   Stuttg., 1857.--W. Preger: Gesch. der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter,
   3 vols. Leip., 1874-1893. The Mysticism of the twelfth and thirteenth
   cents. is given, vol. I 1-309.--Carl du Prel: D. Philosophie der
   Mystik, Leip., 1885.--W. R. Inge: Christ. Mysticism, Lond., 1899.--The
   Lives of Bernard, Hugo of St. Victor, etc.--The Histories of Doctrine
   of Schwane, Harnack, etc.

   Side by side with the scholastic element in mediaeval theology was
   developed the mystical element. Mysticism aims at the immediate
   personal communion of the soul with the Infinite Spirit, through inward
   devotions and spiritual aspirations, by abstraction rather than by
   logical analysis, by adoration rather than by argument, with the heart
   rather than with the head, through the spiritual feelings rather than
   through intellectual prowess, through the immediate contact of the soul
   with God rather than through rites and ceremonies. The characteristic
   word to designate the activity of the mystic is devotion; of the
   scholastic, speculation. Mysticism looks less for God without and more
   for God within the breast. It relies upon experience rather than upon
   definitions. [1419] icism is equally opposed to rationalism and to
   ritual formalism.

   In the Apostle John and also in Paul we have the mystical element
   embodied. The centre of John's theology is that God is love. The goal
   of the believer is to abide in Christ and to have Christ abide in him.
   The true mystic has felt. He is no visionary nor a dabbler in
   occultism. Nor is he a recluse. Neither the mystics of this period nor
   Eckart and Tauler of a later period seclude themselves from the course
   of human events and human society. Bernard and the theologians of St.
   Victor did not lose themselves in the absorption of ecstatic exercises,
   though they sought after complete and placid composure of soul under
   the influence of love for Christ and the pure contemplation of
   spiritual things. "God," said St. Bernard, "is more easily sought and
   found by prayer than by disputation." "God is known," said both Bernard
   and Hugo of St. Victor, "so far as He is loved." Dante placed Bernard
   still higher than Thomas Aquinas, the master of scholastic thought, and
   was led by him through prayer to the beatific vision of the Holy
   Trinity with which his Divine Comedy closes. [1420]

   Augustine furnished the chief materials for the mystics of the Middle
   Ages as he did for the scholastics. It was he who said, "Thou hast made
   us for thyself and the heart is restless till it rests in Thee." For
   Aristotle, the mystics substituted Dionysius the Areopagite, the
   Christian Neo-Platonist, whose works were made accessible in Latin by
   Scotus Erigena. [1421] as strong in the greatest of the Schoolmen,
   Anselm, Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventura.

   The Middle Ages took Rachel and Leah, Mary and Martha as the
   representatives of the contemplative and the active life, the
   conventual and the secular life, and also of the mystic and scholastic
   methods. Through the entire two periods of seven years, says Peter
   Damiani, [1422] ion; that is, as it were, the embraces of the beautiful
   Rachel. These two periods stand for the Old and New Testament, the law
   and the grace of the Gospel. He who keeps the commandments of both at
   last comes into the embraces of Rachel long desired.

   Richard of St. Victor devotes a whole treatise to the comparison
   between Rachel and Leah. Leah was the more fertile, Rachel the more
   comely. Leah represented the discipline of virtue, Rachel the doctrine
   of truth. Rachel stands for meditation, contemplation, spiritual
   apprehension, and insight; Leah for weeping, lamentation, repining, and
   grief. Rachel died in giving birth to Benjamin. So reason, after the
   pangs of ratiocination, dies in giving birth to religious devotion and
   ardor. [1423]

   This comparison was taken from Augustine, who said that Rachel stands
   for the joyous apprehension of the truth and, for that reason, was said
   to have a good face and beautiful form. [1424] ame family, dwelling
   together as did Mary and Martha. [1425]

   The scholastic theology was developed in connection with the school and
   the university, the mystic in connection with the convent. Clairvaux
   and St. Victor near Paris were the hearth-stones of mysticism. Within
   cloistral precincts were written the passionate hymns of the Middle
   Ages, and the eucharistic hymns of Thomas Aquinas are the utterances of
   the mystic and not of the Schoolman.

   The leading mystical divines of this period were Bernard, Hugo and
   Richard of St. Victor, and Rupert of Deutz. Mystical in their whole
   tendency were also Joachim of Flore, Hildegard and Elizabeth of
   Schönau, who belong in a class by themselves.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1419] Harnack, Dogmengesch., III. 314 sqq., 373 sqq., turns to
   ridicule the alleged difference between scholasticism and mysticism.
   With the emotional or quietistic type of religion, die
   Pektoraltheologie, the cardiac theology, as the Germans call it, he has
   little sympathy. Piety, he says, is the starting-point of both and full
   knowledge their goal. He makes the brusque statement, p. 318, that "a
   mystic who does not become a Roman Catholic, is a dilettante." Ritschl
   had said before that there is "no normal mysticism except in connection
   with the hermit life. The love for it, widely prevalent among
   evangelical Christians, is dilettanteism."Pietismus, II. 12. Harnack,
   however, is willing to allow a distinction in the terms and to speak of
   scholasticism when the relation of God to the universe is thought of
   and of mysticism when we have in mind the union of the soul with God.

   [1420] Paradiso, XXXI. 130, XXXIII. 49, etc. Dr. Philip Schaff said,
   Lit. and Poetry, p. 232, "Bernard defended orthodox mysticism and the
   theology of the heart against speculative rationalism and the theology
   of the intellect in contrast with Peter Abaelard."

   [1421] "The mediaeval mystics were steeped in Dionysius." Inge, p. 110.

   [1422] De perf. monachi, VIII.; Migne, 145. 303.

   [1423] De preparat. ad contemplationem sive Benjamin minor, I. 73;
   Migne, 196. 52.

   [1424] C. Faus. Man., XXII. 52.

   [1425] Sermo in Cant., 51, 2. See De consid., I, 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 104. St. Bernard as a Mystic.

   For literature, see § 65, also, Ritschl: Lesefrüchte aus d. hl.
   Bernard, in Studien u. Kritiken, 1879, pp. 317-335.--J. Ries (Rom.
   Cath.): D. geistliche Leben nach der Lehre d. hl. Bernard, Freib.,
   1906, p. 327.

   The works of Bernard which present his mystical theology are the
   Degrees of Humility and Pride, a sermon addressed to the clergy,
   entitled Conversion, the treatise on Loving God, his Sermons on the
   Canticles, and his hymns. The author's intimate acquaintance with the
   Scriptures is shown on almost every page. He has all the books at his
   command and quotation follows quotation with great rapidity. Bernard
   enjoyed the highest reputation among his contemporaries as an expounder
   of the inner life, as his letters written in answer to questions show.
   Harnack calls him the religious genius of the twelfth century, the
   leader of his age, the greatest preacher Germany had ever heard. In
   matters of religious contemplation he called him a new Augustine,
   Augustinus redivivus. [1426]

   The practical instinct excluded the speculative element from Bernard as
   worldly ambition excluded the mystical element from Abaelard. Bernard
   had the warmest respect for the Apostle Paul and greatly admired
   Augustine as "the mightiest hammer of the heretics" and "the pillar of
   the Church." [1427] It is better that one perish than that unity
   perish." [1428]

   Prayer and personal sanctity, according to Bernard, are the ways to the
   knowledge of God, and not disputation. The saint, not the disputant,
   comprehends God. [1429] l ethical principles of theology. The
   conventual life, with its vigils and fastings, is not an end but a
   means to develop these two fundamental Christian virtues. [1430] the
   sense that all the monks were perfect. [1431]

   The treatise on Loving God asserts that God will be known in the
   measure in which He is loved. Writing to Cardinal Haimeric, who had
   inquired "why and how God is to be loved," Bernard replied. "The
   exciting cause of love to God, is God Himself. The measure of love to
   God is to love God without measure. [1432] liever does not know, are
   inexpressibly more precious and call upon man to exercise an infinite
   and measureless love, for God is infinite and measureless. The soul is
   great in the proportion in which it loves God." [1433]

   Love grows with our apprehension of God's love. As the soul
   contemplates the cross it is itself pierced with the sword of love, as
   when it is said in the Canticles, II. 5. "I am sick from love." Love
   towards God has its reward, but love loves without reference to reward.
   True love is sufficient unto itself. To be fully absorbed by love is to
   be deified. [1434] nsfused by the light of the sun, becomes itself like
   the light, and seems to be as the sun itself, even so all feeling in
   the saint is wholly transfused by God's will, and God becomes all and
   in all.

   In Bernard's eighty-six Sermons on the Song of Solomon, we have a
   continuous apostrophe to love, the love of God and the soul's love to
   God. As sermons they stand out like the Petite Carême of Massillon
   among the great collections of the French pulpit. Bernard reached only
   the first verse of the third chapter. His exposition, which is written
   in Latin, revels in the tropical imagery of this favorite book of the
   Middle Ages. Everything is allegorized. The very words are exuberant
   allegories. And yet there is not a single sensual or unchaste
   suggestion in all the extended treatment. As for the historical and
   literal meaning, Bernard rejects all suggestion of it as unworthy of
   Holy Scripture and worthy only of the Jews, who have this veil before
   their faces. [1435] f the love between the Church and Christ, though
   sometimes the soul, and even the Virgin Mary, is put in the place of
   the Shulamite. The kiss of SS. 1:2 is the Holy Spirit whom the second
   person of the Trinity reveals. [1436] e the goodness and longsuffering
   which Christ feels and dispenses, Rom. 2:4. The Canticles are a song
   commemorating the grace of holy affection and the sacrament of eternal
   matrimony. [1437] ; no one can hear who does not love, for the language
   of love is a barbarous tongue to him who does not love, even as Greek
   is to one who is not a Greek. [1438]

   Rhapsodic expressions like these welled up in exuberant abundance as
   Bernard spoke to his audiences at different hours of the day in the
   convent of Clairvaux. They are marked by no progress of thought.
   Aphoristic statement takes the place of logic. The same spiritual
   experiences find expression over and over again. But the treatment is
   always devout and full of unction, and proves the justice of the title,
   "the honey-flowing doctor,"--doctor mellifluus -- given to the fervid
   preacher.

   The mysticism of St. Bernard centres in Christ. It is by contemplation
   of Him that the soul is filled with knowledge and ecstasy. The goal
   which the soul aspires to is that Christ may live in us, and our love
   to God become the all-controlling affection. Christ is the pure lily of
   the valley whose brightness illuminates the mind. As the yellow pollen
   of the lily shines through the white petals, so the gold of his
   divinity shines through his humanity. Bethlehem and Calvary, the birth
   and passion of Christ, controlled the preacher's thought. Christ
   crucified was the sum of his philosophy. [1439] [1440]

   Bernard was removed from the pantheistic self-deletion of Eckart and
   the imaginative extravagance of St. Theresa. From Madame Guyon and the
   Quietists of the seventeenth century, he differed in not believing in a
   state of pure love in the present life. Complete obedience to the law
   of love is impossible here unless it be in the cases of some of the
   martyrs. [1441] ship of the disciples in the primitive Church who were
   together with one heart and one soul, Acts 4:32. The union is not by a
   confusion of natures, but by a concurrence of wills. [1442]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1426] Dogmengesch., III. 301, 305. For Bernard's acquaintance with
   Scripture, see Ries, pp. 11 sq.

   [1427] Ries, pp. 9, 15.

   [1428] Omnia vestra in caritate fiant, Ep., 221. Melius est ut unus
   pereat quam unitas, Ep., 102; Migne, 182. 257.

   [1429] Non ea disputatio comprehendit sed sanctitas, quoting Eph.,
   III., 18. Sancti comprehendunt. De consid., V. 14; Migne, 182. 804.

   [1430] Ep., 142, 2; Migne, 182, 297. Dr. Philip Schaff said that "love
   and humility were the crowning traits of Bernard's character."Lit. and
   Poetry, p. 232.

   [1431] Ries, pp. 35, sqq.

   [1432] Causa diligendi Deum Deus est, modus sine modo diligere. De
   dilig. Deo. 1. Migne, 182. 974.

   [1433] In Cant., p. 919, as quoted by Ries, p. 212.

   [1434] Sic affici deificari est. Bernard does not shrink from the use
   of this word as also Origen and Gregory of Nyssa did not, and other
   Fathers who used it or its Greek equivalent.

   [1435] Serm., LXXV. 2; LXIII. 1; LXXIII. 1, 2.

   [1436] Serm., VIII. Migne, p. 810.

   [1437] Divinitus inspiratus Christi et ecclesiae laudes, et sacri
   amoris gratiam et aeterni connubii cecinit sacramenta, etc. Serm., I.
   8.; Migne, p. 788.

   [1438] Serm., LXXIX. 1; Migne, p. 1163.

   [1439] Haec mea philosophia scire Jesum Christum et hunc crucifixum.
   Serm., XLIII. 4; Migne, p. 995.

   [1440] Jesus mel in ore, in aure melos, in corde jubilus. Serm., XV. 6;
   Migne, p. 847.

   [1441] See Vacandard, Vie de S. Bernard, II. 497, and Ries, pp. 198 sq.

   [1442] Unitas quam facit non confusio naturarum, sed voluntatum
   consensio. Serm. in Cant., LXXI. 7; Migne, 183. 1124. Harnack, whose
   treatment of St. Bernard is one of the most stirring chapters in his
   Hist. of Doctrine, nevertheless says unjustly III. 304, that Bernard's
   mysticism naturally led to Pantheism. In Bernard himself there is no
   trace of Pantheism. See Ries, pp. 190 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 105. Hugo and Richard of St. Victor.

   Literature for Hugo.--Works, first publ. Paris, 1618, 1625, etc. Migne,
   vols. 175-177.--Lives by A. Hugonin in Migne, 175. XV-CXXV. In Hist.
   Lit. de France, reprinted in Migne, 175. CXXVI. sqq.--*A. Liebner: Hugo
   von St. V. und d. Theol. Richtungen s. Zeit., Leip., 1832.--B. Haureau:
   Hugues de S. V. avec deux opuscules inédits, Paris, 1859. new ed.
   1886.--A. Mignon: Les origines de la scholastique et Hugues de St. V.,
   2 vols. Paris, 1896.--Kilgenstein: D. Gotteslehre d. Hugo von St. V.,
   Würzb., 1897.--Denifle: D. Sentenzen Z. von St. Victor, in Archiv,
   etc., for 1887, pp. 644 sqq.--Stökl, pp. 352-381.

   For Richard.--Works, first publ. Venice, 1506. Migne, vol. 196.--J. G.
   V. Engelhardt: Rich. von St. V., Erlangen,--Liebner: Rich. à S. Victore
   de contemp. doctrina, Gött., 1837-1839, 2 parts.--Kaulich: D. Lehren
   des H. und Rich. von St. Victor, Prag., 1864.--Art. in Dict. Of Natl.
   Biogr., Preger, Vaughan, Stökl, Schwane, etc.

   In Hugo of St. Victor, d. 1141, and more fully in his pupil, Richard of
   St. Victor, d. 1173, the mystical element is modified by a strong
   scholastic current. With Bernard mysticism is a highly developed
   personal experience. With the Victorines it is brought within the
   limits of careful definition and becomes a scientific system. Hugo and
   Richard confined their activity to the convent, taking no part in the
   public controversies of the age. [1443]

   Hugo, the first of the great German theologians, was born about 1097 in
   Saxony. [1444] ary writers by whom he is quoted. His most important
   works are on Learning, the Sacraments, a Summa, [1445] and also a
   treatise on what would now be called Biblical Introduction. [1446]
   llustration of these three senses is given in the case of Job. Job
   belonged to the land of Uz, was rich, was overtaken by misfortune, and
   sat upon the dunghill scraping his body. This is the historical sense.
   Job, whose name means the suffering one, dolens, signifies Christ who
   left his divine glory, entered into our misery, and sat upon the
   dunghill of this world, sharing our weaknesses and sorrows. This is the
   allegorical sense. Job signifies the penitent soul who makes in his
   memory a dunghill of all his sins and does not cease to sit upon it,
   meditate, and weep. This is the anagogical sense.

   From Hugo dates the careful treatment of the doctrine of the sacraments
   upon the basis of Augustine's definition of a sacrament as a visible
   sign of an invisible grace. His views are given in the chapter on the
   Sacramental System.

   The mystical element is prominent in all of Hugo's writings. [1447]
   ion. The faculty of contemplation is concerned with divine things, but
   was lost in the fall when also the eye of reason suffered injure, but
   the eye of the flesh remained unimpaired. Redemptive grace restores the
   eye of contemplation. This faculty is capable of three stages of
   activity: cogitatio, or the apprehension of objects in their external
   forms; meditatio, the study of their inner meaning and essence; and
   contemplatio, or the clear, unimpeded insight into the truth and the
   vision of God. These three stages are likened unto a fire of green
   fagots. When it is started and the flame and smoke are intermingled so
   that the flame only now and then bursts out, we have cogitatio. The
   fire burning into a flame, the smoke still ascending, represents
   meditatio. The bright glowing flame, unmixed with smoke, represents
   contemplatio. The carnal heart is the green wood from which the passion
   of concupiscence has not yet been dried out. [1448]

   In another place Hugo compares the spirit, inflamed with desire and
   ascending to God, to a column of smoke losing its denseness as it
   rises. Ascending above the vapors of concupiscence, it is transfused
   with light from the face of the Lord and comes to behold Him. [1449] t
   God is all in all. Love possesses God and knows God. Love and vision
   are simultaneous.

   The five parts of the religious life, according to Hugo, are reading,
   reflection, prayer, conduct, and contemplation. [1450] 's pen as it was
   on St. Bernard's. The words he most often uses to carry his thought are
   contemplation and vision, and he has much to say of the soul's rapture,
   excessus or raptus. The beatitude, "The pure in heart shall see God,"
   is his favorite passage, which he quotes again and again to indicate
   the future beatific vision and the vision to which even now the soul
   may arise. The first man in the state of innocence lived in unbroken
   vision of God.

   They who have the spirit of God, have God. They see God. Because the
   eye has been illuminated, they see God as He is, separate from all else
   and by Himself. It is the intellectual man that partakes of God's
   bliss, and the more God is understood the more do we possess Him. God
   made man a rational creature that he might understand and that by
   understanding he might love, by loving possess, and by possessing
   enjoy. [1451]

   More given to the dialectical method and more allegorical in his
   treatment of Scripture than Hugo, was Richard of St. Victor. Richard is
   fanciful where Hugo is judicious, extravagant where Hugo is
   self-restrained, turgid where Hugo is calm. [1452] prior. While he was
   at St. Victor, the convent was visited by Alexander III, and Thomas á
   Becket. In his exegetical works on the Canticles, the Apocalypse, and
   Ezekiel, Richard's exuberant fancy revels in allegorical
   interpretations. As for the Canticles, they set forth the contemplative
   life as Ecclesiastes sets forth the natural and Proverbs the moral
   life. Jacob corresponds to the Canticles, for he saw the angels
   ascending and descending. Abraham corresponds to the Proverbs and Isaac
   to Ecclesiastes. [1453] The Canticles set forth the contemplative life,
   because in that book the advent and sight of the Lord are desired.

   In the department of dogmatics Richard wrote Emmanuel, a treatise
   directed to the Jews, [1454] Bernard, [1455] [1456] om experience,
   ratiocination, and faith. Dialectics are allowed full sweep in the
   attempt to join knowledge and faith. Richard condemned the
   pseudo-philosophers who leaned more on Aristotle than on Christ, and
   thought more of being regarded discoverers of new things than of
   asserting established truths. [1457] [1458] ferent persons and just
   three because two persons, loving one another, will desire a third whom
   they shall love in common.

   Richard's distinctively mystical writings won for him the name of the
   great contemplator, magnus contemplator. In the Preparation of the Mind
   for Contemplation or Benjamin the Less, the prolonged comparison is
   made between Leah and Rachel to which reference has already been made.
   The spiritual significance of their two nurses and their children is
   brought down to Benjamin. Richard even uses the bold language that
   Benjamin killed his mother that he might rise above natural reason.
   [1459]

   In Benjamin the Greater, or the Grace of Contemplation, we have a
   discussion of the soul's processes, as the soul rises "through self and
   above self" to the supernal vision of God. Richard insists upon the
   soul's purification of itself from all sin as the condition of knowing
   God. The heart must be imbued with virtues, which Richard sets forth,
   before it can rise to the highest things, and he who would attempt to
   ascend to the height of knowledge must make it his first and chief
   study to know himself perfectly. [1460]

   Richard repeats Hugo's classification of cogitatio, meditatio, and
   contemplatio. Contemplation is the mind's free, clear, and admiring
   vision of the wonders of divine wisdom. [1461] sy, seeing visions,
   enjoying sublimated worship and inexpressible sweetness of experience.
   This is immediate communion with God. The third heaven, into which Paul
   was rapt, is above reason and to be reached only by a rapturous
   transport of the mind--per mentis excessum. It is "above reason and
   aside from reason." [1462] Plato, nor did any of the company of the
   philosophers. [1463]

   Richard magnifies the Scriptures and makes them the test of spiritual
   states. Everything is to be looked upon with suspicion which does not
   conform to the letter of Scripture. [1464]

   The leading ideas of these two stimulating teachers are that we must
   believe and love and sanctify ourselves in order that the soul may
   reach the ecstasy and composure of contemplation or the knowledge of
   God. The Scriptures are the supreme guide and the soul by contemplation
   reaches a spiritual state which the intellect and argumentation could
   ever bring it to.

   Rupert of Deutz.--Among the mystics of the twelfth century no mean
   place belongs to Rupert of Deutz. [1465] ne convent of Deutz near
   Cologne about 1120 and died 1136. He came into conflict with Anselm of
   Laon and William of Champeaux through a report which represented them
   as teaching that God had decreed evil, and that, in sinning, Adam had
   followed God's will. Rupert answered the errors in two works on the
   Will of God and the Omnipotence of God. He even went to France to
   contend with these two renowned teachers. [1466]

   Rupert's chief merit is in the department of exegesis. He was the most
   voluminous biblical commentator of his time. He magnified the
   Scriptures. In one consecutive volume he commented on the books of the
   Old Testament from Genesis to Chronicles, on the four Major Prophets,
   and the four evangelists. [1467] especially the Canticles and Matthew.
   In these works he follows the text conscientiously and laboriously,
   verse by verse. The Canticles Rupert regarded as a song in honor of the
   Virgin Mary, but he set himself against the doctrine that she was
   conceived without sin. The commentary opens with an interpretation of
   Cant. 1:2, thus: " 'Let him kiss me with the kiss of his mouth.' What
   is this exclamation so great, so sudden? Of blessed Mary, the
   inundation of joy, the force of love, the torrent of pleasure have
   filled thee full and wholly intoxicated thee and thou hast felt what
   eye has not seen nor ear heard nor has entered into the heart of man,
   and thou hast said, 'Let him kiss me with the kiss of his mouth' for
   thou didst say to the angel 'Behold the handmaid of the Lord, let it be
   unto me according to thy word.' What was that word? What did he say to
   thee? 'Thou hast found grace,' he said, 'with the Lord. Behold thou
   shalt conceive and bare a son.'... Was not this the word of the angel,
   the word and promise of the kiss of the Lord's mouth ready to be
   given?" etc. [1468]

   Rupert also has a place in the history of the doctrine of the Lord's
   Supper, and it is an open question whether or not he substituted the
   doctrine of impanation for the doctrine of transubstantiation. [1469]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1443] St. Victor, the convent which William of Champeaux, Hugo, and
   Richard made famous, had its filial houses not only in France but also
   in Ireland. With the French Revolution the convent and its grounds
   disappeared. Two streets of Paris, the Rue Guy de la Brosse and the Rue
   de Jussieu, were driven through them. See Wetzer-Welte, St. Victor,
   XII. 914 sqq.

   [1444] The argument in favor of Saxony is well stated by Preger,
   Deutsche Mystik, I. 227 sqq. So Zöckler in Herzog, and the art. on
   Hugo, in Wetzer-Welte.

   [1445] Summa Sententiarum, Migne, 176. 42-172. This work has been
   denied to Hugo by Denifle on insufficient grounds. Hugo opens the work
   with a treatment of the three cardinal virtues, faith, hope, and love,
   and proceeds to the discussion of the Trinity, creation, the five
   sacraments, and marriage.

   [1446] He discusses the senses of Scripture, the number of the books,
   the apocrypha, the translation, the historical difficulties of
   Scripture, etc. See Migne, 175. 9-28. The same topics are treated in
   his treatise on Learning. Migne, 176. 778-811.

   [1447] Among his mysticalwritings are de arca Noe morali, Migne, 176.
   619-680; de arca mystica, Migne, 176. 681-703; de vanitate mundi.
   Noah's ark is symbolical of the spiritual house and Christ is the
   "Captain, the supreme Noah." The wood, windows, and other parts of the
   ark are all spiritualized. In the second treatise the ark represents
   the cross.

   [1448] Carnale cor quasi lignum viride necdum ab humore carnalis
   concupiscentiae exsiccatum, etc. See Liebner, p. 315.

   [1449] De arca morali, III. 7; Migne, 176. 654.

   [1450] de erud. didasc., Migne, 176. 797.

   [1451] Quia non potest dei beatitudo participari nisi per intellectum,
   etc. Summa, II. 1: Migne, 176. 79.

   [1452] See Liebner, Hugo von St. Victor, pp. 81 sq.

   [1453] Migne, 196. 409.

   [1454] .De Emmanuele, Migne, 196. 601-665

   [1455] Migne, 196. 995-1011. Richard calls Bernard, divus Bernardus,
   and "my Bernard," V; Migne, 195. 999. He also addressed other works to
   St. Bernard.

   [1456] O felix culpa quae talem ac tantum meruit habere redemptorem,
   Migne,196. 1003.

   [1457] See Engelhardt, pp. 14 sqq.

   [1458] Fides totius boni initium est atque fundamentum, Migne, 196.
   889.

   [1459] Interficit matrem ubi omnem supergreditur rationem. De prep.,
   86; Migne, 196. 62, etc.

   [1460] Animus qui ad scientae altitudinem nititur ascendere, primum et
   principale sit ei studium se ipsum cognoscere. De prep., 76; Migne,
   196. 54.

   [1461] Contemplatio est libera mentis perspicacia in sapientae
   spectacula cum admiratione suspensa. De gratia, I. 5; Migne, 196. 67.
   Here, as in other places, Richard quotes his teacher Hugo.

   [1462] Supra rationem et praeter rationem. De prep., 86; Migne, 196.
   61.

   [1463] De prep., 74; Migne, p. 54.

   [1464] Suspecta mihi est omnis veritas, quam non confirmat scripturarum
   auctoritas. De prep., 81; Migne, 196. 57.

   [1465] A fall edition of his works is given by Migne, vols. 167-170.
   See Bach and Schwane. Also Rocholl, Rupert von Deutz. Beitrag zur
   Gesch. der Kirche im 12ten Jahrh., Gütersloh, 1886.

   [1466] Rupert gives an account of his journey to France to meet William
   and Anselm in disputation in his De regula Benedicti, I. 1; Migne, 170.
   482 sq.

   [1467] The name of the work is De operibus sanctae trinitatis Migne,
   167. 199-1827. The first two parts represent the work of the Father and
   the Son and the third the work of the Holy Spirit, pp. 1571-1827.

   [1468] Migne, 168. 841.

   [1469] De operibus S. trinitatis, II. 10. Bellarmin pronounced Rupert a
   heretic because of his views on the Lord's Supper. Schwane,
   Dogmengesch., p. 641, denies the charge.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER XIII.

   SCHOLASTICISM AT ITS HEIGHT.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 106. Alexander of Hales.

   Literature:

   § 95. Alex. of Hales: Summa universae theologiae, Venice, 1475,
   Nürnberg, 1482, Basel, 1502, Cologne, 1611, 4 vols.--Wadding: Annal.
   Min., III.--Stöckl: Phil. des Mittelalters, II. 313-326.--K. Müller:
   Der Umschwung in der Lehre Soon der Busse, etc., Freib., 1892.--The
   Doctrinal Histories of Schwane, Harnack, Seeberg, etc., Dict. of Natl.
   Biogr., I. 272 sq.

   The culmination of Scholasticism falls in the thirteenth century. It is
   no longer as confident in the ability of reason to prove all
   theological questions as it was in the days of Anselm and Abaelard a
   hundred years before. The ethical element comes into prominence. A
   modified realism prevails. The syllogism is elaborated. The question is
   discussed whether theology is a science or not. The authority of
   Aristotle becomes, if possible, more binding. All his writings have
   become available through translations. The teachings of Averrhoes,
   Avicenna, and other Arabic philosophers are made known. The chief
   Schoolmen belong to one of the two great mendicant orders. To the
   Franciscan order belonged Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura, Duns Scotus,
   Roger Bacon, and Raymundus Lullus. Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas
   were Dominicans. All these men had to do with the universities.

   Alexander of Hales (Halesius or Halensis), called by his pupils the
   Irrefragable Doctor--doctor irrefragabilis -- and the king of
   theologians--monarcha theologorum -- was born at Hales,
   Gloucestershire, England, and died in Paris, 1245. After reaching the
   dignity of archdeacon, he went to Paris to prosecute his studies. He
   entered the order of St. Francis, 1222, and was the first Franciscan to
   obtain the degree of doctor and to teach in the University of Paris,
   which he continued to do till 1238.

   Alexander was the first Schoolman to whom all the writings of Aristotle
   were accessible. His chief work, the System of Universal Theology, was
   completed by one of his pupils, 1252. [1470] [1471] is, therefore,
   rather a body of wisdom--sapientia --than a science--scientia; not so
   much knowledge drawn from study as knowledge drawn from experience.
   [1472] which passed into the doctrinal system of the Roman Catholic
   Church. He declared for the indelible character of baptism and
   ordination. By elaborate argument he justified the withdrawal of the
   cup from the laity and stated the new doctrine of penance. He is
   especially famous for having defined the fund of merit--thesaurus
   meritorum -- the vicious doctrine upon which the practice of
   distributing and selling indulgences was based. He was one of the first
   to make the distinction between attritio or imperfect repentance, due
   to fear, timor servilis, and contritio or perfect repentance based upon
   higher motives. In all these matters he had a controlling influence
   over the later Schoolmen. [1473]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1470] Roger Bacon contemptuously said of it that it was heavier than a
   horse in weight. Natl. Dict. of Biogr., I. 273. Other MSS. ascribed to
   Alexander are found in Oxford, etc. The summa de virtutibus, Paris,
   1509, a Com. on the Apocalypse, Paris, 1647, published under his name,
   are of doubtful authenticity.

   [1471] Videtur quod sic, et videtur quod non.

   [1472] Cognitio secundum visum, cognitio secundum gustum.

   [1473] See Chapter on the Sacramental System.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 107. Albertus Magnus.

   Literature: Works. Complete ed. by, Jammy, Lyons, 1651, 21 vols.;
   revised by Augusti Borgnet, 38 vols. Paris, 1890. Dedicated to Leo
   XIII., containing a Life and valuable indexes. The De vegetabilibus,
   ed. by Meyer and Jessen, Berl., 1867.--Com. on Job, ed. by M. Weiss,
   Freib., 1904.--Fullest monograph J. Sighart: Alb. Mag., sein Leben und
   seine Wissenschaft, Regensb., 1857, based upon the compilation of Peter
   de Prussia: Vita B. Alb., doctoris magni ex ordine Praedicatorum, etc.,
   Col., 1486.--Sighart gives a list of the biogr. notices from Thomas of
   Chantimpré, 1261.--d'Assaily: Alb. le Grand, Paris, 1870.--G. von
   Hertling: Alb. Mag., Beiträge zu s. Würdigung, Col., 1880; Alb. Mag. in
   Gesch. und Sage, Col., 1880, and his art. in Wetzer-Welte, I.
   414-419.--Ueberweg-Heinze.--Stöckl, II. 353-421.--Schwane, pp. 46 sqq.
   etc.--Preger: Deutsche Mystik, I. 263-268.--Harnack, Seeberg.

   The most learned and widely read man of the thirteenth century was
   Albertus Magnus, Albert the Great. His encyclopaedic attainments were
   unmatched in the Middle Ages, and won for him the title, Universal
   Doctor--doctor universalis. He was far and away the greatest of German
   scholars and speculators of this era.

   Albert (1193-1280) was born at Lauingen in Bavaria, studied in Padua,
   and, about 1223, entered the order of the Dominicans, influenced
   thereto by a sermon preached by its second general, Jordanus. He taught
   in Freiburg, Hildesheim, Strassburg, Regensburg, and other cities. At
   Cologne, which was his chief headquarters, [1474] he had among his
   pupils Thomas Aquinas. [1475] ict over the mendicant orders with
   William of St. Amour.

   He was made bishop of Regensburg, an office he laid down in 1262.
   [1476] [1477] Thomas Aquinas, after that theologian's death. He died at
   the age of eighty-seven, in Cologne, where he is buried in the St.
   Andreas Church.

   Albert was small of stature and the story is told of his first
   appearance in the presence of the pope; that the pope, thinking he was
   kneeling, bade him stand on his feet. A few years before his death he
   became childish, and the story runs that the archbishop, Siegfried,
   knocking at the door of his cell, exclaimed, "Albert, are you here?"
   and the reply came, "Albert is not here. He used to be here. He is not
   here any more." In early life, Albert was called the dumb ox on account
   of his slowness in learning, and the change of his intellectual power
   was indicated by the bon mot. "Albert was turned from all ass to a
   philosopher and from a philosopher to an ass." In 1880, the six
   hundredth anniversary of his death, a statue was erected to his memory
   at his birthplace.

   Albertus Magnus was a philosopher, naturalist, and theologian; a
   student of God, nature, and man. He knew no Greek, but was widely read
   in the Latin classics as well as in the Fathers. He used the complete
   works of Aristotle, and was familiar with the Arabic philosophers whom
   at points he confuted. [1478] ides, and Gabirol. [1479] [1480]

   He traversed the whole area of the physical sciences. No one for
   centuries had been such a student of nature. He wrote on the vegetable
   kingdom, geography, mineralogy, zoology, astronomy, and the digestive
   organs. The writings on these themes are full of curious items of
   knowledge and explanations of natural phenomena. His treatise on
   meteors, De meteororibus, for example, which in Borgnet's edition fills
   more than three hundred pages (IV. 477-808), takes up at length such
   subjects as the comets, the milky way, the cause of light in the lower
   strata of air, the origin of the rivers, the winds, lightning, thunder
   and cyclones, the rainbow, etc. In the course of his treatment of
   rivers, Albert speaks of great cavities in the earth and spongy regions
   under its flat surface. To the question, why the sun was made, if the
   prior light was sufficient to render it possible to speak of "morning
   and evening" on the first days of creation, he replied, "that as the
   earlier light amply illuminated the upper parts of the universe so the
   sun was fitted to illuminate the lower parts, or rather it was in order
   that the day might be made still more bright by the sun; and if it be
   asked what became of the prior light, the answer is that the body of
   the sun, corpus solis, was formed out of it, or at any rate that the
   prior light was in the same part of the heavens where the sun is
   located, not as though it were the sun but in the sense that it was so
   united with the sun as now no more to be specially distinguished from
   it." [1481]

   Albert saw into a new world. His knowledge is often at fault, but
   sometimes his statements are prophetic of modern discovery. For
   example, he said that the poles of the earth were too cold to be
   inhabited. He knew about the sleep of plants and many of the laws of
   the vegetable world. He was indefatigable in experimentation, the
   forerunner of the modern laboratory worker, and had much to do with
   arsenic, sulphur, and other chemical substances. He knew about
   gunpowder, but got his knowledge from others. [1482] c and the dark
   arts, but probably without sufficient reason.

   The world has had few such prolific writers as Albertus Magnus. In
   Borgnet's edition of thirty-eight volumes, there are, excluding, the
   valuable indexes, no less than 27,014 pages of two columns each. These
   writings may be said to take up not only every topic of physical
   knowledge but to discuss every imaginable subject in religion and
   philosophy. His activity combined the travail of the original thinker
   with the toil of the compiler. Twelve volumes in Borgnet's edition are
   devoted to philosophy and the natural sciences, one to sermons, one to
   a commentary on Dionysius the Areopagite, ten to commentaries on books
   of the Old and New Testaments, and fourteen to theology. He freely used
   some of his predecessors among the Schoolmen as Anselm, Bernard, and
   Hugo and Richard of St. Victor, as well as the Fathers and the Greek
   and Arabic philosophers.

   Albert's chief theological works are a Commentary on the Sentences of
   the Lombard, a Study of Created Things [1483] udy of Created Things, or
   System of Nature is an attempt, whose boldness has never been exceeded,
   to explain the great phenomena of the visible universe above and below,
   eternity and time, the stars and the motion of the heavens, angels and
   devils, man, his soul and body, the laws of his nutrition, sleep,
   reason, intellect, and other parts of his constitution, and events to
   which he is subject.

   Albert's commentaries cover the Psalms in three volumes, the
   Lamentations, Daniel, the Minor Prophets, Baruch, the Gospels, and the
   Apocalypse. His commentary on the Worthy Woman of Proverbs 31:10-31 is
   drawn out to two hundred pages of two columns each.

   Theology, Albert defined to be a science in the truest sense, and what
   is more, it is wisdom. [1484] [1485] The existence of God is not,
   properly speaking, an article of theology, but an antecedent of all
   articles. In his Summa he quotes Anselm's definition. "God is greater
   than anything else that can be conceived." The objection was made to it
   that what is above what can be conceived we cannot grasp. He answers
   the objection by showing that God can be known by positive affirmation
   and by negation. The cosmological proof was most to Albert's mind, and
   he argued at length the proposition that motion demands a prime mover.
   Matter cannot start itself into motion. [1486]

   The Trinity is matter of revelation. Philosophy did not find it out.
   [1487]

   Following Augustine, Anselm, and Richard of St. Victor, he argued for
   the procession of the Spirit from the Son as well as from the Father as
   a necessity, [1488]

   The usual scholastic list of questions about the angels, good and bad,
   is treated by Albert with great exhaustiveness. A number of angels, he
   decides, cannot be in one and the same place at the same time, not
   because of the spatial inconvenience it might seem to imply, but on
   account of the possibility of the confusion of activity it might
   involve. He concludes it to be impossible for an angel to be in more
   than one place at the same time. He discussed at length the language
   and vocal organs of the angels. [1489] rate is his treatment of the
   fall, and the activity and habitation of Lucifer and the demons. In
   pruriency he is scarcely behind some of the other Schoolmen. Every
   possible question that might occur to the mind had to be answered. Here
   are some of the questions. "Do the lost sin in hell?" "Do they wish any
   good?" "Is a smoky atmosphere a congenial element for the demons?"
   "What are the age and stature of those who rise from the dead?" "Does
   the sight of the pains of the lost diminish the glory of the
   beatified?" To this last question he replied that such sight will
   increase the joy of the angels by calling forth renewed thanks for
   their redemption. [1490] ntation several times. [1491]

   The chief and ultimate cause of the creation of man is that he might
   serve God in his acts, praise God with his mouth, and enjoy God with
   his whole being. A second cause is that he might fill up the gaps left
   by the defection of the angels. [1492] he creation of man and angels to
   be the product of God's goodness. [1493]

   Of all the panegyrists of the Virgin Mary before Alphonso da Liguori,
   none was so fulsome and elaborate as Albert. Of the contents of his
   famous treatise, The Praises of Mary,--de laudibus B. Mariae Virginis,
   [1494] d to Mary. Albert leaves her crowned at her assumption in the
   heavens. One of the questions this indefatigable theologian pursued
   with consequential precision was Eve's conception before she sinned.

   As for the ecclesiastical organization of the Middle Ages, the pope is
   to Albert God's viceregent, vested with plenary power. [1495]

   Albert astounds us by the industry and extent of his theological
   thought and labor and the versatility of his mind. Like all the
   Schoolmen he sought to exhaust the topics he discusses, and looks at
   them in every conceivable aspect. There is often something chaotic in
   his presentation of a theme, but he is nevertheless wonderfully
   stimulating. It remained for Albert's greater pupil, Thomas Aquinas, to
   bring a clearness and succinctness to the statement of theological
   problems, theretofore unreached. Albert treated them with the
   insatiable curiosity of the student, the profundity of the philosopher,
   and the attainments of a widely read scholar. Thomas added the skill of
   the dialectic artist and a pronounced practical and ethical purpose.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1474] He speaks in his will of spending most of his life in the
   convent at Cologne. He appointed a brother by birth, Henry, one of his
   executors. Sighart, p 247.

   [1475] Leo XIII., in his letter allowing Borgnet to dedicate his
   edition of Albert's works to him, said: "Especially am I glad to grant
   this permission because our old love for the angelic doctor is not
   disjoined from love for his teacher." Borgnet's ed., I. p. vii. Labbé,
   the Jesuit editor of the acts of the councils, wrote a poem comparing
   Albert with his pupil, Thomas Aquinas, and greatly praising him for his
   eulogy of Mary. Borgnet, I. lxxii. sq.

   [1476] Sighart, pp. 148, 152, ascribes his resignation to bitter
   opposition, and thinks Albert had this opposition in mind when he was
   writing the paraphrase to Aristotle's Politics. The slothful, Albert
   says, find fault with those who excel. They killed Socrates, drove out
   Plato from Athens, and banished Aristotle. These people have the same
   plan in the domain of letters and science that the liver has in the
   body. For everybody has gall which collects in the liver and which
   dispenses itself and makes the whole body bitter. Thus in the domain of
   letters there are some bitter men filled with gall, who would fain make
   all other men bitter, and will not allow them to seek after truth in
   sweet company.

   [1477] So Von Hertling. The records of the council do not mention his
   name. Peter of Prussia affirms Albert was present, and is followed by
   Sighart, p. 225.

   [1478] Averrhoes, Avicenna, Algazel, etc. The honor of first mastering
   all the works of Aristotle and putting them into the service of
   Christian philosophy belongs to Albertus, says Schwane, p. 40.

   [1479] This is brought out by J. Guttmann, in his Die Scholastik des
   13ten Jahrhunderts in ihren Beziehungen zum Judenthum und zur judischen
   Lateratur, Breslau, 1902.

   [1480] He again and again says: "Aristotle erred,"e.g. Borgnet's ed.,
   III. 545, etc. He says: "He who believes Aristotle to have been a god,
   can believe he never erred. But if he was a man, then he could err like
   ourselves." Borgnet's ed., III. 553

   [1481] Sent., II. xiii., F. Borgnet's ed., XXVII. 249 sq.

   [1482] An interesting survey of Albert's knowledge of nature is given
   by Sighart, pp. 302-356; also Stöckl, II. 359 sqq.

   [1483] Summa de creaturis, vols. XXXIV., XXXV., in Borgnet's ed.

   [1484] Theologia verissima scientia est et, quod plus est, sapientia.
   Summa theol., I. 1, 1; Borgnet's ed., XXXI. 9.

   [1485] Summa, I. 3, q. 17; Borgnet's ed., XXXI. 116.

   [1486] Physic, VII.; Borgnet's ed., III. 483-502.

   [1487] Philosophi pro propria ductu naturalis rationis non potuerunt
   cognoscere trinitatem personarum. Borgnet, XXXI. 60.

   [1488] Summa, I. 7, q. 31; Borgnet, XXXI. 326 sqq.

   [1489] De locutione angelorum. Summa, II. 9, q. 35; Borgnet, XXXII.
   376-387. He draws in his discussion from Augustine, St. Basil, and John
   of Damascus.

   [1490] Sent., IV. 50; Borgnet's ed., XXX. 699. Albert even goes so far
   as to discuss whether unborn infants destroyed by abortion rise from
   the dead.

   [1491] in quid cecidit diabolus. Summa de creaturis, IX. 67; Borgnet's
   ed., XXXIV. 682 sqq. Summa theol., II. 5, q. 23 sqq.; Borgnet's ed.,
   XXXII. 266-286.

   [1492] Adjunctus autem finis est qui secutus est ex isto: et ille est
   reparatio ruinae angelicae. Summa, II. 12 sq., 74; Borgnet's ed.,
   XXXIII. 57.

   [1493] Quare est creatus homo vel angelus? Brevi sermone, respondere
   potest. Propter bonitatem ejus. Sent., II. 1, E.; Borgnet's ed., XXVII.
   35.

   [1494] Summa, II. 14; Borgnet's ed., pp. 131 sq.

   [1495] Habet potestatis plenitudinem quia est ordinarius omnium hominum
   et quia est vice Dei in terris. Summa, II. q. 141, 3; Borgnet, XXXIII.
   484.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 108. Thomas Aquinas.

   Literature: I. Works.--U. Chevalier: Répertoire under Thomas Aq., pp.
   1200-1206, and Supplem., pp. 2823-2827. -- S. Thomae Aquinatis Doctoris
   Angelici opera omnia, jussu impensaque Leonis XIII., P. M., edita,
   Romae ex typographia polyglotta S. C. de Propaganda Fide, vols. 1-11,
   1882-1902, to be completed in 25 vols. For this edition, called from
   Leo's patronage editio Leonina, a papal appropriation has been made of
   300,000 lire. See vol. I., p. xxv.--Older edd., Rome, 1570, 18 vols. by
   order of Pius V., and Venice, 1592-1594; Antwerp, by C. Morelles, 1612
   sqq., 18 vols.; Paris, 1660, 23 vols.; Venice, 1786-1790, 28 vols.;
   with 30 dissertations by B. M. de Rubeis, Naples, 1846-1848, 19 vols.;
   Parma, 1852 sqq.; Paris, 1871--1880, 33 vols. by Fretté and Maré.--The
   Summa theologica has been often separately published as by Migne, 4
   vols. Paris, 1841, 1864; *Drioux, 15 vols. Paris, 1853-1856; with
   French trans., and 8 vols. Paris, 1885. Among the very numerous
   commentators of the Summa are Cajetan, d. 1534, given in the Leonine
   ed., Melchior Canus, d. 1560, Dominicus Soto, d. 1560, Medina, d. 1580,
   Bannez, d. 1604, Xantes Moriales, d. 1666, Mauritius de Gregorii, d.
   1666, all Dominicans; Vasquez, d. 1604, Suarez, d. 1617, Jesuits. The
   most prolix commentaries are by barefooted Carmelites of Spain, viz.
   the cursus theologicus of Salamanca, 19 vols. repub. at Venice, 1677
   sqq., and the Disputationes collegii complutensis at Alcala in 4 vols.
   repub. at Lyons, 1667 sqq. --See Werner: D. hl. Thomas, I. 885 sqq.--P.
   A. Uccelli's ed. of the contra Gentiles, Rome, 1878, from autograph
   MSS. in the Vatican, contains a facsimile of Thomas' handwriting which
   is almost illegible.--Engl. trans. of the Aurea Catena, Oxford, 1865, 6
   vols., and the Ethics by J. Rickaby, N. Y., 1896.--Fr. Satolli, in
   Summam Theol. d. Th. Aq. praelectiones, Milan, 1884-1888.--L. Janssen:
   Summa Theol. ad modum commentarii in Aquinatis Summam praesentis aevi
   studii aptatam, Freib. im Br., 5 vols. 1902.--La théol. affective ou
   St. Th. d'Aq. médité en vue de prédication, by L. Bail, Paris, 12 vols.

   II. Lives, etc.--The oldest Life is by William de Thoco, who knew
   Thomas personally, reprinted in the ed. Leonina, vol. I. Documents in
   Chartularium parisiensis.--F. B. de Rubeis: De gestis et scriptis ac
   doctrina S. Th. Aq. dissertationes crit. et apolog., reprinted in the
   Leonina.--P. A. Touron: Paris, 1737.--J. Bareille: 1846, 4th ed.
   1862.--*Karl Werner, Rom. Cath. Prof. at St. Pölten, Austria: D.
   heilige Th. von Aquino, 5 vols. 1858-1859, Regensb. Learned,
   exhaustive, but ill digested.--R. B. Vaughan Rom. Cath. abp. of Sydney:
   Life and Labors of St. Th. of Aquino, 2 vols. Lond., 187I-1872, based
   on Werner.--Cicognani: Sulla vita de S. Tomasio, Engl. trans.,
   1882.--P. Cavenaugh: Life of Th. Aq., the Angelic Doctor. N. Y.,
   1890.--Didiot: Le docteur angélique S. Th. d'Aq., Bruges,
   1894.--Jourdain: Le Phil. de S. Th. d'Aq., 2 vols. Paris, 1861.--*F. X.
   Leitner: D. hl. Th. von Aq. über d. unfehlbare Lehramt d. Papstes,
   Freib., 1872.--J. J. Baumann: D. Staatslehre des hl. Th. von Aq.,
   Leip., 1873.--Schötz: Thomas Lexicon (explanation of technical terms),
   Paderb., 1881.--Eicken. D Philos. d. Th. von Aq. und. d. Kultur d.
   Neuzeit:, Halle, 1886, 54 pp.; also Th. von Aq. und Kant, ein Kampf
   zweier Welten, Berlin, 1901.--*F. H. Reusch, Old-Cath.: D. Fälschungen
   in dem Traktat des Th. von Aq. gegen die Griechen, München, 1889.--F.
   Tessen-Wesiersky: D. Grundlagen d. Wunderbegriffs n. Th. von Aq.
   Paderb., 1899, p. 142.--J. Guttmann: D. Verhältniss des Th. von Aq. zum
   Judenthum und zur jüdischen Literatur, 1891.--Wittmann: D. Stellung d.
   hl. Th. von Aq. zu Avencebrol, Münster, 1900.--De Groot: Leo: XIII. und
   der hl. Th. von Aq., Regensb., 1897.--M. Grabmann: D. Lehre d. hl. Th.
   v. Aq. v. d. Kirche als Gotteswerk, Regensb., 1903.--J. Göttler: D. hl.
   Th. v. Aq. u. d. vortridentin. Thomisten ueb. d. Wirkgn. d
   Busssakramentes, 1904.--Stöckl: Philos. d. Mittelalters, II. 421-728.
   The Histt. of Doctr. of Schwane, Harnack, III. 422-428, etc., and
   Loofs, pp. 284-304.--Lane-Poole: Illustrations etc., pp. 226
   sqq.--Baur: D. Christl. Kirche des M. A., 312-354. --The art. in
   Wetzer-Welte, XI. 1626-1661.--T. O'Gorman: Life and Works of St. Th.
   Aq. in Papers of Am. Soc. of Ch. Hist., 1893, pp. 81-97.--D. S. Schaff:
   Th. Aq. and Leo XIII. in Princeton Rev., 1904, pp. 177-196.--Art. Th.
   Aq. and Med. Thought. in Dubl. Rev. Jan., 1906.

   In an altar piece by Traini, dating from 1341, in the church of St.
   Caterina, Pisa, Thomas Aquinas is represented as seated in the centre
   with a book open before him. At the top of the cloth the artist has
   placed Christ, on one side of him Matthew, Luke, and Paul and on the
   other, Moses, John, and Mark. Below Thomas Aquinas, and on the left
   side, Aristotle is represented standing and facing Thomas. Aristotle
   holds an open volume which is turned towards the central figure. On the
   right hand Plato is represented, also standing and facing Thomas with
   an open volume. At the foot of the cloth there are three groups. One at
   each corner consists of monks looking up admiringly at Thomas. Between
   them, Averrhoes is represented reclining and holding a closed book.
   This remarkable piece of art represents with accuracy the central place
   which has been accorded to Thomas Aquinas in the mediaeval theology.
   Arabic philosophy closes its mission now that the great exponent of
   Christian theology has come. The two chief philosophers of the unaided
   reason offer to him the results of their speculations and do him
   homage. The body of monks admire him, and Christ, as it were, commends
   him.

   Thomas Aquinas, called the Angelic doctor,--doctor angelicus, --
   1225-1274, is the prince of the Schoolmen, and next to St. Augustine,
   the most eminent divine of the Latin Church. He was a man of rare
   genius, wisdom, and purity of life. He had an unrivalled power of
   orderly and vigorous statement. Under his hand the Scholastic doctrines
   were organized into a complete and final system. He expounded them with
   transparent clearness, and fortified them with powerful arguments
   derived from Scripture, tradition, and reason. Mystical piety and a
   sound intellect were united in him. As compared with many of the other
   Schoolmen, notably with Duns Scotus, Thomas was practical rather than
   speculative. Popes and councils have repeatedly acknowledged his
   authority as a teacher of Catholic theology. Thomas was canonized by
   John XXII., 1823, and raised to the dignity of "doctor of the church,"
   1567. In 1879, Leo XIII. commended him as the corypheus and prince of
   all the Schoolmen, and as the safest guide of Christian philosophy in
   the battle of faith and reason against the sceptical and revolutionary
   tendencies of the nineteenth century, [1496] between faith and reason,
   exalting the dignity of each and yet keeping them in friendly
   alliance." In 1880 this pope pronounced him the patron of Catholic
   schools. In the teachings of Thomas Aquinas we have, with one or two
   exceptions, the doctrinal tenets of the Latin Church in their perfect
   exposition as we have them in the Decrees of the council of Trent in
   their final statement.

   Thomas of Aquino was born about 1220 in the castle of Rocca Sicca--now
   in ruins--near Aquino in the territory of Naples. Through his father,
   the count of Aquino, he was descended from a princely house of
   Lombardy. His mother was of Norman blood and granddaughter of the
   famous Crusader Tancred. At five the boy was sent to the neighboring
   convent of Monte Cassino from which he passed to the University of
   Naples. In 1243 he entered the Dominican order, a step his family
   resented. His brothers who were serving in the army of Frederick II.
   took the novice by force and kept him under guard in the paternal
   castle for more than a year. Thomas employed the time of his
   confinement in studying the Bible, the Sentences of the Lombard, and
   the works of Aristotle.

   We next find him in Cologne under Albertus Magnus. That great
   Schoolman, recognizing the genius of his pupil, is reported to have
   said, "He will make such a roaring in theology that he will be heard
   through all the earth." [1497] the monastic orders drew from him a
   defence as it also did from Bonaventura. Thomas was called to Anagni to
   represent the case of the orders. His address called forth the
   commendation of Alexander IV., who, in a letter to the chancellor of
   the University of Paris, spoke of Thomas as a man conspicuous by his
   virtues and of encyclopaedic learning. In 1261, Thomas left the
   teacher's chair in Paris and taught successively in Bologna, Rome, and
   other Italian cities. Urban IV. and Clement IV. honored him with their
   confidence. The years 1272-1274 he spent at Naples. He died on his way
   to the oecumenical council of Lyons, March 7, 1274, only forty-eight
   years of age, in the Cistercian convent of Fossa Nuova near Terracina.
   Dante and Villani report he was poisoned by order of Charles of Anjou,
   but the earliest accounts know nothing of this. The great teacher's
   body was taken to Toulouse, except the right arm which was sent to the
   Dominican house of Saint Jacques, Paris, whence, at a later date, it
   was removed to Rome.

   The genuine writings of Thomas Aquinas number more than sixty, and fall
   into four classes. The philosophical works are commentaries on
   Aristotle's Ethics, Metaphysics, Politics, and other treatises. His
   exegetical works include commentaries on Job, the first fifty-one
   Psalms, Canticles, Isaiah, the Lamentations, the Gospels, and the
   Epistles of Paul. The exposition of the Gospels, known as the Golden
   Chain,--aurea catena, [1498] ant. The apologetic works are of more
   importance. The chief among them are works designed to convince the
   Mohammedans and other unbelievers, [1499] [1500]

   Thomas' works on dogmatic theology and ethics are the most important of
   his writings. The earliest was a commentary on the Sentences of Peter
   the Lombard. Here belong Expositions of the Apostles' Creed, the Lord's
   Prayer, the decalogue, the Angelic salutation, and the sacraments.
   Thomas gave his first independent systematic treatment of the entire
   realm of theology in his Compendium theologiae. The subject was
   presented under the heads of the three cardinal virtues,--faith, hope,
   and charity. His master-work is his Summa theologica which he did not
   live to finish and which is supplemented by compilations from the
   author's commentary on the Lombard. Thomas also made important
   contributions to the liturgy and to hymnology. In 1264 at the request
   of Urban IV., he prepared the office for the festival of Corpus
   Christi, in which were incorporated the Pange lingua, Lauda Sion, and
   other hymns. [1501]

   With Augustine and John Calvin, Thomas Aquinas shares the distinction
   of being one of the three master theological minds of the Western
   world. What John of Damascus did for the theology of the Greek Church,
   that Thomas did for the theology of the mediaeval Church. He gave to it
   its most perfect form. His commanding eminence rests upon his clearness
   of method and his well-balanced judgment rather than upon his
   originality of thought. [1502] ristic and profane, but they differ
   widely. He leaned much upon Albertus Magnus. [1503] ristotle, quoting
   the latter as "the philosopher." He was in full sympathy with the
   hierarchical system and the theology of the mediaeval Church and at no
   point out of accord with them.

   The Summa theologica, true to its author's promise, avoids many of the
   idle discussions of his predecessors and contemporaries. [1504]
   Redeemer, the sacraments being included under the last head. The matter
   is disposed of in 518 divisions, called questions, and these are
   divided into 2652 articles. Each article states the negative and
   positive sides of the proposition under discussion, the arguments for
   and against it, and then the author's solution. The same uniform
   threefold method of treatment is pursued throughout. This method would
   become insufferably monotonous but for the precision of Thomas'
   statement and the interest of the materials. Each article is a finished
   piece of literary art. Here is an example on the simplicity of God.
   [1505] dy, for a body has three dimensions, and the Scriptures ascribe
   to God, height, depth, and length, Job 11:8. 2. Whatever has a figure,
   has a body. God seems to have a figure, Gen. 1:26, for He said, "Let Us
   make man in our image." 3. Everything that has parts, has a body. A
   hand, Job 40:4, and eyes, Ps. 25:15, are ascribed to God. 4. God has a
   seat and throne, Isa. 6:1. 5. God has a local termination which men may
   approach, Ps. 24:5.

   But on the other hand must be noted what is said in John 4:24, "God is
   Spirit." The absolute God, therefore, is not a body. 1 No body moves
   that is not before moved and God is the first mover. 2. God is the
   first entity, primum ens. 3. God is the noblest among entities.

   The answers to the objections are: 1. That the Scripture passages,
   attributing to God bodily parts, are figurative. 2. The expression
   "image of God" is used simply to indicate God's superior excellency
   over man and man's excellence over the beasts. 3. The ascription of
   corporeal senses, such as the eye, is a way of expressing God's
   intelligence.

   Theological speculation is, with Thomas, not an exhibition of
   theological acumen, but a pious employment pursued with the end of
   knowing and worshipping God. It is in keeping with this representation
   that, on his way to Paris, he is reported to have exclaimed, he would
   not give Chrysostom on Matthew for all the city. It is also related
   that during his last years in Naples the Lord, appearing to him, asked
   what reward he desired, for he had written well on theological
   questions. Thomas replied. "None other, Lord, but Thyself."

   Thomas made a clearer distinction between philosophy and religion,
   reason and revelation, than had been made before by any of the
   Schoolmen. The reason is not competent by its own powers to discover
   the higher truths pertaining to God, such as the doctrine of the
   Trinity. [1506] gy utilizes the reason, not, it is true, to prove
   faith, for such a process would take away the merit of faith, but to
   throw light on doctrines which are furnished by revelation. [1507] and
   on account of the superior excellence of its subject-matter. [1508]

   As between the Scriptures and the Fathers, Thomas makes a clear
   distinction. The Church uses both to arrive at and expound the truth.
   The Scriptures are necessary and final. The testimony of the Fathers is
   probable. Thomas' controlling purpose is to properly present the
   theology of the Church as he found it and nothing more. [1509]

   Philosophy and theology pursue different methods in searching after
   truth. [1510] fidei, faith looking to God as He is in Himself, precedes
   knowledge. The existence of God is not exclusively a matter of faith.
   It has been demonstrated by philosophers by irrefragable proofs.
   Anselm's ontological argument, Thomas rejected on the ground that a
   conception in the mind--esse intellectu -- is something different from
   real existence--esse in re. He adduced four cosmological arguments, and
   the argument from design. [1511] finite series of causes, it is
   impossible to conceive. Therefore, there must be a First Cause. 3. The
   conditional demands that which is absolute, and 4. that which is
   imperfect implies that which is perfect as its standard. As for the
   teleological argument, objects and events have the appearance of being
   controlled by an overruling design as an arrow being shot by an archer.
   [1512]

   Creation was not a necessity for God on account of any deficiency
   within Himself. It was the expression of His love and goodness. With
   Aristotle, Thomas agrees that by the natural reason the world cannot be
   proved to have had a beginning. [1513] graphers do not locate it. It is
   secluded by the barriers of mountains, seas, and a certain tempestuous
   region. [1514]

   In discussing the origin of evil, Thomas says that, in a perfect world,
   there will be all possible grades of being. The weal of the whole is
   more important than the well-being of any part. By the permission of
   evil, the good of the whole is promoted. Many good things would be
   wanting but for evil. As life is advanced by corruption in the natural
   world, so, for example, patience is developed by persecution.

   The natural order cannot bind God. His will is free. He chooses not to
   work contrary to the natural order, but He works outside of it, praeter
   ordinem. [1515] s a treasure. To him the discovery is an accident. But
   the master, who set him to work at a certain place, had this in view.

   From the divine providence, as the starting-point, the decree of
   predestination is elaborated. Thomas represented the semi-Pelagian
   standpoint. The elect are substituted for the angels who lost their
   first estate, [1516] God's decree is permissive. God loves all men. He
   leaves men to themselves, and those who are lost, are lost by their own
   guilt. God's decree of election includes the purpose to confer grace
   and glory.

   In his treatment of the angels, Thomas practised a commendable
   self-restraint, as compared with Bonaventura and other Summists.

   When he takes up man, the Angelic doctor is relatively most elaborate.
   In the discussion of man's original condition and his state after the
   Fall, many questions are proposed which dialectical dexterity must
   answer in view of the silence of Scripture. Here are examples. Could
   Adam in his state of innocence see the angels? Did he have the
   knowledge of all things? Did he need foods? Were the children born in
   his state of innocence confirmed in righteousness and had they
   knowledge of that which is perfect? Would original sin have passed down
   upon Adam's posterity, if Adam had refused to join Eve in sinning?
   [1517]

   Thomas rejected the traducian view as heretical, and was a creationist.
   [1518] llowing Peter the Lombard, he held that grace was a superadded
   gift to Adam, over and above the natural faculties and powers of the
   soul and body. [1519] [1520]

   Man's original righteousness, but for the Fall, would have passed down
   upon Adam's posterity. The cause of sin was an inordinate love of self.
   [1521] ce, a corrupt disposition of the soul,--habitus corruptus,--just
   as sickness is a corrupt condition of the body. The corruption of
   nature, however, is partial,--a wound, not a total deadness of the
   moral nature.

   Thomas approaches the subject of Christ and redemption by saying that
   "our Saviour, Jesus Christ, has shown us the way of truth in himself,
   the way by which we are able to attain through resurrection to the
   beatitude of immortal life." [1522] he sacraments, which are the
   channels of salvation, and the goal or immortal life. The Anselmic view
   of the atonement is adopted. The infinitude of human guilt makes it
   fitting that the Son of God should make atonement. God was not,
   however, shut up to this method. He can forgive sin as He pleases.
   Thomas takes up all the main data of Christ's life, from the conception
   to the crucifixion. Justification is not a progressive process, but a
   single instantaneous act. [1523] s grace.

   Scarcely any teaching of Augustine and Thomas Aquinas arouses so much
   revolt in the Christian theology of this age as the teaching about the
   future estate of unbaptized children dying in infancy. These
   theologians agree in denying to them all hope of future bliss. They are
   detained in hell for the sin of Adam, being in no wise bound to Christ
   in His passion and death by the exercise of faith and love, as the
   baptized and the patriarchs of the Old Testament are. The sacrament of
   faith, that is, baptism, not being applied to them, they are forever
   lost. Baptism liberates from original sin, and without baptism there is
   no salvation. [1524]

   The doctrine of the sacraments, as expounded by Thomas, is, in all
   particulars, the doctrine of the Catholic Church. Christ won grace. The
   Church imparts it. The sacraments are visible signs of invisible
   things, as Augustine defined them. The number is seven, corresponding
   to the seven cardinal virtues and the seven mortal sins. They are
   remedies for sin, and make for the perfecting of man in righteousness.
   [1525] nceivable question pertaining to the sacraments is taken up by
   Thomas and solved. The treatment of baptism and the eucharist occupies
   no less than two hundred and fifty pages of Migne's edition, IV.
   600-852.

   Baptism, the original form of which was immersion, cleanses from
   original sin and incorporates into the body of Christ. Children of Jews
   and infidels are not to be baptized without the consent of their
   parents. [1526] ified body of the Redeemer is wholly present
   essentially, but not quantitatively. The words of Christ, "This is my
   body" are susceptible of only one interpretation--the change of the
   elements into the veritable body and blood of Christ. The substance of
   the bread undergoes change. The dimensions of the bread, and its other
   accidents, remain. The whole body is in the bread, as the whole body is
   also in the wine. [1527]

   Penance is efficacious to the removing of guilt incurred after baptism.
   Indulgences have efficacy for the dead as well as the living. Their
   dispensation belongs primarily to the pope, as the head of the Church.
   The fund of merit is the product chiefly of the superabounding merit of
   Christ, but also of the supererogatory works of the saints. [1528]

   In regard to the Last Things, the fire of hell will be physical. The
   blessed will be able to contemplate the woes of the lost without
   sorrow, and are led, as Albertus had said, by the sight of these woes
   to praise God supremely for their own redemption. Their beatitude is
   not increased by this vision. The body of the resurrection will be the
   same, even to the bowels. [1529]

   In his consideration of ethics, Thomas Aquinas rises far above the
   other mediaeval writers, and marks an epoch in the treatment of the
   subject. He devotes to it nearly two hundred questions, or one-third of
   his entire system of theology. Here his references to the "philosopher"
   are very frequent. [1530] [1531] o give an example, he discusses the
   question of drunkenness, and, with Aristotle, decides that it is no
   excuse for crime. [1532] tions, whether a "man should love his child
   more than his father," or "his mother more than his father."

   Thomas opens his ethical treatment with a discussion of the highest
   good, that is, blessedness,--beatitudo,--which does not consist in
   riches, honor, fame, power, or pleasure. [1533] rst again, John 4:13.
   Blessedness consists in nothing else than the vision of God as He is in
   Himself. [1534]

   The virtues are the three religious virtues infused by God,--faith,
   hope, and love; and the four philosophical or cardinal
   virtues,--prudence, righteousness, endurance, and continence. These are
   treated at great length. [1535] sion. In committing the same sins as
   laymen do, clerics sin more grievously. "Ought they to live of alms?"
   This and a multitude of other questions of the same kind are handled
   with all gravity and metaphysical precision. The essence of Christian
   perfection is love. [1536]

   In his theory of Church and State also Thomas did not rise above his
   age. [1537] are laid down in his Summa, and in three other writings, on
   the Rule of Princes, [1538] ll as for his material well-being in this
   life. He shows no concern for the separate European states and
   nationalities. [1539] an's physical nature. Christian kings owe him
   subjection, as they owe subjection to Christ himself, for the pope is
   Peter's successor and the vicar of Christ. [1540]

   As for the Church itself, Rome is the mistress and mother of all
   churches. To obey her is to obey Christ. This is according to the
   decision of the holy councils and the holy Fathers. [1541] [1542] s to
   determine what is of faith. Yea, subjection to him is necessary to
   salvation. [1543]

   In his declarations about heresy and its treatment, Thomas materially
   assisted in making the persecution of heretics unto death the settled
   policy of the Church and the State. At any rate he cleared away all
   objections as far as it was possible to clear them away. Heresy, as has
   already been said, he taught, is a crime to be punished like
   coin-clipping. No one may be compelled to enter the Church, but once
   having entered it and turned heretic, he must, if necessary, be forced
   by violent measures to obey the faith--haeretici sunt compellendi ut
   fidem teneant. It will thus be seen from this survey, which is
   supplemented in the chapters on the sacraments, the future state and
   Mariology, that the theology of the Angelic doctor and the theology of
   the Roman Catholic Church are identical in all particulars except the
   immaculate conception. He who understands Thomas understands the
   mediaeval theology at its best and will be in possession of the
   doctrinal system of the Roman Church.

   Thomas Aquinas was elevated by the Dominican order to the position of
   authoritative teacher in 1286. His scholars were numerous, but his
   theology was not universally accepted.

   Some of his statements were condemned by the University of Paris as
   early as 1277, and about 1285 William of Ware, [1544] ranciscan Duns
   Scotus, the differences between him and Thomas were emphasized, and
   involved the two orders in controversy for centuries. No less than
   eighty-six theological differences between these two teachers were
   tabulated. [1545]

   The theology of Thomas Aquinas controlled Dante. The first printed
   commentary on the Summa was written by Cardinal Cajetan, Venice,
   1507-1522. The Thomists lost by the decree of the immaculate conception
   of Mary, 1854. That doctrine had been the chief bone of contention
   between them and the Franciscans. The decision of Leo XIII., making
   Thomas' theology and philosophy the standard for all Catholic teaching,
   has again, as it were, equalized matters.

   The Protestant Reformers, in their indignation against the Scholastic
   theology, could not do justice to Thomas Aquinas. Luther went so far as
   to call his Summa the quintessence of all heresies, meaning papal
   doctrines. He spoke of him as "the fountain and original soup of all
   heresy, error, and Gospel havoc, as his books bear witness." [1546]
   "You are much to be condemned," Luther said to Prierias. "for daring to
   obtrude upon us, as articles of faith, the opinions of that sainted
   man, Thomas, and his frequent false conclusions." On one occasion, he
   compared Thomas to the star of the book of Revelation which fell from
   heaven, the empty speculations of Aristotle to the smoke of the
   bottomless pit, the universities to the locusts, and Aristotle himself
   to his master Apollyon. [1547]

   Such polemic extravagances have long since yielded to a more just,
   historical estimate of this extraordinary man. Thomas merits our
   admiration by his candor and clearness as a systematic theologian, and
   by his sincerity and purity as an ethical thinker. In the great
   fundamentals of the Christian system he was scriptural and truly
   catholic. His errors were the errors of his age above which he was not
   able to rise, as three centuries later the clear and logical Protestant
   theologian, John Calvin, was not able in some important particulars to
   rise above the beliefs current in his time, and that in spite of his
   diligent study of the Scriptures and wide acquaintance with their
   teachings.

   The papal estimate, as given expression to in the encyclicals of Leo
   XIII., is a practical denial of any progress in theology since the
   thirteenth century, and in effect ignores the scientific discoveries of
   ages. From the standpoint of an unalterable Catholic orthodoxy, Leo
   made no mistake in fixing upon Thomas Aquinas as the model expounder of
   Christian doctrine. Protestants differ, regarding no theologian since
   the Apostles as infallible. They have no expectation that the
   Schoolman's argumentation will settle the theological and religious
   unrest of these modern days, which grows out of biblical theories and
   scientific and religious studies of which that great teacher never
   dreamed, and worldwide problems which never entered into his mind.

   The present age is not at all concerned with many of the curious
   questions which Thomas and the other Schoolmen proposed. Each studious
   age has its own problems to settle and its own phases of religious
   doubt to adjust its fundamental teaching to. The mediaeval systems can
   no more be expected to meet the present demands of theological
   controversy than the artillery used on the battlefield of Crécy can
   meet the demands of modern warfare. [1548] th Leo XIII., the wise pope,
   and Thomas Aquinas, the clear-eyed Schoolman, occupy a high place as
   members of the company of the eminent Churchmen of all ages; but this
   is not because they were free from mistakes to which our fallible human
   nature makes us subject, but because in the essential matters of the
   Christian life they were expounders of the Gospel.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1496] Encyclical, Aug. 4, 1879. See text in Mirbt, pp. 391 sqq. Thomas
   is praised as "inter scholasticos doctores omnium princeps et magister
   ... ingeniodocilis et acer, memoriae facilis et tenax, vitae
   integerrimus, veritatis, unice amator, divina humanaque scientia
   praedives." The preface to the papal edition attacks the Lutheriana
   pestis and the Lutherianum virus, which are to be counteracted by the
   works of Thomas in cujus limpidissima et angelica mente veritas
   divinitus nobis patefacta. See Schaff, Thos. Aq. and Leo. XIII., p.
   179.

   [1497] William of Thoco, ipse talem dabit in doctrina mugitum quod in
   toto mundo sonabit.

   [1498] This title was given to the work after Thomas'death. Thomas, in
   his dedication to Urban IV., calls it exposito continua. The Catena is
   so contrived that it reads like a running commentary, the several
   extracts being dovetailed together. The compiler introduced nothing of
   his own but connecting particles. See Preface to Oxford ed., p. iv.

   [1499] Summa de veritate Catholicae fidei contra Gentiles. The first
   three books include the arguments from reason, the fourth the argument
   from revelation.

   [1500] Contra errores Graecorum andde unitate intellectus contra
   Averrhoistas.

   [1501] See Koch, Kirchenlied, I. 137; Wackernagel, Kirchenlied, I. 143
   sqq.; Werner, I. 791 sqq.

   [1502] Eicken, D. Philosophie d. Th. von Aq., p. 4, says, er gëhort
   nicht so wohl zu den schaffenden als zu den ordnenden Geistern. "He
   belongs not so much to the originating as to the organizing minds." He
   repeats this judgment in his Thomas von Aquino und Kant, p. 27. He who
   would charge the Middle Ages with confused and abstruse deductions must
   look for examples elsewhere than in Thomas.

   [1503] Following Sighart, Life of Albertus Magnus, and Landerer, in
   art. Albertus in Herzog, 2d ed. XV. 575, Stöckl says, II. 421, 734,
   that "Thomas stands wholly upon Albert's shoulders. Thomas finished
   what Albert began." Thomas received a strong impulse from Albert, but
   he went out especially in the departments of ethics and apologetics
   into regions not fully explored by his great teacher.

   [1504] Multiplicatio inutilium quaestionum, articulorum et
   argumentorum. Prologue.

   [1505] De Dei simplicitate, I. q. 3; Migne, I. 626 sqq.

   [1506] Summa, I. 32, 1; Migne, I. 888, I. 1, 1; Migne, I. 607.

   [1507] Summa, I. 1, 8; Migne, I. 615.

   [1508] Tum propter certitudinem tum propter dignitatem materiae. Summa,
   I. 1, 5; Migne, I. 610.

   [1509] Seine Darstellung will gar nichts anders sein als das
   wissenschaftliche Bewusstsein der kirchlichen Lehre. Baur, p. 354.

   [1510] Non eodem ordine utraque doctrina procedit, etc. See Werner, II.
   151, and his quotation from the contra Gentiles.

   [1511] See Köstlin, Beweise fürs Dasein Gottes, in Studien u. Kritiken,
   1876, pp. 10 sqq.

   [1512] Sicut sagitta a sagittante. Summa, I. 2, 3; Migne. I. 622 sqq.

   [1513] Mundum incepisse est credibile, non autem demonstratibile vel
   scibile. Summa, I. 46; Migne, I. 1008.

   [1514] Ideo scriptores locorum de hoc loco mentionem non fecerunt.
   Summa, I. 102, 1; Migne, I. 1433.

   [1515] Summa, I. 103, 7; Migne, I. 1446. Comp. Werner, II. 396 sqq.,
   for the passages from contra Gentiles.

   [1516] In locum angelorum cadentium substituti sunt homines. Summa, I.
   23, 6; Migne, I. 828.

   [1517] Summa, I. 2, q. 72, 5; Migne, II. 633 sq. Thomas replies that in
   this case original sin would not have passed down to Adam's posterity,
   for according to philosophers, the active principle in generation is
   the father. But if Adam had sinned and Eve had not sinned, original sin
   would have passed down to Adam's descendants.

   [1518] Haereticum est dicere quod anima intellectiva traducatur cum
   semine. Summa, I. 118, 2; Migne, I. 1556.

   [1519] Superadditio gratiae. Summa, I. 95, 1; Migne, I. 1405 sq. Comp.
   Loofs, Dogmengesch., pp. 292-295.

   [1520] Ad diligendum Deum naturaliter super omnia. Migne, II. 909.

   [1521] Migne. II. 603.

   [1522] Summa, III. Prologus; Migne, IV. 10.

   [1523] Justificatio impii non est successiva. Summa, I. 2, q. 113, 7
   sqq. Migne, II. 955. Justification is defined as "an infusion of grace
   whereby the freewill is moved and guilt is pardoned."

   [1524] Per baptismum pueri liberantur a peccato originali et ab
   inferno. Summa, III. 57, 7; Migne, IV. 485, 486.

   [1525] Summa, III. 65, 1; Migne, IV. 595. See Werner, II. 676-699.

   [1526] Summa, II. (2), 10, 12; Migne, III. 101 sqq.

   [1527] Totus Christus sub utraque specie. Summa, III. 76, 2; Migne, IV.
   734.

   [1528] Praecipue propter meritum Christi, etc. Supplem., XXV. 1; Migne,
   IV. 1014.

   [1529] Summa III. 94; Migne, IV. 1343 sqq. See Werner, II. 712.

   [1530] Not infrequently are there two or three references to Aristotle
   on a single page, e.g. I. (2), 2, 2; I. (2), 4, 2, Migne, II. 22, 46.

   [1531] Baur, pp. 429 sqq., pronounces Thomas'method descriptive rather
   than consequential. The system is not developed from fundamental
   principles.

   [1532] Summa, II. (2), 150, 4; Migne, III. 1051.

   [1533] Summa I. (2), 2, 1 sqq.; Migne, II. 19-37.

   [1534] In visione divinae essentiae. Migne, II. 43.

   [1535] No less than forty-six questions are devoted to the religious
   virtues, Migne, III. 9-375 and one hundred and twenty-four to the
   philosophical, Migne, III. 375-1194.

   [1536] Per se et essentialiter consistit perfectio christianae vitae in
   charitate. Summa, II. (2), 84, 3; Migne, III. 1295.

   [1537] See Werner, I. 760 sqq., 794 sqq. Köstlin, art. Staat und
   Kirche, Herzog Enc., 2d ed., XIV. 629 sqq. Reusch, Die Fälschungen,
   etc.

   [1538] De regimine principum ad regem Cypri. Two of the four books of
   this famous work are certainly genuine. The last two books are probably
   by Thomas'disciple, Ptolemy of Lucca. Poole has some judicious remarks
   on this work, Illustr. of Med. Thought, pp. 240-266.

   [1539] Eicken, D. Philosophie d. Thomas, etc., p. 38.

   [1540] successor Petri, Christi vicarius Romanus Pontifex cui omnes
   reges populi Christiani oportet esse subdito sicut ipsi domino Jesu
   Christo. De reg. principum, I. 14.

   [1541] Romanae ecclesiae magistrae et matris omnium ecclesiarum cui
   obediendum est tanquam Domino Deo Jesu, etc. Contra errores Graecorum,
   Reusch's ed., p. 9. Also Mirbt, Quellen, pp. 143 sq. This work contains
   a discussion of four points: the Procession of the Holy Ghost, the
   primacy of the pope, the use of unleavened bread in the eucharist, and
   purgatory. It was written at the time when the reunion of the Greeks
   and Latins was the subject of negotiations. In the preparation of this
   treatise, Thomas used a work put into his hands by Urban IV., once
   patriarch of Jerusalem. Thomas refers to it as libellum ab excellentia
   vestra mihi exhibitum sanctissime Pater Urbane Papa diligenter perlegi.
   It is full of citations from Cyril of Jerusalem, Cyril of Alexandria,
   Chrysostom, and other Fathers, as Reusch, following Launoy, learnedly
   shows. Thomas accepts the quotations without a question as genuine. The
   tract has never been published in full. It was known to the abbot
   Uccelli from a MS. in the Vatican, and parts of it bearing on the
   papacy were issued by his hand, 1870. Reusch prints a portion of the
   Vatican MS., and also a part of the unpublished MS., the Thesaurus
   veritatis fidei by the Dominican Bonacursius, who wrote later than
   Thomas, and drew from the same source as Thomas did. The Dominicans
   were specially active in urging the extravagant claims of the papacy as
   against the Greek patriarch.

   [1542] Cum tota ecclesia sit unum corpus, oportet si ista unitas debet
   conservari, quod sit aliqua potestas regitiva respectu totius ecclesiae
   supra potestatem episcopalem, qua uniquaeque specialis ecclesia
   regitur, et haec est potestas papae. Summa, Supplem., 40, 7; Migne, IV.
   1075.

   [1543] Quod subesse Romano pontifici sit de necessitate salutis. contra
   errores Graecorum. Döllinger, in Das Papstthum, says that "Thomas was
   the first theologian to discuss the theory of papal infallibility as an
   integral part of systematic theology." Leitner, pp. 10-14, etc. denies
   this. See Chapter XV.

   [1544] A number of MSS. left by Ware are preserved in Oxford.

   [1545] In the controversiae theol. inter Thomam et Scotum, by De Rada,
   the Franciscan bishop of Trani, Cologne, 1620. Werner devotes the whole
   third volume of his Life of Thomas, filling 876 pages, to the
   posthumous influence of Thomas. It takes up the teaching of his pupils,
   the conflicts with the Franciscans and Jesuits, etc., and brings in the
   names of Des Cartes, Leibnitz, Malbranche, Schelling, etc. See also
   art. Thomismus und Scotismus in Wetzer-Welte, XI. 1699-1710.

   [1546] Thomas war der Brunn und Grundsuppe aller Ketzerei, Irrthumb
   undVertilgung des Evangelium wie seine Bücher beweisen. Erl. ed., 24.
   240.

   [1547] Köstlin, Leben M. Luthers, I. 431.

   [1548] In the tract, Thomas von Aquino und Kant, Eicken contrasts
   Thomas and Kant as the representatives of two antagonistic types of
   thinking and study, the mediaeval and modern, that which is mechanical
   and bound by external authority, and that in which the individual, the
   subjective, have their proper place as the determining principles. Kant
   is the creator of ideas, the thinker; Thomas, the compiler and
   systematizer of ideas previously announced.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 109. Bonaventura.

   Literature: Works. --edd. Strassburg, 1482; Nürnberg 1499, 4 vols.;
   Rome, 1588-1596, 8 vols. Lyons, 1668, 7 vols. Venice, 1751, 13 vols.;
   Paris, A. C. Peltier, ed., 1864-1871, 15 vols., and Quaracchi,
   1882-1902, prepared by the Franciscans. --B. Bonelli: Prodromus ad
   omnia opp. S. Bon., Bassani, 1767. --W. A. Hollenberg: Studien zum
   Bon., Berlin, 1862.--A. M. da Vicenza: D. heil. Bon., Germ. trans. from
   the Italian, Paderborn, 1874.--J. Richard: Etude sur le mysticisme
   speculatif de S. Bon., Heidelberg, 1869.--A trans. of the Meditations
   of Bon. on the Life of Christ by W. H. Hutchings, London, 1881.--A.
   Margerie: Essai sur la Phil. de S. Bon., Paris, 1855.--J. Krause: Lehre
   d. heil. Bon. über die Natur der geistl. und körperl. Wesen, Paderborn,
   1888.--L. de Chérancé: S. Bonaventure, Paris, 1899.--Stöckl, II.
   880-915.--The Doctrinal Histories of Schwane, etc.--Preger: Deutsche
   Mystik, I. 51-43. For other Lit. see Potthast, II. 1216.

   Contemporary with Thomas Aquinas, even to dying the same year, was John
   Bonaventura. Thomas we think of only as theologian. Bonaventura was
   both a theologian and a distinguished administrator of the affairs of
   his order, the Franciscans. The one we think of as precise in his
   statements, the other as poetical in his imagery. Bonaventura
   1221-1274, called the Seraphic doctor,--doctor seraphicus,--was born in
   Tuscany. The change from his original name, John Fidanza, was due to
   his recovery from a sickness at the age of four, in answer to the
   intercession of Francis d'Assisi. When the child began to show signs of
   recovery, his mother exclaimed, O buon ventura, good fortune! This is
   the saint's own story. [1549]

   The boy entered the Franciscan order, 1238. After having spent three
   years in Paris under Alexander of Hales, the teacher is reported to
   have said, "in brother Bonaventura Adam seems not to have sinned." He
   taught in Paris, following John of Parma, on John's promotion to the
   office of general of the order of the Franciscans, 1247. He lived
   through the conflict between the university and the mendicant orders,
   and in answer to William de St. Amour's tract, de periculis
   novissimorum temporum, attacking the principle of mendicancy,
   Bonaventura wrote his tract on the Poverty of Christ. [1550]

   In 1257, he was chosen head of the Franciscan order in succession to
   John of Parma. He took a middle position between the two parties which
   were contending in the Franciscan body and has been called the second
   founder of the order. By the instruction of the first Franciscan
   general council at Narbonne, 1260, he wrote the Legenda S. Francisi,
   the authoritative Franciscan Life of the saint. [1551] caped being
   closely identified with English Church history, by declining the see of
   York, 1265. In 1273 he was made cardinal-bishop of Albano. To him was
   committed a share in the preparations for the council of Lyons, but he
   died soon after the opening of the council, July 14, 1274. The
   sacrament of extreme unction was administered by the pope and the
   funeral took place in the presence of the solemn assembly of
   dignitaries gathered from all parts of Christendom. He was buried at
   Lyons. [1552] in 1482 and declared a "doctor of the church," 1587.

   Gerson wrote a special panegyric of Bonaventura and said that he was
   the most profitable of the doctors, safe and reliable in teaching,
   pious and devout. He did not minister to curiosity nor mix up secular
   dialectics and physics with theological discussion. [1553]


   "who with pure interest

   Preferred each heavenly to each earthly aim." [1554]

   These two distinguished men will always be brought into companionship.
   [1555] Stöckl, the historian of mediaeval theology, calls them the
   illuminating stars on the horizon of the thirteenth century. [1556] e
   and are the most illustrious names of their respective orders, after
   Francis and Dominic themselves. Thomas had the keener mind, excelling
   in power of analysis. Bonaventura indulged the habit of elaboration.
   The ethical element was conspicuous in Thomas, the mystical in
   Bonaventura. Thomas was the more authoritative teacher, Bonaventura the
   more versatile writer. Both were equally champions of the theology and
   organization of the mediaeval Church.

   Bonaventura enjoyed a wide fame as a preacher. [1557] also a poet, and
   has left the most glowing panegyric of Mary in the form of psalms as
   well as in prose.

   Of his theological writings the most notable is his Commentary on the
   Sentences of the Lombard. [1558] ance. The Breviloquium, [1559] es a
   panegyric of the Scriptures and states the author's views of Scriptural
   interpretation. Like all the Schoolmen, Bonaventura had a wide
   acquaintance with Scripture and shows an equipoise of judgment which
   usually keeps him from extravagance in doctrinal statement. However, he
   did not rise above his age and he revelled in interrogations about the
   angels, good and evil, which seem to us to be utterly trivial and have
   no bearing on practical religion. He set himself to answer more than
   one hundred of these, and in Peltier's edition, his angelology and
   demonology occupy more than two hundred pages of two columns each.
   [1560] n several places at the same time? can several angels be at the
   same time in the same place? [1561] reknowledge of contingent events?
   [1562] or the woman.

   Bonaventura differs from Thomas in giving proof that the world is not
   eternal. The mark of a foot, which represents created matter, is not of
   the same duration as the foot itself, for the mark was made at some
   time by the foot. And, following Plato as against Aristotle, he
   declared that matter not only in its present form but also in its
   essence is not eternal. The world is not thinkable without man, for it
   has all the marks of a habitation fitted up for a human being. Christ
   would not have become incarnate without sin.

   In the doctrine of the immaculate conception, Bonaventura agreed with
   Thomas in denying to Mary freedom from original sin and disagreed with
   his fellow Franciscan, Duns Scotus, whose teaching has become dogma in
   the Roman Catholic communion.

   It is as a mystic and as the author of the life of St. Francis, rather
   than as a dogmatician that Bonaventura has a characteristic place among
   the Schoolmen. [1563] [1564] d did not advance beyond them. His
   mysticism has its finest statement in his Journey of the Mind to God.
   [1565] ut earnest prayer, pure meditation, and a holy life. Devout
   prayer is the mother and beginning of the upward movement towards God.
   Contemplation leads us first outside ourselves to behold the works of
   God in the visible world. It then brings us back to consider God's
   image in ourselves arid at last we rise above ourselves to behold the
   divine being as He is in Himself. [1566] he Trinity and God's absolute
   goodness.

   Beyond these six steps is the state of rapture, the ecstatic vision, as
   the Sabbath day of rest followed the six days of labor. The doorway to
   this mystical life is Christ. The experience, which the soul shall have
   hereafter, is an ocean of beatific ecstasy. No one can know it but the
   one who receives it; he only receive it who desires it; be only desire
   it who is inflamed by the baptizing fire of the Holy Spirit. It is a
   grace not a doctrine, a desire not a concept, a habit of prayer not a
   studious task, a bride not a teacher. It is of God not of man, a flame
   of ardent love, transferring us into the presence and being of God.
   [1567] nd expression in devout hymns.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1549] Prologue to his Life of St. Francis.

   [1550] De paupertate Christi. Peltier's ed., XIV. 364-409. A few years
   later he presented the subject more at length in his Apologia pauperum.
   Peltier's ed., XIV. 410-520.

   [1551] Sabatier, Vie de S. François, lxxi.-lxxxviii., compares
   Bonaventura's life to the figures of saints exposed for sale on a
   dealer's shelves, all having a downcast, pious, but unreal look. The
   biography is given by Peltier, XIV. 293-363.

   [1552] His body, it seems, was burnt by the Calvinists in 1562. Only
   the head was saved. The right arm had before been removed to
   Bonaventura's birthplace. See Hergenröther. Kirchengesch., II. 529;
   Wetzer-Welte, II. 1022.

   [1553] Quae veritatis sunt credenda de necessitate salutis. Du Pin's
   ed. of Gerson's Works, 1728, I. 21. See also Gerson's Epistola in
   lauden S. Bonaventurae Du Pin's ed., I. 117.

   [1554] Paradiso XII. 127.

   [1555] Sixtus V. in his encyclical admitting Bonaventura into the
   company of the Doctors of the Church places them side by side and
   brings out their distinguishing characteristics. He calls them
   potissimum gloriosi doctores --"those most illustrious teachers.

   [1556] Sie sind die beiden leuchtenden Sterne am Horizont des 13ten
   Jahrhunderts. Stöckl, II. 882.

   [1557] Peltier gives his sermons in vol. XIII. For his works on Mary,
   see section 130.

   [1558] A number of the works once ascribed to Bonaventura are regarded
   as ungenuine, e.g. de six alis cherubim, de septem itineribus
   aeternitatis, etc. The Venetian ed. of 1751 and Bonelli discuss the
   authorship of the many writings associated with Bonaventura's name.

   [1559] Peltier's ed., VII. 240-343. Funk, Kirchengesch., p. 364. An ed.
   was published by Hefele, 3d ed., Tübingen, 1861, and also Vicenza, 2d
   ed. Freiburg, 1881. Sixtus V. said of Bonaventura's theology that
   "nothing more fruitful for the Church of God" had appeared, Encyclical
   in Peltier's ed., I p. viii.

   [1560] II. 296-520.

   [1561] Peltier's ed., II. 298sqq. The arguments given for an
   affirmative answer to this question are that the angels are in a place
   not after a "bodily but spiritual fashion." Theyarespiritual lights, as
   the Areopagite said, and consequently are independent of space, etc.
   Bonaventura, however, answers the question in the negative.

   [1562] Peltier's ed., II. 415 sqq. Bonaventura answers that
   foreknowledge belongs to God alone, but that by reason of their
   intellectual acuteness and long experience the demons are sometimes
   able to accurately predict contingent events.

   [1563] Stöckl, II. 880, says, Bonav. ist vorzugsweise Mystiker, and
   expresses the opinion that the mysticism of the Middle Ages reached its
   highest point in him.

   [1564] e.g. Cogitatio, meditatio, contemplatio, ascendere, etc.

   [1565] Itinerarium mentis in Deum. Peltier's ed., XII. 1-22. His
   Meditations on the Life of Jesus, his commentaries on Ecclesiastes, the
   Book of Wisdom, and John and Luke belong to this class. The mystical
   element is also strong in the Breviloquium and the Centiloquium. Other
   mystical writings ascribed to Bonaventura, such as Incendium amoris, de
   septem verbis domini, etc., are disputed.

   [1566] These three activities constitute the theologia symbolical
   theol. propria, and theol. mystica.

   [1567] Itin., 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 110. Duns Scotus.

   Literature: Works.--Complete ed. by Luke Wadding, 12 vols., Lyons,
   1639, with a Life by Wadding, and the glosses of Hugh MacCaghwell (Hugo
   Cavellus, d. 1626), abp. of Armagh, Maurice O'Fihely, abp. of Tuam,
   etc. *New ed., 26 vols., Paris, 1891-1895, with some changes.--The Opus
   Oxoniense, Vienna, 1481, ed. by MacCaghwell together with the Reportata
   Parisiensia and Quaestiones Quodlibetales and a Life, Antwerp,
   1620.--The Quaestiones Quodlibet., Venice, 1474, 1505, Paris,
   1513.--The Logical Treatises were publ. at Barcelona, 1475, Venice,
   1491-1493, and ed. by O'Fihely, 1504.--Duns' system was expounded by
   Angelo Vulpi in Sacr. theol. Summa Joan. Scoti, 12 vols., Naples,
   1622-1640. For biogr. and analytic works publ. before 1800, see Rigg in
   Dict. Of Natl. Biog. XVI. 216 sqq.--Baumgarten-Crusius: De theol.
   Scoti, Jena, 1826.--Schneid: D. Körperlehre des J. Duns Sc. und ihr
   Verhältniss zum Thomismus und Atomismus, Mainz, 1879.--*C. Werner: J.
   Duns Sc., Vienna, 1881, also S. Thomas von Aquino, III, 3-101.--Kahl:
   D. Primat des Willens bei Augustinus, Duns Sc. und Des Cartes,
   Strassb., 1886.--*R. Seeberg: D. Theologie des J. Duns Sc., Leip.,
   1900; also his art. in Herzog, 3d ed. and his Dogmengesch., II. 129
   sqq.--Renan: art. Scotus, in Hist. Lit. de France, vol.
   XXV.--*Döllinger: art. in Wetzer-Welte, X. 2123-2133.--J. M. Rigg: in
   Dict. Natl. Biog., XVI. 216-220.--*Schwane: Dogmengesch., pp. 74-76,
   etc.--Harnack: Dogmengesch., III. 459 sqq.--*A. Ritschl: Rechtfertigung
   und Versöhnung, I. 58-86; Gesch. des Pietismus, I. 470.--P. Minges: Ist
   Duns Scotus Indeterminist? Münster, 1905, p. 139.--The Histt. of
   Philos.

   The last of the scholastic thinkers of the first rank and the most
   daring of mediaeval logicians is John Duns Scotus. With his death the
   disintegration of scholastic theology begins. This remarkable man, one
   of the intellectual prodigies of the race, may have been under forty
   years of age when death overtook him. His dialectic genius and
   ingenuity won for him the title of the Subtle doctor, doctor subtilis.
   His intellectual independence is shown in the freedom with which he
   subjected his predecessors to his searching and often sophistical
   criticisms. Anselm, the St. Victors, Albert the Great, Bonaventura,
   Thomas Aquinas, Henry of Ghent, and other Schoolmen he does not
   hesitate to mention by name and to assail their views. The discussions
   of Thomas Aquinas are frequently made the subject of his attack. Duns
   became the chief theological ornament of the Franciscan order and his
   theology was defended by a distinct school, which took his name, the
   Scotists. This school and the Thomists, who followed the teachings of
   Thomas Aquinas, are the leading schools of theology produced in the
   Middle Ages and came into violent controversy.

   Duns' mind was critical rather than constructive. The abstruseness of
   his style offers difficulties almost insuperable to the comprehension
   of the modern student. [1568] complete system. [1569] n, and his use of
   the arguments from silence and probability, undermined confidence in
   the infallibility of the Church and opened the way for the disrepute
   into which scholasticism fell. Duns denied that the being of God and
   other dogmas can be proved by the reason, and he based their acceptance
   solely upon the authority of the Church. The analytic precision, as
   well as lucid statement of Thomas and Peter the Lombard, are wanting in
   the Subtle doctor, and the mystical element, so perceptible in the
   writings of Anselm, Thomas, and Bonaventura, gives way to a purely
   speculative interest.

   What a contrast Duns presents to the founder of his order, Francis
   d'Assisi, the man of simple faith and creed, and popular speech and
   ministries! Of all the Schoolmen, Duns wandered most in the labyrinth
   of metaphysical subtleties, and none of them is so much responsible as
   he for the current opinion that mediaeval theology and fanciful
   speculation are interchangeable terms. His reputation for specious
   ratiocination has given to the language the term, "dunce." [1570]

   Of his personal history scarcely anything is known, and his extensive
   writings furnish not a single clew. Even the time and place of his
   entering the Franciscan order cannot be made out with certainty. The
   only fixed date in his career is the date which brought it to a close.
   He died at Cologne, Nov. 8, 1308. The date of his birth is placed
   between 1265-1274. [1571]

   England, Scotland, and Ireland have contended for the honor of being
   the Schoolman's native land, with the probability in favor of England.
   Irishmen since the fifteenth century have argued for Dun, or Down, in
   Ulster. Scotchmen plead for Dunse in Berwickshire, while writers,
   unaffected by patriotic considerations, for the most part agree upon
   Dunstane in Northumberland. [1572] by the general of his order to
   Cologne, where he died soon after. The story ran that he was buried
   alive. [1573] s inscription:--


   Scotia gave me birth, England nursed me,

   Gaul educated me, Cologne holds my ashes. [1574]

   Among the stories told of Duns Scotus is the following, behind which
   more wisdom hides than is found in whole chapters of his labored
   discussions. On one occasion he stopped to speak to an English farmer
   on the subject of religion. The farmer, who was engaged in sowing,
   turned and said: "Why do you speak to me? If God has foreknowledge that
   I will be saved, I will be saved whether I do good or ill." Duns
   replied: Then, if God has foreknowledge that grain will grow out of
   this soil, it will grow whether you sow or withhold your hand. You may
   as well save yourself the labor you are at."

   The works of Duns Scotus include commentaries on Aristotle, an extended
   commentary on the Sentences of the Lombard, called the Opus oxoniense,
   his theological lectures delivered at Paris, known as the Reportata
   parisiensia [1575] ems. A commentary on Genesis and one on the Gospels,
   sermons and other writings of doubtful or denied authenticity are
   ascribed to Duns. [1576]

   In philosophy Duns was a moderate realist. The universals are not
   intellectual fictions, fictiones intellectus. Our ideas presuppose
   their reality. [1577] ferentiation from something else but by its own
   real essence, or quidditas. A stone is an individual by reason of
   something positive, intrinsic within itself. The individual is the
   final form of being, ultima realitas entis.

   Theology is a practical science and its chief value is in furnishing to
   the will the materials of faith to lighten it on the path of virtuous
   action.

   The Scriptures contain what is to be believed, but the authority of the
   Church establishes what these truths are. Articles of faith are to be
   accepted, not because they are demonstrable by reason. Reason is
   unreliable or, at best, obscure and many truths it cannot prove, such
   as the soul's immortality, the unity of God, and transubstantiation. A
   doctrine such as the descent into hell, which is not found in the
   Scriptures is, nevertheless, to be accepted because it is found in the
   Apostles' Creed. Other truths the Church possesses which are not found
   in the Scriptures. Our belief in the Scriptures rests ultimately on the
   authority of the Church. [1578] he will of God, and to submit to the
   will of God is the highest goal the human will can reach. Here he
   differs widely from Thomas Aquinas, who places God's intelligence above
   His will. The sufficient explanation of God's action is His absolute
   will. [1579] d is good because God wills to be so. The will of God
   might have made what is now bad good, had God so chosen. He can do all
   things except what is logically absurd. [1580] ange an event which has
   already happened.

   The will of God determines the salvation of men. The predestination of
   the elect is an act purely of God's determination. The non-elect are
   reprobated in view of their foreseen demerit. On the other hand, Duns
   seems to hold fast to the doctrine that the elect merit the eternal
   reward by good works. Without attempting to exhaust the apparent
   contradiction between divine foreordination and human responsibility,
   he confesses the mystery attaching to the subject. [1581]

   Sin is not infinite, for it is connected with finite beings. Original
   righteousness was a superadded gift, forfeited through the first sin.
   Eve's sin was greater than Adam's, for Adam shrank from offending
   Eve--Eve sought to be equal with God. Man's freedom consists in his
   ability to choose the contrary. Original sin consists in the loss of
   original righteousness which Adam owed to God. [1582] f moral
   inability, the servum arbitrium. It belongs to the very nature of the
   will to be free. This freedom, however, the will can lose by repeated
   volitions. Sin is inherent in the will alone, and concupiscence is only
   an inclination of the will to desire objects of pleasure immoderately.
   [1583]

   The ultimate questions why God permitted evil, and how He could
   foreknow evil would occur without also predetermining it, find their
   solution only in God's absolute will. God willed, and that must suffice
   for the reason.

   The infinite value of the atonement likewise finds its explanation in
   the absolute will of God. Christ died as a man, and for that reason his
   merit of itself was not infinite. An angel, or a man, free from
   original sin, might have made efficient atonement if God had so willed.
   Nothing in the guilt of sin made it necessary for the Son of God to
   die. God determined to accept Christ's obedience and, in view of it, to
   impart grace to the sinner. Duns follows closely Anselm's theory, whose
   principles he carefully states. [1584]

   In his treatment of transubstantiation, Duns vigorously attacked the
   view of Thomas Aquinas as a transition of the body of Christ into the
   bread. He argued that if there were such transition, then at
   celebrations of the eucharist during the three days of Christ's burial
   the elements would have been changed into his dead body. To avoid this
   difficulty he enunciated the theory that the body of Christ, as of
   every man, has more than one form, that is, in addition to the rational
   soul, a forma mixti sive corporeitatis, which is joined to matter and
   constitutes it a human body. Into this corporal form of Christ,
   corporeitas, the elements are transmuted and this form remained with
   Christ's corpse in the grave. Duns declared that the doctrine of
   transubstantiation cannot be proved with certainty from the Scriptures,
   nor at all by the reason. He then argued that it is more probable than
   any other theory because the Church has accepted it, and the dogma is
   most in keeping with God's omnipotence. The dogma must be accepted on
   the authority of the Church. [1585]

   The doctrine upon whose development the Subtle doctor had altogether
   the most influence is the doctrine of the immaculate conception, which
   he taught in the form in which it was proclaimed a dogma, by Pius IX.,
   1854. Departing from the statements of Anselm, Bernard, Thomas Aquinas,
   and Bonaventura, Duns taught that Mary was conceived without sin. His
   theory is presented at length in the chapter on the Virgin Mary. The
   story ran that, in championing this theory, at a public disputation at
   Paris, he controverted Thomas' position with no less than two hundred
   arguments. [1586] and this controversy belongs to the number of the
   more bitter controversies that have been carried on within the Roman
   Catholic communion. It was a contest, however, not between orthodoxy
   and heterodoxy, but between two eminent teachers equally in good
   standing, and between the two orders they represented.

   Döllinger expressed the opinion that the controversy was turned into a
   blessing for theology by keeping it from "stagnation and petrifaction,"
   and into a blessing for the Church, which took under its protection
   both systems and kept each from arrogating to itself the right of final
   authority.

   The common view in regard to the place of Duns Scotus in the history of
   doctrine is that he was a disturber of the peace. Without adding any
   element of permanent value to theological thought, he shook to its base
   the scholastic structure upon which Anselm, Thomas Aquinas, and other
   theologians had wrought for nearly two centuries. The opinion will, no
   doubt, continue to prevail that Duns was a master in intellectual
   ingenuity, but that his judgment was unsound. [1587] t, but the head of
   a new period of development and worthy of equal honor with Thomas
   Aquinas. Yea, he ascribes to him a more profound and extensive
   influence upon theology than Thomas exerted. He broke a new path, and
   "was a historical figure of epoch-making importance." [1588]

   By his speculative piquancy, on the one hand, Duns strengthened the
   desire of certain groups in Europe for a saner method of theological
   discussion; and on the other hand stimulated pious minds along the
   Rhine to search along a better way after personal piety, as did Tauler
   and the German mystics. The succeeding generation of Schoolmen was
   brought by him as their leader into a disputatious attitude. What else
   could be expected when Duns, contrary to the fundamental principles of
   Thomas Aquinas, Albertus Magnus, and other divines, did not shrink from
   declaring a thing might at the same time be true in philosophy and
   false in theology? [1589]

   Ockam, who shared Duns' determinism, called him "the doctor of our
   order." In the dispute over the immaculate conception in the fifteenth
   century no divine was more quoted than he. A century later Archbishop
   MacCaghwell and other Irish theologians warmly expatiated upon his
   powers, wrote his biography, and edited his works.

   One of the works of the Reformation was to dethrone Duns Scotus from
   his seat of authority as a teacher. Richard Layton wrote to Cromwell,
   1535, "We have set Dunce in Bocardo and banished him from Oxford
   forever, and he is now made a common servant to every man fast nailed
   up upon posts in all houses of common easement." [1590] [1591] Duns had
   no presentiment of any other order than the papal and said nothing
   looking toward a reformation in doctrine.

   Among the contemporaries with whom Duns had theological affinity were
   Henry of Ghent and the Englishman, Richard Middleton. Henry of Ghent,
   named doctor solemnis, a celebrated teacher in Paris, was born at Ghent
   and died, 1293, in Paris or Tournay. His Quodlibeta and Summa were
   published in Paris, 1518 and 1520. [1592] otus, who adopts some of
   Henry's views. Henry's discussions run far into the region of abstruse
   metaphysics. He leaned to Platonism and was a realist.

   Richard Middleton was supposedly a predecessor of Duns at Oxford.
   Little is known of his life. He was a Franciscan, a scholar at Paris,
   and was appointed by the general of his order to examine into the
   doctrines of Peter Olivi, 1278-1288. He died about 1307. His commentary
   on the Sentences of the Lombard survived him. [1593] r solidus. At the
   council of Constance he was cited as an authority against Wyclif. His
   name is inscribed on the tomb of Duns Scotus at Cologne, and the
   tradition runs that Duns was his pupil. In his teachings regarding the
   will, which he defined as the noblest of the soul's faculties, he may
   have influenced Duns, as Seeberg attempts to prove. Middleton compared
   the mind to a servant who carries a light in front of his master and
   does nothing more than to show his master the way, while his master
   commands and directs as he pleases.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1568] Döllinger, p. 2127, and Harnack, III. 429, agree in pronouncing
   Duns the "most acute thinker among the Schoolmen," der scharfsinnigste
   scholastishe Denker. Seeberg, Theol. d. J. D. Scotus, p.2, speaks of
   "the enormous difficulty"--ungeheure Schwierigkeit --whichthe reading
   of Duns offers to one who is not thoroughly familiar with his mode of
   thinking and expression. Again, p. 6, he speaks of Duns' "sentences and
   arguments" as "endlessly complicated." Schwane, p. 78, says that Duns'
   abstruseness of thought, lack of system in presenting his materials,
   and the thorny paths of his critical method have imparted to theology
   little glory. See also pp. 288, 292.

   [1569] Die Hoffnung aus seinen Schriften ein System herzustellen ist
   vergeblich, Seeberg, p. 644.

   [1570] "Remember ye not," said Tyndale, "how within this thirty years
   and far less, the old barking curs, Dunce's disciples, and like draff,
   called Scotists, the children of darkness, raged in every pulpit
   against Greek, Latin and Hebrew ?"--Quoted by Trench: The Study of
   Words, p.91.

   [1571] 1274 is the date accepted by Wadding, Cavellus, and Schwane.
   Döllinger, Rigg, and Seeberg adopt an earlier date. Seeberg, pp. 36
   sqq., lays stress upon the refusal of the bishop of Lincoln, in 1300,
   to grant to Duns the privilege of hearing confession. A rule of the
   Franciscans, 1292, required that members of the order should be thirty
   before aspiring to this privilege. In this case Duns was born before
   1270.

   [1572] Döllinger attaches much weight to a statement made in a MS. of
   one of Duns' works in Merton College, to the effect that he was born in
   Dunstane, England. O'Fihely, MacCaghwell, and Wadding, all Irishmen,
   are loyal to the theory that he was of Irish nativity. Dempster gives
   twelve reasons to prove Duns was a Scotchman. See Dict. Natl. Biog.,
   XVI. 216, and Seeberg, p. 34.

   [1573] Seeberg, pp. 46 sqq. MacCaghwell in two tracts learnedly denied
   his being buried alive.

   [1574] Scotia me genuit, Anglia me suscepit, Gallia me docuit, Colonia
   me tenit.

   [1575] It fills 3 vols. in the Paris ed.; the Opus Oxoniense, 14 vols.;
   the Quodlibetales, vols. XXV., XXVI.

   [1576] Trithemius, 1495, distinctly speaks of two volumes of Duns'
   Sermons. Seeberg, p. 63.

   [1577] Universali aliquid extra correspondet a quo movetur intellectus
   ad causandum talem intentionem. Seeberg, p. 69.

   [1578] Libris canonici sacri non est credendum nisi quia primo
   credendum est ecclesiae approbanti et autorizanti libros istos et
   contenta in eis. Seeberg, p. 120.

   [1579] Quare voluntas voluit hoc, nulla est causa, nisi quia voluntas
   voluntas est, Seeberg, pp. 162 sqq., 660 sqq.

   [1580] Harnack, Dogmengesch., III. 446, has chosen strong words to show
   the unwillingness of Thomas Aquinas and Duns Scotus to pursue the
   narrow way to the knowledge of God, that is, through the person of the
   historical Christ. And Seeberg, p. 671, lays stress upon the failure of
   Duns to bring God near to the soul. God remained a God afar off.
   According to both these modern dogmaticians, it remained for the
   Reformation through the principles of a living faith and God's love to
   bring God into nearness to the soul.

   [1581] Seeberg, Dogmengesch., II. 135, Theologie, etc., 227 sq., 293
   sqq., 666 sq.; Schwane, p. 463.

   [1582] Carentia justitiae originalis. Seeberg, 218 sq.; Loofs,
   Dogmengesch., p. 305. Harnack, III. 551, and Seeberg, p. 220,
   emphatically assert that Duns abandoned the Augustinian conception of
   sin and moral corruption.

   [1583] Pronitas in appetitu rationali, i.e. in voluntate ad
   concupiscendum delectabilia immoderate. Quoted by Stöckl, II. 362.

   [1584] He concludes his account of Anselm's exposition by acknowledging
   his indebtedness to Anselm, in the words haec veraciter, ut potui, ex
   dictis ejus, collegi. Seeberg, p. 283. Seeberg's full discussion of
   Duns' theory of the atonement, pp. 275-296.

   [1585] For quotations see Schwane, pp. 656 sqq. Seeberg finds in Duns'
   definition the doctrine of consubstantiation.

   [1586] Döllinger regards the story as open to grave suspicion because,
   at the time at which the disputation is set, there was no conflict
   between the two orders. Wetzer-Welte, X. p. 2129.

   [1587] This is the view of such experts in the history of mediaeval
   theology as Schwane, p. 78, etc., and Stöckl. Stöckl, II. 868, declines
   to compare Duns with Thomas as a trustworthy teachers and says that
   Duns' only service to theology was through his polemics, which started
   an impulse to search for a firmer basis of certainty for doctrinal
   truth in reason and revelation.

   [1588] pp. 33, 668, 672, 677. Ritschl was a student of Duns and praises
   his clearness of thought so long as he keeps free from syllogisms. He
   kept the Schoolman's Works constantly within reach. O. Ritschl, A.
   Ritschl's Leben, II. 483.

   [1589] See the reference to the Reportata, Schwane, p. 78,

   [1590] Quoted in Dict. of Natl. Biog.XVI, 219,

   [1591] In spite of this, Seeberg, pp. 683-685, tries to make out that
   in his conception of God, Luther, howbeit "negatively," was influenced
   by Duns' view of the divine will. Luther certainly did not acknowledge
   any such indebtedness.

   [1592] MSS. of other works are given by Ehrle, Zur Biogr. Heinrichs von
   Ghent, in Archiv für Lit. u. K. gesch., 1885, pp. 400 sq. See Schwane,
   pp. 71-76, etc., and Wetzer-Welte, V. 1704 sqq.

   [1593] Publ. at Venice, 1489-1509, Brescia, 1591, etc. MSS. exist in
   Oxford and elsewhere. See Little, Grey Friars of Oxford; Kingsford, in
   Dict. of Nat. Biog., XXXVII. 356 sq.; Seeberg, pp. 16-33.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 111. Roger Bacon.

   Literature: Works.--Among the early publications were Speculum
   alchymiae, Nurnb., 1541, Engl. trans. London, 1597; De mirabili
   potestate artis et naturae, Paris, 1542, Engl. trans. 1659; De
   retardandis senectutis accidentibus, Oxford, 1590, Engl. trans.; The
   Cure of Old Age and Preservation of Youth, by the great mathematician
   and physician, Roger Bacon, ed. by R. Browne, London, 1683; Opus majus
   (six books only), by Samuel Jebb, London, 1733, reprinted Venice, 1750;
   Opus minus and Opus tertium, with valuable Preface by J. S. Brewer,
   London, 1859, Rolls Series; Opus majus, with valuable Preface, by J. H.
   Bridges, all the seven books, 3 vols., London, 1900.

   Biographical: Emile Charles: B. Bacon, sa vie, ses ouvrages, ses
   doctrines, Paris, 1861.--L. Schneider; R. Bacon, etc., Augsb., 1873-the
   Prefaces of BREWER and BRIDGES as above.--Professor R. Adamson, in
   "Ency. Britt." III. 218-222, and Dict. of Natl. Biog., II. 374-378.
   White: Warfare of Science and Theol. I. 386-393.

   Duns Scotus was a Schoolman and nothing more. Roger Bacon, his
   contemporary, belongs to a different order of men, though one of the
   greatest theological thinkers of his age. He did not take up the great
   questions of theology and seek to justify them by dialectical
   processes. The most he did was to lay down principles for the study of
   theology; but it is as the pioneer of modern science and the scientific
   method of experiment that he has his distinguished place in the
   mediaeval galaxy of great minds. The fact that he had to suffer for his
   boldness of speech by imprisonment and enforced silence increases the
   interest felt in his teachings. His method of thought was out of accord
   with the prevailing method of his times. He was far ahead of his age, a
   seer of another era when the study of nature was to be assigned its
   proper place of dignity, and theology ceased to be treated as a field
   for dialectical ingenuity.

   Born in Somersetshire, England, Roger Bacon, called the Wonderful
   doctor, mirabilis doctor, 1214(?)-1294, studied in Oxford, where he
   came into close contact with Robert Grosseteste and Adam Marsh, whom he
   often mentions with admiration. He went to Paris about 1240, continued
   his studies, and entered the Franciscan order. He speaks in his Opus
   tertium of having been engaged more than twenty years in the study of
   the languages and science, and spending £2000 in these studies and the
   purchase of books and instruments, or £600 or £700 present value.
   [1594] ied the privilege of writing, but was allowed to give
   instruction to young students in the languages.

   Clement IV. who, before his elevation to the papal chair and as legate
   in England, had been his friend, requested copies of his writings. In
   about eighteen months, 1264-1266, Bacon prepared the Opus majus and
   then its two appendages, the Opus minus and the Opus tertium, and sent
   them to the pope. In 1268, he was again in Oxford. In 1278, he was
   relegated to closer confinement on account of "certain suspected "
   about which we are not more particularly informed, adduced by the
   Franciscan general, Jerome of Ascoli, afterwards Nicolas IV. He was set
   free again in 1292, as we know. His body lies buried in the Franciscan
   church of Oxford. It was said that his books were nailed to the walls
   of the library at Oxford and left to perish. The story may be dismissed
   as untrue, but it indicates the estimate put upon the scholar's
   writings.

   If we were to depend upon the influence he had upon his age, Roger
   Bacon would have no place here. At best he was thought of as a dabbler
   in the dark arts and a necromancer. He had no place of authority among
   his contemporaries, and the rarest notice of him is found for several
   centuries. D'Ailly, without quoting his name, copied a large paragraph
   from him about the propinquity of Spain and India which Columbus used
   in his letter to Ferdinand, 1498. It was not till the Renaissance that
   his name began to be used. Since the publication of his writings by
   Samuel Jebb, 1733, he has risen more and more into repute as one who
   set aside the fantastical subtleties of scholasticism for a rational
   treatment of the things we see and know, and as the scientific
   precursor of the modern laboratory and modern invention. Prophetic
   foresight of certain modern inventions is ascribed to him, but
   unjustly. He, however, expounded the theory of the rays of light,
   proved the universe to be spherical, and pronounced the smallest stars
   larger than the earth. [1595] of the snows in Ethiopia. [1596]

   Bacon's works, so far as they are published, combine the study of
   theology, philosophy, and what may be called the physical sciences. His
   Opus majus in seven books, the Opus minus, and Opus tertium are
   measurably complete. Of his Scriptum principale or Compendium studii
   philosophiae, often referred to in the writings just mentioned, only
   fragments were written, and of these only portions are left. The work
   was intended to be in four volumes and to include a treatment of
   grammar and logic, mathematics, physics, and last metaphysics and
   morals. The Communio naturalium and other treatises are still in
   manuscript.

   The Opus majus in its list of subjects is the most encyclopaedic work
   of the Middle Ages. It takes up as separate departments the connection
   of philosophy and theology, astronomy including geography, astrology,
   barology, alchemy, agriculture, optics or perspective, and moral
   philosophy, medicine and experimental science, scientia experimentalis.

   By agriculture, he meant the study of the vegetable and animal worlds,
   and such questions as the adaptation of soil to different classes of
   plants. In the treatment of optics he presents the construction of the
   eye and the laws of vision. Mathematics are the foundation of all
   science and of great value for the Church. Alchemy deals with liquids,
   gases, and solids, and their generation. A child of his age, Bacon held
   that metals were compound bodies whose elements can be separated.
   [1597] r less dependent upon their potency. As the moon affects the
   tides, so the stars implant dispositions good and evil. This potency
   influences but does not coerce man's free will. The comet of 1264, due
   to Mars, was related to the wars of England, Spain, and Italy. [1598]
   ng and experience. Doubts left by reasoning are tried by experience,
   which is the ultimate test of truth.

   The practical tendency of Bacon's mind is everywhere apparent. He was
   an apostle of common sense. Speaking of Peter of Maricourt of Paris,
   otherwise unknown, he praises him for his achievements in the science
   of experimental research and said: "Of discourses and battles of words
   he takes no heed. Through experiment he gains knowledge of natural
   things, medical, chemical, indeed of everything in the heavens and the
   earth. He is ashamed that things should be known to laymen, old women,
   soldiers, and ploughmen, of which he is himself ignorant." He also
   confessed he had learned incomparably more from men unlettered and
   unknown to the learned than he had learned from his most famous
   teachers. [1599]

   Bacon attacked the pedantry of the scholastic method, the frivolous and
   unprofitable logomachy over questions which were above reason and
   untaught by revelation. Again and again he rebuked the conceit and
   metaphysical abstruseness of the theological writers of his century,
   especially Alexander of Hales and also Albertus Magnus and Thomas
   Aquinas. He used, at length, Alfarabius, Avicenna, Algazel, and other
   Arabic philosophers, as well as Aristotle. Against the pride and
   avarice and ignorance of the clergy he spoke with unmeasured severity
   and declared that the morals of Seneca and his age were far higher than
   the morals of the thirteenth century except that the ancient Romans did
   not know the virtues of love, faith, and hope which were revealed by
   Christ. [1600]

   This thirteenth-century phiIosopher pronounced the discussion over
   universals and individuals foolish and meaningless. One individual is
   of more value than all the universals in the world. A universal is
   nothing but the agreement between several objects, convenientia plurium
   individuorum convenientia individui respectu alterius. That which is
   common between two men and which an ass or a pig does not possess, is
   their universal.

   In the department of philology, [1601] nd Greek. He carried down the
   history of the translations of the Bible to Jerome.

   He recommended the study of comparative religions which he arranges in
   six classes,--Pagan, Idolater, Tartar (Buddhist), Saracen, Jew, and
   Christian,--and concludes that there can be only one revelation and one
   Church because there is only one God. [1602] , sanctity, wisdom,
   miraculous powers, firmness under persecution, uniformity of faith, and
   their success in spite of humble origin. It is characteristic of this
   philosopher that in this treatment he avails himself of the information
   brought to Europe by William Rubruquis whom he quotes. [1603]

   He regarded philosophy as having been revealed to the Jewish
   patriarchs, and the Greek philosophy as having been under the guidance
   of providence, nay, as having been a divine gift, as Augustine said of
   Socrates. [1604] istotle is the great phiIosopher, and philosophy leads
   to the threshold of revealed truth, and it is the duty of Christians to
   avail themselves of it. [1605] hould utilize heathen philosophers.
   [1606] [1607] heory of the dependence of the Apostolic writers upon
   Hellenic modes of thought. Bacon magnified the supreme authority of the
   Scriptures in which all truth strikes its roots and which laymen should
   read. All sciences and knowledge are to be subordinated to the Catholic
   Church, which is the appointed guardian of human interests. Theology is
   the science which rules over all the others. [1608] altar" as
   containing in itself the highest good, that is, the union of God with
   man. In the host the whole of the Deity is contained.

   The admirable editor of Bacon's Opus majus, Dr. Bridges, has compared
   Bacon's procedure to a traveller in a new world, who brings back
   specimens of produce with the view of persuading the authorities of his
   country to undertake a more systematic exploration. [1609] sserted the
   right principle of theological study which excludes from prolonged
   discussion subjects which have no immediate bearing upon the interests
   of daily life or personal faith, and pronounced as useless the weary
   systems which were more the product of human ingenuity in combining
   words than of a clear, spiritual purpose. To him Abaelard is not to be
   compared. Abaelard was chiefly a scholastic metaphysician; Bacon an
   observer of nature. Abaelard gives the appearance of being a vain
   aspirant after scholastic honors; Bacon of being a patient and
   conscientious investigator.

   Professor Adamson and Dr. Bridges, two eminent Baconian scholars, have
   placed Roger Bacon at the side of such thinkers as Albertus Magnus and
   Thomas Aquinas. A close student of the Middle Ages, Coulton, has
   recently gone so far as to pronounce him a greater intellect than
   Thomas Aquinas. [1610] lic communion. There is, however, danger of
   ascribing to him too much. Nevertheless, this forerunner of modern
   investigation may by common verdict, though unhonored in his own age,
   come to be placed higher as a benefactor of mankind than the master of
   metaphysical subtlety, Duns Scotus, who spoke to his age and its
   immediate successors with authority.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1594] Bridges' ed., p. xxiii.

   [1595] Opus majus, Bridges' ed., I. 152, 176.

   [1596] I. 323.

   [1597] As an illustration of some of Bacon's chemical and medical
   advice the following receipt may be given. He says a combination of
   gold, pearl, flower of sea dew, spermaceti, aloes, bone of stag's
   heart, flesh of Tyrian snake, and Ethiopian dragon, properly prepared
   in due portions, might promote longevity to a length hitherto
   unimagined, Op. Maj., II. 206.

   [1598] Op. maj., I. 385 sqq.

   [1599] Bridges' ed., Op. maj., I. pp. xxv., 23.

   [1600] Op. maj., II. 303 sqq.

   [1601] Bridges' ed., 1. 66-96.

   [1602] Bridges' ed., II. 366-404.

   [1603] I. 303, II. 367 sq.

   [1604] I. 41.

   [1605] I. 56-59.

   [1606] I. 37.

   [1607] I. 28-30.

   [1608] I. 33, Una scientia dominatrix aliarum.

   [1609] I p. lxxxix.

   [1610] From St. Francis to Dante, p. 293.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER XIV.

   THE SACRAMENTAL SYSTEM.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 112. Literature on the Sacraments.

   Literature:--General Works: The Writings of Abaelard, Hugo of St.
   Victor, Peter Lombard, Alb. Magnus, Th. Aquinas, Bonaventura, Duns
   Scotus, and other Schoolmen.--G. L. Hahn: Lehre von d. Sakramenten,
   Breslau, 1864.--*J. Schwane: Dogmengesch. der mittleren Zeit, 787-1517,
   Frei b. 1882, pp. 579-693.--J. H. Oswald: D. dogmatische Lehre von d.
   hl. Sakramenten d. kathol. Kirche, 5th ed., Munich, 1894. The Histories
   of Christ. Doctr. of Fisher, pp. 254-263; Harnack, II. 462-562; Loofs,
   pp. 298-304; Seeberg, II. 107 sqq.--Hergenröther-Kirsch: Kirchengesch.,
   II. 682-701. The works on Canon Law of Hinschius; P. Hergenröther (Rom.
   Cath.), pp. 667-684; Friedberg, pp. 374-495.--Hefele-Knöpfler, V.
   VI.--The art. Sakrament in Wetzer-Welte and Herzog.--D. S. Schaff: The
   Sacramental Theory of the Med. Ch. in "Princeton Rev.," 1906, pp.
   206-236.

   On the Eucharist, §§ 115, 116: Dalgairns: The Holy Communion, its
   Philos., Theol., and Practice, Dublin, 1861.--F. S. Renz: D. Gesch. d.
   Messopfer-Begriffs, etc., 1st vol., Alterthum und Mittelalter, Munich,
   1901.--J. Smend: Kelchversagung und Kelchspendung in d. abendländ.
   Kirche, Götting., 1898.--A. Franz: D. Messe im deutschen Mittelalter,
   Freib., 1902.--Artt. Communion, Messe, Transubstantiation in
   Wetzer-Welte and Abendmahl and Kindercommunion in Herzog.

   On Penance and Indulgences, §§ 117, 118: Joan Morinus: Comment. hist.
   de disciplina in administratione sacr. poenitentiae, Paris, 1651.--F.
   Beringer, S. J., transl. fr. the French by J. Schneider: D. Ablässe,
   ihr Wesen und Gebrauch, 12th ed., Paderb., 1900.--*K. Müller: D.
   Umschwung in der Lehre von d. Busse während d. 12ten Jahrhunderts,
   Freib., 1892.--H. C. Lea: A Formulary of the Papal Penitentiary in the
   13th Century, Phil., 1892; *A Hist. of Auricular Confession and
   Indulgences, 3 vols. Phil., 1896.--* TH. Brieger: D. Wesen des Ablasses
   am Ausgange des Mittelalters, Leipzig., 1897.--A. Kurtz: D. kathol.
   Lehre vom Ablass vor und nach dem Auftreten Luthers, Paderb., 1900.--C.
   M. Roberts: Hist. of Confession until it developed into Auric. Conf.
   a.d. 1215, London, 1901.--* W. Köhler: Dokumente zum Ablassstreit vom
   1517, Tübing., 1902. Very convenient, containing thirty-two of the most
   important documents on the subject and including Jacob von Juterbocks,
   Tract. de indulgentiis, c. 1451, and excerpts from the Coelifodina,
   1502.--* A. Gottlob: Kreuzablass u. Almosenablass, Stuttg., 1906.--A.
   M. Koeninger: D. Beicht nach Caesarius von Heisterbach, Mun.,
   1906.--Artt. Ablass, *Bussdisciplin by Funk, II. 1562-1590. and Busse,
   II. 1590-1614, in Wetzer-Welte and *Indulgenzen by Th. Brieger in
   Herzog, IX. 76-94. For other Lit. see Brieger's art. in Herzog

   On Extreme Unction, etc., § 119: See artt. Oelung and Ordo in
   Wetzer-Welte, IX. 716 sqq., 1027 sqq., and Oelung by Kattenbusch and
   Priesterweihe in Herzog, XIV. 304 sqq., XVI. 47 sqq. For marriage, the
   works on Christian Ethics.--Von Eicken: Gesch. u. System der
   mittelalterl. Weltanschauung, pp. 437-487, Stuttg., 1887.--The artt.
   Ehe in Herzog, V. 182 sqq. and Wetzer-Welte, IV. 142-231 (including a
   number of subjects pertaining to marriage).

   On Grace and the Future State, §§ 120, 121: Anselm: De conceptu
   virginali et originale peccato, Migne, 168. 431-467.--P. Lombardus:
   Sent., II. 31, etc.--H. Of St. Victor: De sacramentis, I. 7, Migne,
   176. 287-306. --Alb. Magnus: In Sent., II. 31 sqq., etc., Borgnet's
   ed., XXVII.--Bonaventura: In Sent., II., etc.; Peltier's ed., III.--Th.
   Aquinas: Summa, II. 71-90, III. 52 sqq.; Supplem., LXIX. sqq., Migne,
   IV. 1215-1459--Duns Scotus: Reportata. XXIV.-XXVI., etc. The Histories
   of Doctrine of Schwane, pp. 393-493, Harnack, Loofs, Seeberg. Sheldon.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 113. The Seven Sacraments.

   As the doctrines of the Trinity and the person of Christ were wrought
   out in the Nicene and post-Nicene periods, so the Schoolmen of the
   twelfth and thirteenth centuries wrought out the Catholic doctrine of
   the sacraments. At no point were the mediaeval theologians more
   industrious or did they put forth keener speculative force. For the
   Roman Catholic communion, the results of this speculation continue to
   be of binding authority. The theologians most prominent in developing
   the sacramental system were Hugo of St. Victor, Peter the Lombard,
   Alexander of Hales, and Thomas Aquinas. Hugo wrote the first treatise
   on the sacraments, De sacramentis. Thomas Aquinas did little more than
   to reformulate in clear statement the views propounded by Hugo, Peter
   the Lombard, and especially by Alexander of Hales, and with him the
   development comes to an end. [1611]

   Through the influence of Peter the Lombard and Thomas Aquinas, the
   number of the sacraments was fixed at seven,--baptism, confirmation,
   the eucharist, penance, extreme unction, ordination, marriage. [1612] g
   and the investiture of bishops and abbots. Abaelard had named five,
   --baptism, confirmation, the eucharist, marriage, and extreme unction.
   Hugo de St. Victor in his Summa also seems to recognize only five,
   --baptism, confirmation, eucharist, penance, and extreme unction,
   [1613] . Hugo divided the sacraments into three classes,--sacraments
   which are necessary to salvation, baptism and the eucharist, those
   which have a sanctifying effect such as holy water and the use of ashes
   on Ash Wednesday, and a third class which prepares for the other
   sacraments. He called the sprinkling with water a sacrament. [1614]
   [1615]

   The uncertainty concerning the number of the sacraments was a heritage
   from the Fathers. Augustine defined any sacred rite a sacrament. The
   Third Lateran, 1179, used the term in a wide sense and included the
   investiture of bishops and burial among the sacraments. The Catholic
   Church today makes a distinction between certain sacred rites, called
   sacramentalia, and the seven sacraments. [1616] [1617]

   Ingenious and elaborate attempts were made to correlate the seven
   sacraments to all of man's spiritual maladies and to show their
   "congruity" or adaptation to meet all the requirements of fallen and
   redeemed human nature. [1618] weakness found in those recently born,
   the eucharist to the temptation to fall into sin,--labilitas animi ad
   peccandum,--penance to sins committed after baptism, extreme unction to
   the remainders of sin not cleared away by penance, ordination to the
   lost condition of mankind, matrimony to concupiscence, and the
   liability of mankind to become extinct by natural death.

   The number seven also corresponds to the seven virtues,--baptism,
   extreme unction, and the eucharist to faith, hope, and love, ordination
   to enlightenment, penance to righteousness, marriage to continence, and
   confirmation to endurance. Bonaventura elaborates at length a
   stimulating comparison to a military career. The sacraments furnish
   grace for the spiritual struggle and strengthen the warrior on the
   various stages of his conflict. Baptism equips him on entering the
   conflict, confirmation encourages him in its progress, extreme unction
   helps him at the finish, the eucharist and penance renew his strength,
   orders introduce new recruits into the ranks, and marriage prepares men
   to be recruits. Augustine had compared the sacraments to the badges and
   rank conferred upon the soldier, a comparison Thomas Aquinas took up.
   [1619]

   The sacraments were not needed in man's estate of innocence. Marriage
   which was then instituted was a "function of nature" and nothing more.
   There were sacraments under the old covenant as well as under the new.
   The Schoolmen follow Augustine in declaring that the former prefigure
   the grace to come and the sacraments of the New Testament confer grace.
   [1620] [1621]

   In defining what a sacrament is--quid est sacramentum -- the Schoolmen
   started with Augustine's definition that a sacrament is a visible sign
   of an invisible grace, [1622] tiam, --the language afterwards used by
   the council of Trent. They have a virtue inherent in themselves. The
   favorite figure for describing their operation is medicine. Hugo [1623]
   essenger, grace is the antidote, the sacrament is the vase. The
   physician gives, the minister dispenses, the vase contains, the
   spiritual medicine which cures the invalid. If, therefore, the
   sacraments are the vases of spiritual grace, they do not cure of
   themselves. Not the bottle, but the medicine, cures the sick.
   Bonaventura entitled his chapters on the sacraments "Sacramental
   Medicine." [1624]

   The sacraments are remedies which the great Samaritan brought for the
   wounds of original and actual sin. They are more than visible signs and
   channels of grace. They do more than signify. They sanctify. They are
   the efficient cause of gracious operations in the recipient. The
   interior effects, Thomas Aquinas says, are due to Christ, [1625] , to
   the blessing of Christ and the administration of the priest conjoined.
   The mode of this efficacy is ex opere operato. This expression, used by
   William of Auxerre and Alexander of Hales, Thomas adopted and says
   again and again that the sacraments make righteous and confer grace, ex
   opere operato, that is by a virtue inherent in themselves. [1626]

   By this, Thomas Aquinas does not mean that the religious condition of
   the recipient is a matter of indifference, but that the sacrament
   imparts its virtue, if need be, without the operation of an active
   faith. The tendency of Protestant writers has been to represent the
   Schoolmen as ascribing a magical virtue to the visible sacramental
   symbol, if not irrespective of the divine appointment, then certainly
   irrespective of the attitude of the recipient. Such is not the view of
   the Schoolmen. Thomas Aquinas distinguishes between the original cause
   of grace, which is God, and the instrumental cause, which is the
   sacrament. The virtue of the latter depends upon God's appointment and
   operation. [1627] [1628] [1629] raments are efficacious only to those
   who are of a religious disposition.

   Duns Scotus, whose opinions were set aside at the council of Ferrara
   for those of Thomas Aquinas, insisted that God can confer grace apart
   from the sacraments, and their efficacy is dependent upon an action of
   the will. They act indirectly, not directly. Duns controverted Thomas'
   view that the sacrament is a visible sign containing supernatural
   virtue in itself absolutely. [1630] . As symbols, they remind the soul
   of God's grace and attract it. A good state of the heart, however, is
   not a meritorious cause of their efficacy. For their reception, it is
   sufficient if there be no moral impediment, obex, that is, no impeding
   indisposition. [1631] [1632]

   The relation the priest sustains to the sacraments is a vital one, and
   except in extraordinary cases his ministration is essential. Their
   efficacy does not depend upon the priest's personal character, provided
   only he administer according to the rite of the Church. [1633] may be
   conveyed through a leaden pipe as truly as through a silver pipe. Even
   if the intention of conferring grace is absent from the mind of the
   officiating priest, the efficacy of the sacrament is not destroyed. The
   priest acts in the name of the Church, and in uttering the words of
   sacramental appointment he gives voice to the intention of the Church.
   This intention is sufficient for the perfection of the sacrament in any
   given case. Ultimately, it is Christ who works the effect of the
   sacrament and not the priest through any virtue of his own. [1634]

   On this point also, Duns differed from the great Dominican by declaring
   that "a virtual intention" on the part of the celebrant is essential to
   the efficacy of the sacrament. He illustrates his position by a pilgrim
   on the way to the shrine of St. James. The pilgrim may not think of St.
   James during the whole progress of his journey, but he starts out with
   "a virtual intention" to go to his shrine and keeps on the way. So a
   priest, during the progress of the sacramental celebration, may allow
   his mind to wander and forget what he is doing, but he has the virtual
   intention of performing the rite. [1635]

   The sacraments may be "useful," said Bonaventura, if performed outside
   of the Church, provided the recipient afterwards enter "holy mother
   Church." This he illustrates by Augustine's comparison of the
   sacraments to the four rivers of paradise. The rivers flowed into
   different lands. But neither to Mesopotamia nor Egypt did they carry
   the felicity of life, though they were useful. [1636]

   The sacraments are not all of equal necessity. Baptism alone is
   indispensable to eternal life. Baptism and the eucharist are the
   mightiest, but of all the most mighty--potissimum -- is the eucharist,
   and for three reasons: 1. It contains Christ himself after a
   substantial manner. 2. The other sacraments are preparatory to it. 3.
   All the faithful partake of it--adults who are baptized, as well as
   those who are in orders. Three sacraments have an indelible
   character,--baptism, ordination, and confirmation. Their mark cannot be
   effaced nor may they be repeated. They are related to salvation as food
   is related to life. The other four sacraments are necessary to
   salvation only in the way a horse is necessary to a journey. [1637]

   The Schoolmen were not fully agreed as to the author of some of the
   sacraments. Peter the Lombard expressly said that extreme unction was
   instituted by the Apostles. Alexander of Hales, Albertus Magnus, and
   Thomas Aquinas held they were all instituted by Christ. [1638]

   Hugo of St. Victor said, God might have saved man without the
   sacraments but no man can be saved who rejects them. [1639] They were
   to the mediaeval mind the essential food of the religious life, and, in
   building up the sacramental system, the mediaeval theologian felt he
   was fortifying the very fabric of the Church. In the authority to
   administer them lay the power of the priesthood to open and shut the
   kingdom of heaven, to pass the judgment of bliss or woe for this life
   and for the life to come. This sacramental theory, based now upon a
   false now upon a one-sided interpretation of Scripture, and compactly
   knit by argumentation, substituted the mechanical efficiency of
   sacramental grace for the Saviour into whose immediate presence the
   soul has a right to approach through penitence of heart and prayer. The
   sacramental system became the Church's Babylonish captivity, as Luther
   called it in his famous tract, in which the rights and liberty of the
   Christian believer are fettered by the traditions of men.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1611] Some idea of the importance attached to the subject of the
   sacraments may be derived from the space given by the Schoolmen to
   their treatment. Hugo of St. Victor gives 440 columns, Migne's ed.,
   176. 183-617, the Lombard 90 columns out of the 462 of his Sentences,
   Bonaventura 1003 pages out of 3875 of his System of Theology, Peltier's
   ed. and Thomas Aquinas 670 columns out of 4854 of his Summa, Migne, IV.
   543-1217. Dr. Charles Hodge's System. Theol. devotes 207 pages out of
   its 2260 to the sacraments, Dr. Shedd's Dogm. Theol. 25 pages out of
   1348, Dr. E. V. Gerhart's Institutes 84 pages out of 1666, and Dr. A.
   H. Strong's Sys. Theol. 30 out of 600 pages.

   [1612] Others about the time of Peter the Lombard had given the number
   as seven, as Rolandus (afterwards Alexander III.) in his Sentences and
   Otto of Bamberg in a sermon, 1158, reported by his biographer Herbord.

   [1613] Migne, 176. 127 sqq. Hugo follows up the treatment of the five
   sacraments with a treatment of marriage, but I do not see that he calls
   it a sacrament.

   [1614] De sacr., II. 9, Migne, 176. 473. The aqua aspersionis, or water
   of sprinkling mixed with salt, Hugo derived from Alexander, fifth pope
   from Peter. The sprinkling of ashes on the head, susceptio cineris, he
   placed under "the minor sacraments," but in his definition calls it an
   "ecclesiastical rite," as he does also the use of palm branches on Palm
   Sunday; Migne, 176. 423.

   [1615] Migne, IV. 597, 1025.

   [1616] Hergenröther, Kathol. Kirchenrecht., pp. 667 sq.

   [1617] Alb. Magnus has a long treatment, Cur sint sacr. septem, In IV.
   Sent., I. 2, vol. XXIX. 6-11.

   [1618] SeeBonaventura, Brevil., Vl. 3, Peltier's ed., VII. 314; Thomas
   Aq.,Summa, Migne's ed., IV. 594. sq.

   [1619] Bonaventura, Brevil., VI. 3; Th. Aq., Summa, III. 63. 1, Migne's
   ed., IV. 571.

   [1620] Th. Aq., Summa, III. 62. 6, Migne, IV. 569, Sacramenta veteris
   legis non habebant in se aliquam virtutem qua operarentur ad
   conferendam gratiam justificantem. See for quotations from the
   Sentences of Thomas, Loofs, p. 301.

   [1621] In IV. Sent., I. 21, vol. XXIX. 37.

   [1622] Abaelard, Introd. ad Theol., Migne's ed., p. 984, had quoted
   this definition. Albertus Magnus and other Schoolmen subsequent to
   Hugo, after quoting Augustine, usually quote Hugo, e.g. Peter the
   Lombard and Th. Aq, III. 66. 1.

   [1623] De sacr., I. 9. 4, Migne, 176. 325.

   [1624] Brevil., VI., Peltier's ed., VII. 311-330. The Lombard, Alb.
   Magnus, Th. Aquinas, etc., also use the illustration of medicine.

   [1625] Interiorem sacramentorum effectum operatur Christus, III. 64. 3,
   Migne, IV. 583.

   [1626] Sacr. justificant et gratiam conferunt ex opere operato. See
   references in Schwane, p 581.

   [1627] Summa, III. 62. 1, Migne, IV. 562, causa vero instrumentalis non
   agit per virtutem suae formae sed solum per motum quo movetur a
   principali agente.

   [1628] Migne, IV. 568 sq. Virtus passionis Christi copulatur nobis per
   fidem et sacramenta.

   [1629] Ecclesia sicut sacramenta a Christo accepit sic ad fidelium
   salutem dispensat. Breviloq., VI. 5, Peltier's ed., VII. 316.

   [1630] See Seeberg, Duns Scotus, pp. 356-358.

   [1631] Non requiritur bonus motus qui mereatur gratiam sed sufficit
   quod suscipiens non ponat obicem. In Sent., IV. 1. 6, quoted by
   Schwane, p. 581. Nisi impediat indispositio, quoted by Seeberg, p. 343.

   [1632] Susceptio est dispositio sufficiens ad gratiam. Seeberg, p. 349.
   For the differences between the Thomists and Scotists on the
   sacraments, see also Harnack, II. 483

   [1633] Ministri ecclesiae possunt sacramenta conferre etiamsi sint
   mali. Th. Aq., Migne's ed., IV. 586. 821, 824.

   [1634] Ministri non gratiam conferunt sua virtute, sed hoc facit
   Christus sua potestate per eos sicut per quaedam instrumenta. Th. Aq.,
   III. 64. 5, Migne, IV. 586.

   [1635] Seeberg, p. 350.

   [1636] Brevil., Peltier's ed., p. 317. The illustration is carried out
   at length and is very interesting as an example of pious mediaeval
   homiletics.

   [1637] Th. Aq., III. 65. 4, Migne, IV. 601.

   [1638] See also Duns Scotus, see Seeberg, p. 338.

   [1639] De sacr., II. 9, 5, Migne, 176. 325. potuit Deus hominem salvare
   si ista non instituisset, sed homo nullatenus salvari posset si ista
   contemneret.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 114. Baptism and Confirmation.

   Baptism is the door to the other sacraments and to the kingdom of
   heaven. [1640] t is certain evidence that the heart is already
   regenerated. For the necessity of baptism, Thomas Aquinas and the other
   Schoolmen rely upon John 3:3, "Except a man be born of water and the
   Spirit, he cannot see the kingdom of God." Of all the sacraments the
   most necessary, baptism effects regeneration, nay, it is regeneration
   itself. [1641] [1642] ablution from guilt, and the freezing of water,
   to use the strange figure of Thomas Aquinas, the subtraction of all
   punishment. Baptism also has the positive effect of conferring grace,
   an effect which is symbolized by the clearness of water.

   The validity of the sacrament requires the full use of the threefold
   name of the Trinity. Hugo of St. Victor differs from the later
   Schoolmen on this point, although in doubt whether the use of the name
   of Christ alone or the name of God alone be not sufficient. Bernard had
   allowed the use of the formula "I baptize thee in the name of the
   Father and of the true and holy cross." These men wrote before the
   Fourth Lateran Council. Bonaventura and Thomas acknowledged that, in
   early times, the Church had often been satisfied with baptism into the
   name of Christ, the Trinity being, in such cases, understood. But since
   the deliverance of the Fourth Lateran, the omission of a single
   syllable from the trine formula invalidated baptism. [1643] ng of salt
   were prescribed to be used in the solemnization of the rite. Exorcism
   expelled demons and prevented them from impeding the recipient's
   salvation. Salt, put into the ears, signified the reception of the new
   doctrine, into the nostrils, its approbation, and into the mouth,
   confession. Oil signified the fitting of the recipient to fight demons.

   The proper administrator of baptism is the priest, but, in cases of
   necessity, laymen may baptize, male or female, and parents may baptize
   their own children. [1644] lawfully administer baptism, for Christ is
   free to use the agent he pleases, and it is he who baptizes inwardly,
   John 1:33. The main reason for allowing such baptism is to extend the
   limits of salvation as far as possible. [1645]

   Children are proper subjects of baptism because they are under the
   curse of Adam. As the mother nourishes her offspring in the womb before
   it can nourish itself, so in the bosom of mother Church infants are
   nourished, and they receive salvation through the act of the Church.
   [1646] ld cannot be baptized before it is born; it is of the essence of
   baptism that water be applied to the body. [1647] f the parents. Duns
   Scotus was an exception and permitted the forcible baptism of the
   children of Jews, yea of adult Jews. [1648]

   The definition of baptism excludes all unbaptized children, dying in
   infancy, from heaven. The question is discussed by that mystic and
   lovable divine, Hugo of St. Victor, whether the children of Christian
   parents may be saved who happen to be put to death in a city besieged
   by pagans and die unbaptized. He leaves it unanswered, remarking that
   there is "no authority for saying what will become of them." [1649]
   infants whose mothers suffer martyrdom or blood baptism. [1650]
   logians, as a relief from the agonizing thought that the children of
   non-Christian parents dying in infancy are lost and suffer conscious
   torment, elaborated the view that they are annihilated. It remained for
   a still later Protestant period to pronounce in favor of the salvation
   of all such children in view of the superabounding fullness of the
   atonement and our Lord's words, "for of such is the kingdom of heaven."

   Water is essential to baptism. The Schoolmen agreed that wine, oil, or
   other liquid will not do. Duns Scotus said in regard to baptism in beer
   that its validity would depend upon a scientific test whether the beer
   continued to be a species of water or not. [1651] inas refers to it as
   the more general practice of his day and prefers it as the safer mode,
   as did also Bonaventura and Duns Scotus. [1652] the immortal agent.
   Both trine immersion, the custom of the Greek Church, and single
   immersion are valid. Trine immersion symbolizes the three persons of
   the Trinity and the three days of the Lord's burial; single immersion
   the unity of the Deity and the uniqueness of Christ's death. Synods, as
   late as the synod of Tarragona, 1391, spoke of the submersion of
   children in baptism.

   The sacrament of confirmation corresponds to the adult period as
   baptism does to the child period (1 Cor. 13:11). It completes, as it
   were, the earlier ordinance and confers the graces of strength and
   hardihood. The baptized thus become full Christians. [1653] Christ or
   by the Apostles or by the councils of the Church. Thomas Aquinas took
   the view that it was founded by Christ, being implied in the promise of
   the Holy Spirit (John 16:7).

   The rite is performed by the bishop, who is the successor of the
   Apostles, who uses the words, "I sign thee with the sign of the cross,
   I confirm thee with the chrism of salvation, in the name of the Father,
   and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." Chrism, or sacred oil, which is
   the symbol of the Spirit, is applied, and the cross is signed upon the
   forehead, the most prominent part of the body. [1654]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1640] Janua omnium aliorum sacramentorum. Bonavent., Brevil. VII.,
   Peltier's ed., p. 318; Th. Aq., Summa, III. 62. 6, Migne, IV. 569;
   Supplem. XXXV. 1, Migne, IV. 1047.

   [1641] Baptismus qui est regeneratio hominis in vitam spiritualem. Th.
   Aq., III. 66. 9; 67. 3; 68. 9; 72. 1, Migne, IV. 617, 626, 646, 678.

   [1642] Omne peccatum per baptismum tollitur. Th. Aq., 69. 1, Migne, p.
   652. Baptismus institutus est contra vulnus originalis peccati. Alanus
   ab Insulis cont. haer., I. 39, 43, Migne, 210. 345, 347.

   [1643] Brevil. VI., Peltier's ed., p. 318; Th. Aq., III. 66. 6, Migne,
   p. 611, quicquid desit ad plenam invocationem trinitatis tollit
   integritatem baptismi.

   [1644] They were allowed to use the vernacular in the ceremony. Synods
   of Treves, 1227, Mainz, 1233. And priests were instructed to teach
   laymen the baptismal ceremony in the vulgar tongue that they might use
   it if the exigency arose. Fritzlar, 1243, Hefele, V. 1099. A child
   taken from its mother after her death, and itself dead, was to be
   buried unbaptized in unconsecrated ground Treves, 1310.

   [1645] Th. Aq., III. 67. 4 sq., Migne, IV. 628 sq.

   [1646] Pueri non se ipsos sed per actum eccl. salutem suscipiunt. Th.
   Aq., III. 68. 9, Migne, 646; Bonavent., Brevil. VII. Peltier's ed.,
   VII. 320; Duns Scotus, see Seeberg, p. 360.

   [1647] P. Lomb., IV. 6. 2, Migne, II. 853. Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 649, and
   Duns Scotus (Seeberg, p. 360) agree that if the head of the infant
   protrude from the womb, it may be baptized, for the head is the seat of
   the immortal agent.

   [1648] Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 648. One reason Duns gives is that the
   children of such Jews, if they are well educated, turn out to be good
   Christians (vere fideles) in the third and fourth generations. Seeberg,
   p. 364.

   [1649] Summa, V. 6, Migne, 176. 132.

   [1650] In Sent., IV. 4, 3. 3, Paris ed., XVI. 406, 410.

   [1651] Seeberg p. 359, Summa, III. 66. 7, Migne, IV. 613 sq.; P. Lomb.,
   IV. 3, 8, Migne, II. 845; Bonav., Brevil. VII., Peltier's ed., p. 319,
   Duns Scotus. In IV. Sent., vol. XVI. 272. Gregory IX., on being asked
   by the archbishop of Drontheim whether a certain baptism administered
   with beer was valid, water not being at hand, replied in the negative.
   Potthast, 11,048. The synod of Aurillac, 1278, pronouced sweet, salt,
   or melted snow water proper material.

   [1652] Quamvis tutius sit baptizare per modum immersionis, potest tamen
   fieri baptismus per modum aspersionis vel etiam per modum effusionis.

   [1653] Confirmatio est quasi ultima consummatio baptismi. Th. Aq., III.
   72. 11, Migne, IV. 693

   [1654] Th. Aq., III. 73. 9, quotes Ezek. 3:8, "I have made thy forehead
   hard against their foreheads." He commends the custom whereby the
   candidate for confirmation is supported by another, for "though he be
   an adult in body he is not yet an adult spiritually."
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 115. The Eucharist.

   The eucharist, called by the Schoolmen the crown of the sacraments and
   the sacrament of the altar, was pronounced both a sacrament and a
   sacrifice. In the elaboration of the doctrine, scholastic theology
   reached the highest point of its speculation. Albertus Magnus devoted
   to it a distinct treatise and Thomas Aquinas nearly four hundred
   columns of his Summa. In practice, the celebration of this sacrament
   became the chief religious function of the Church. [1655] The festival
   of Corpus Christi, commemorating it, was celebrated with great
   solemnity. The theory of the transmutation of the elements and the
   withdrawal of the cup from the laity were among the chief objects of
   the attacks of the Reformers.

   The fullest and clearest presentation of the eucharist was made by
   Thomas Aquinas. He discussed it in every possible aspect. Where
   Scripture is silent and Augustine uncertain, the Schoolman's
   speculative ability, though often put to a severe test, is never at a
   loss. The Church accepted the doctrines of transubstantiation and the
   sacrificial meaning of the sacrament, and it fell to the Schoolmen to
   confirm these doctrines by all the metaphysical weapons at their
   command. And even where we are forced by the silence or clear meaning
   of Scripture to regard their discussion as a vain display of
   intellectual ingenuity, we may still recognize the solemn religious
   purpose by which they were moved. Who would venture to deny this who
   has read the devotional hymn of Thomas Aquinas which presents the
   outgoings of his soul to the sacrificial oblation of the altar?


   Pange lingua gloriosi corporis mysterium.

   Sing my tongue the mystery telling. [1656]

   The culminating point in the history of the mediaeval doctrine of the
   eucharist was the dogmatic definition of transubstantiation by the
   Fourth Lateran Council, 1215. Thenceforth it was heresy to believe
   anything else. The definition ran that "the body and blood of Christ
   are truly contained in the sacrament of the altar under the forms of
   bread and wine, the bread being transubstantiated into the body and the
   wine into the blood by divine power." [1657] simply formulated the
   prevailing belief.

   The word "transubstantiation" is not used by Hugo of St. Victor and the
   earlier Schoolmen. They used "transition" and "conversion," the latter
   being the favorite term. The word "transubstantiation" seems to have
   been first used by Hildebert of Tours, d. 1134. [1658] [1659] g the
   doctrine, are John 6 and the words of institution, "this is my body,"
   in which the verb is taken in its literal sense. Rupert of Deutz is the
   only Schoolman of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries who dissented
   from it. He seems to have taught the theory of impanation. [1660]

   Three names, applied to the eucharist, had special significance. [1661]
   heavenly manna for pilgrims on their way to heaven. Thomas Aquinas also
   uses the term of John of Damascus, assumption, because the sacrament
   lifts us up into the Deity of Christ, and calls it hostia, or the host,
   because it contains Christ himself, who is the oblation of our
   salvation. [1662]

   The elements to be used are wheaten bread, either leavened or
   unleavened. Water is to be mixed with the wine as Christ probably mixed
   them, following the custom in Palestine. Water symbolizes the people,
   and the wine symbolizes Christ, and their combination the union of the
   people with Christ. The mixture likewise represents the scene of the
   passion. Thomas Aquinas also finds in the water flowing in the desert,
   1 Cor. 10:4, a type of this custom. He relied much, as did Albertus
   Magnus [1663] Prov. 9:5, Come eat of my bread and drink of the wine
   which I have mingled for you. But the admixture of the two elements is
   not essential. The synods of Cologne, 1279, Lambeth, 1281, etc.,
   prescribed two or three drops of water as sufficient.

   At the moment of priestly consecration, the elements of bread and wine
   are converted into the very body and blood of Christ. The substance of
   the bread and wine disappears. The "accidents"--species sensibiles --
   remain, such as taste, color, dimensions, and weight. What becomes of
   the substance of the two elements? asks Peter the Lombard. There are
   three possible answers. First, the substance passes into the four
   original elements or into the body and blood of Christ. Second, it is
   annihilated. Third, it remains in part or in whole. Duns Scotus adopted
   the second explanation, the substance is annihilated. [1664] he
   Lombard, Bonaventura, and Thomas Aquinas adopted the view that the
   substance is converted into the body and blood of Christ. Against the
   theory of annihilation Thomas used the illustration that it does not
   follow because air, from which fire is generated, is not here nor
   there, that it has been annihilated. The change on the altar is
   altogether supernatural. The body of Christ is in the sacrament not
   quantitatively, per modum quantitatis, but in substance; not in its
   dimensions, but by a sacramental virtue, ex vi sacramenti, in a way
   peculiar to this sacrament. It is on the altar and is apprehended by
   faith only. [1665]

   Upon the basis of the separate existence of substance and "accidents"
   the Schoolmen proceeded to perfect their theory. What the substance of
   bread is, if it is not its nutritive power, and how it is possible to
   think of bread without those qualities which make it bread to us, the
   practical mind cannot understand. Scholastic dialectics professed to
   understand it, but the statements are nothing more than a fabric of
   mystifying terms and gratuitous assumptions. Wyclif thoroughly exposed
   the fallacious reasoning.

   Thomas Aquinas went so far as to declare that, though the substance of
   bread and wine disappears, these elements continue to preserve the
   virtue of their substance. [1666] ovidential arrangement this was not
   so for three reasons: 1. It is not the custom for men to eat human
   flesh and drink human blood, and we would revolt from eating Christ's
   blood and flesh under the form of bread and wine. 2. The sacrament
   would become a laughing stock to infidels if Christ were eaten in his
   own form. 3. Faith is called forth by the enveilment of the Lord within
   the forms of bread and wine. The body of Christ is not broken or
   divided by the teeth except in a sacramental way. [1667] aid this great
   Schoolman, is easier to understand than transubstantiation, for
   creation is out of nothing, but in the sacrament the substance of bread
   and wine disappear while the accidents remain.

   A second statement elaborated by the Schoolmen is that the whole Christ
   is in the sacrament, divinity and humanity, --flesh, bones, nerves, and
   other constituents, --and yet the body of Christ is not there locally
   or in its dimensions. [1668]

   This is the so-called doctrine of concomitance, elaborated by Alexander
   of Hales, Thomas Aquinas, and other Schoolmen with great subtilty.
   According to this doctrine the divinity of Christ and his body are
   never separated. Wherever the body is, there is also the divinity,
   whether it be in heaven or on the altar. The determination of this
   point was of importance because the words of institution mention only
   Christ's body.

   A third integral part of the scholastic treatment of the eucharist was
   the assertion that the whole Christ is in each of the elements, [1669]
   l justification for the withdrawal of the cup from the laity. Anselm
   had taken this view, that the entire Christ is in each element, but he
   was having no reference to the withdrawal of the cup. [1670]

   Two serious questions grew out of this definition; namely, whether the
   elements which our Lord blessed on the night of his betrayal were his
   own body and blood and what it was the disciples ate when they partook
   of the eucharist during the time of our Lord's burial. To the second
   question the reply was given that, if the disciples partook of the
   eucharist in that period, they partook of the real body. Here Duns
   Scotus brought to bear his theory that a thing may have a number of
   forms and that God can do what to us seems to be most unreasonable. As
   for the first question, Hugo of St. Victor shrank from discussing it on
   the sensible ground that such divine mysteries were to be venerated
   rather than discussed. [1671] sciples. "He had them in His hands and in
   His mouth." This body, according to Thomas, was "immortal and not
   subject to pain." [1672] [1673]


   The King, seated with the twelve at the table,

   Holds Himself in His hands. He, the Food, feeds upon Himself.

   This monstrous conception involved a further question. Did Judas
   partake of the true body and blood of the Lord? This the Schoolmen
   answered in the negative. The traitor took only natural and unblessed
   bread. Leaning upon St. Augustine, they make the assertion, upon a
   manipulation of Luke 22 and John 13 according to which Christ
   distributed the bread and the wine before Judas took the sop, that the
   sop, or immersed morsel, was delusive. Judas was deceived. [1674]

   Another curious but far-reaching question occupied the minds of
   Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, Thomas Aquinas, and other Schoolmen. Does
   a mouse, in eating the consecrated host, actually partake of its
   consecrated substance? Thomas argued in this way: the body and blood of
   Christ would not be withdrawn, if the consecrated host should be cast
   into the mire, for God allowed Christ's body even to be crucified. As
   for mice, they were not created to use the bread as a sacrament, and so
   they cannot eat Christ's body after a sacramental manner,
   sacramentaliter, but only the accidents of the elements, per accidens,
   just as a man would eat who took the consecrated host but did not know
   it was consecrated. [1675] nd eat, God alone knows. Duns Scotus took up
   the similar question, what occurs to an ass drinking the water
   consecrated for baptism and sensibly called it a subtilitas asinina, an
   asinine refinement, for the virtue of ablution inhering in such water
   an ass could not drink. [1676] the divine and human natures in Christ's
   person. He died, 1306, while his case was being tried at Rome. Ockam
   tentatively developed the theory of impanation whereby Christ's body
   and the bread are united in one substance, but he expressed his
   readiness to yield to the dogma of the Church.

   The sacrificial aspect of the eucharist was no less fully developed. In
   Hugo of St. Victor we hear nothing of a repetition of the sacrifice on
   the cross. He speaks of the mass as being a transmission of our
   prayers, vows, and offerings--oblationes -- to God. [1677] crificial
   element. The eucharist is an unbloody but "real immolation" performed
   by the priest.

   The altar represents the cross, the priest represents Christ in whose
   person and power he pronounces the words of consecration, [1678] s the
   passion on the cross. The priest's chief function is to consecrate the
   body and blood of Christ. [1679]

   The sacrifice may be offered daily, just as we stand daily in need of
   the fruits of Christ's death and as we pray for daily food. And because
   Christ was on the cross from nine till three o'clock, it is proper that
   it should be offered between those hours, at any rate during the
   daytime and not in the night, for Christ said, "I must work the works
   of him that sent me, while it is day: for the night cometh, when no man
   can work," John 9:4.

   To the discussion of the twofold effect of the eucharist as a sacrament
   and as a sacrifice, the Schoolmen also give much attention. Like the
   other sacraments, the eucharist has the virtue of conferring grace of
   itself. [1680] so to persons who do not partake, living and dead.
   [1681] g taken to include parties not present in the benefits of the
   sacrifice on the altar.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1655] Quasi omnis devotio in ecclesia est in ordine ad illud
   sacramentum. Duns Scotus as quoted by Seeberg, Dogmengesch., II. 113.

   [1656] See Schaff's Christ in Song, pp. 465 sqq. The verse, depicting
   the doctrine of transubstantiation, runs:-- Verbum caro, panem verum
   verbo carnem efficit Fitque sanguis Christi merum; etsi sensus deficit
   Ad firmandum cor sincerum sola fides sufficit.

   [1657] Corpus et sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis et
   vini veraciter continentur, transubstantiatis pane in corpore et vino
   in sanguinem potestate divina.

   [1658] Migne, 171. 776.

   [1659] See Schwane, p. 656.

   [1660] Schwane, p. 641, and Rocholl under Rupert in Herzog, XV. 229 sqq

   [1661] Th. Aq., III. 73. 4, Migne, IV. 701; Bonaventura, Brev. VI. 9,
   Peltier's ed., 322, eucharistiae dedit in sacrificium oblationis, et
   sacramentum communionis et viaticum refectionis.

   [1662] Hostia salutaris. Eph. 5:2, is quoted where the word hostia is
   used in the Vulgate for Christ's sacrifice.

   [1663] De euchar. vol. XIII. 668. Th. Aquinas, III. 74. 1, Migne, IV.
   705, speaks of the Cataphrygae and Pepuziani as mixing with the dough
   of the sacramental bread the blood of children gotten by pricking their
   bodies, and also of the Aquarii who, from considerations of temperance,
   used only water.

   [1664] He defined transubstantiation as transitus totalis substantiae
   in substantiam. Seeberg, p. 378.

   [1665] Th. Aq., III. 75. 1, Migne, IV. 716, neque sensu, neque
   intellectu deprehendi potest sed sola fide. Bonaventura says, Brevil.
   VI 9, in specierum utraque continetur totaliter, non
   circumscriptibiliter, nec localiter sed sacramentaliter totus Christus.

   [1666] Quamvis non sint substantia, habent virtutem substantiae. Th.
   Aq., III. 77. 6, Migne, IV. 755.

   [1667] Th. Aq., III. 77. 7, Migne, IV. 756; Bonaventura, Brevil., 322.

   [1668] Non solum caro sed totum corpus Christi, scilicet ossa, nervi et
   alia hujusmodi. Th. Aq., 76. 1, Migne, IV. 732. He lays stress upon the
   word "body," which is made up of constituent parts, and the "flesh" of
   John 6:56, he explains as standing for the body. Following the
   Aristotelian distinction of substance and form, Thomas Aquinas, Migne,
   IV. 726, and the other Schoolmen (see Schwane, p. 648) declared that
   the form of the bread and wine is also changed into the body and blood
   of Christ. The words forma and species are distinguished. The species
   of bread and wine remain, the forma disappears. Duns Scotus devoted
   much space to proving that a substance may have a variety of forms.

   [1669] Sub utraque specie sacramenti totus est Christus. Th. Aq., 76.
   2, Migne, 733. Sub utraque specie est unus Christus et totus et
   indivisus, scilicet corpus, et anima, et Deus. Bonaventura, Brevil. Vl.
   9, Peltier's ed., VII. 322.

   [1670] In acceptatione sanguinis totum Christum, Deum et hominem, et in
   acceptatione corporis similiter totum accipimus. Ep. 4:107, Migne, vol.
   159 p. 255. Anselm was making a distinction between the body and spirit
   of Christ, the spirit being represented by the blood and wine, and the
   body by the bread and flesh.

   [1671] Summa, II. VIII., Migne, 176. 462, ego in ejusmodi divina
   secreta magis venerenda quam discutienda cerneo.

   [1672] Summa, 81. 3, Migne, IV. 810-813. Anselm used the same words.
   Migne, 159. 255. Schwane agrees that this conception, that Christ ate
   His own body, was general among the Schoolmen, p. 645.

   [1673] Rex sedet in coena turba, cinctus duodena Se tenet in manibus et
   cibat ipse cibus.

   [1674] So Hugo, II, 8. 4; the Lombard, XI. 8; Thomas Aquinas, 81. 2,
   Migne. pp. 811 sq. The delusion is called a fictio and also
   "Judas'communion." Synod of London, 1175. The argument is in clear
   contradiction to the meaning of the Gospel narratives on their face.

   [1675] For this theological and metaphysical curiosity, see Th. Aq.,
   80. 3, Migne, 789, non tangit mus ipsum corpus Christi, secundum
   propriam speciem sed solum secundum species sacramentales ... nec tamen
   animal brutum sacramentaliter corpus Christi manducat quia non est
   natum uti eo ut sacramento, unde non sacramentaliter sed per accidens
   corpus Christi manducat, etc. Alb. Magnus, In Sent., IV. 13. 38.
   Borgnet's ed., XXIX. 397, Bonaventura, Sent., IV. 13. 2. 1, Peltier's
   ed., V. 550.

   [1676] Seeberg, p. 360.

   [1677] The priest being the mediator. Summa, Migne, 176. 472.

   [1678] Sacerdos gerit imaginem Christi, Th. Aq., III. 83. 1, Migne, IV.
   830.

   [1679] Th. Aq., Supplem. 37. 5, Migne, IV. 1062.

   [1680] Ex seipso virtutem habet gratiam conferendi. Th. Aq., III. 79.
   1, Migne, IV. 774.

   [1681] Th. Aq., 79. 7, Supplem. III. 71. 10, Migne, IV. 782, 1246 sq.;
   Al. Magnus, I. 4, extended the benefits of the mass also to the
   glorified pro salute vivorum, pro requie defunctorum, pro gloria
   beatorum.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 116. Eucharistic Practice and Superstition.

   The celebration of the eucharist is the central part of the service of
   the Latin Church. Thomas Aquinas said it is to be celebrated with
   greater solemnity than the other sacraments because it contains the
   whole mystery of our salvation. He gives the meaning of the various
   ceremonies, [1682] such as the signing with the cross, the priest's
   turning his face to the people a certain number of times with reference
   to Christ's appearances after the resurrection, the use of incense, the
   stretching forth of the priest's arms, the breaking of the bread, and
   the rinsing of the mouth after the wine has been taken. How important
   the prescriptions were considered to be, may be inferred from the
   careful attention this great Schoolman gives to them. If a fly, he
   says, or a spider, be found in the wine after consecration, the insect
   must be taken out, carefully washed and burnt, and then the water,
   mingled with ashes, must be thrown into the sacrary. If poison be found
   in the consecrated wine, the contents of the cup are to be poured out
   and kept in a vessel among the relics. [1683]

   The priest's fitness to consecrate the elements lies in the sacerdotal
   power conferred upon him at his ordination. He consecrates the elements
   not in his own name but as the minister of Christ, and he does not
   cease to be a minister by being bad, malus. [1684] the elements, in the
   eucharist the benefit consists in the consecration of the elements by
   the priest and not in their use by the people. [1685]

   Ecclesiastical analysis and definition could go no farther in divesting
   the simple memorial meal instituted by our Lord of the element of
   immediate communion between the believer and the Saviour, and changing
   it as it were into a magical talisman. It would be disingenuous to
   ignore that with the Schoolmen the devotional element has a most
   prominent place in their treatment of the eucharist. Especially when
   they are treating it as a sacrifice is emphasis laid upon devotion on
   the part of the participants. [1686] ee, the place of faith as the
   necessary organ of receiving the divine grace extended through this
   sacred ordinance. The definition which the mediaeval theologians gave
   to the Church and the mediatorial power they associated with the
   priesthood precluded them from estimating faith at its true worth.
   [1687]

   The theory of the sacrificial efficacy of the mass encouraged
   superstition. It exalted the sacerdotal prerogative of the priest
   [1688] d for pilgrims looking forward to heaven. The people came to
   look to him rather than to Christ, for could he not by the utterance of
   his voice effect the repetition of the awful sacrifice of the cross!
   The frequent repetition of the mass became a matter of complaint.
   Albertus Magnus speaks of women attending mass every day from levity
   and not in a spirit of devotion who deserved rebuke. [1689] Easter, and
   in case of burial. Masses had their price and priests there were who
   knew how to sell them and to frighten people into making provision for
   them in their wills. [1690]

   The elevation and adoration of the host were practised in the Latin
   Church as early as the twelfth century. Honorius III., 1217, made
   obligatory the ringing of a bell at the moment the words of institution
   were uttered that the worshippers might fall on their knees and adore
   the host. The Lambeth synod of 1281 ordered the church bells to be rung
   at the moment of consecration so that the laboring man on the field and
   the woman engaged in her domestic work might bow down and worship.
   Synods prescribed that the pyx, the receptacle for the host, be made of
   gold, silver, ivory, or, at least, of polished copper. A light was kept
   burning before it perpetually. In case a crumb of the bread or a drop
   of the wine fell upon the cloth or the priest's garments, the part was
   to be cut out and burnt and the ashes thrown into the sacrary. And if
   the corporale, the linen cover prescribed for the altar, should be wet
   in the blood, it was to be washed out three times and the water drunk
   by a priest. If a drop happened to fall on a stone or a piece of wood
   or hard earth, the priest or some pious person was to lick it up.

   The festival of the eucharist, Corpus Christi, celebrated the first
   Thursday after Trinity Sunday, had its origin in the vision of Juliana,
   a nun of Liege, who saw the full moon, representing the church year,
   with one spot on its surface. This spot indicated the Church's neglect
   to properly honor the real presence. She made her vision known to the
   bishop of Liege and the archdeacon, James Pantaleon. A celebration was
   appointed for the diocese, and when James became pope, under the name
   of Urban IV., he prescribed, in 1264, the general observance of the
   festival. John XXII. inaugurated the procession wherein, on Corpus
   Christi day, the host was carried about the streets with great
   solemnities. [1691] was prepared by Thomas Aquinas at the appointment
   of Urban IV. Two important changes occurred in this period in the
   distribution of the elements,--the abandonment of the communion of
   children and the withdrawal of the cup from the laity.

   The communion of children practised in the early Church, and attested
   by Augustine and still practised in the Greek Church, seems to have
   been general as late as the reign of Pascal II. Writing in 1118, Pascal
   said it was sufficient to give the wine to children and the very sick,
   as they are not able to assimilate the bread. In their case the bread
   was to be dipped into the wine. [1692] them the bread, and the synod of
   Bordeaux, 1255, the wine as well as the bread. The greater Schoolmen do
   not treat the subject. The Supplement of Thomas Aquinas' Theology says
   that the extreme unction and the eucharist were not administered to
   children because both sacraments required real devotion in the
   recipients. [1693]

   The denial of the cup to the laity, the present custom of the Roman
   Catholic Church, became common in the thirteenth century. It was at
   first due to the fear of profanation by spilling the consecrated blood
   of Christ. At the same time the restriction to the bread was regarded
   as a wholesome way of teaching the people that the whole Christ is
   present in each of the elements. Among other witnesses in the twelfth
   century to the distribution of both the bread and the wine to the laity
   are Rupert of Deutz and pope Pascal II. Pascal urged that this custom
   be forever preserved. [1694] , refers to it and condemned the dipping
   of the host into the wine as a Judas communion, with reference to John
   13:26. [1695]

   By the middle of the thirteenth century the feeling had grown strong
   enough for a great authority, Alexander of Hales, to condemn the giving
   of the cup to the laity and on the doctrinal ground that the whole
   Christ is in each of the elements. As a means of instructing the people
   in this doctrine he urged that the cup be denied. But Albertus Magnus,
   his contemporary, has no hint justifying the practice. [1696] f the
   cup, for the full benefit accrues by the participation of a single
   element, communio sub una specie. [1697]

   The usage gradually spread. The chapter of the Cistercians in 1261
   forbade monks, nuns, and lay brethren of the order to take the cup. The
   few Councils which expressed themselves on the subject were divided.
   [1698]

   The council of Constance threatened with excommunication all who
   distributed the wine to the laity. It spoke of many "perils and
   scandals" attending the distribution of the wine. Gerson, who voted for
   the enactment, urged the danger of spilling the wine, of defilement to
   the sacred vessels from their contact with laymen's hands and lips, the
   long beards of laymen, the possibility of the wine's turning to vinegar
   while it was being carried to the sick, or being corrupted by flies, or
   frozen by the cold, the difficulty of always purchasing wine, and the
   impossibility of providing cups for ten thousand or twenty thousand
   communicants on Easter. The council of Trent reaffirmed the withdrawal
   of the cup as an enactment the Church was justified in making. Gregory
   II. had commanded the use of a single chalice at communion. [1699]

   Some strange customs came into vogue in the distribution of the wine,
   such as the use of a reed or straw, which were due to veneration for
   the sacred element. Many names were given to this instrument, such as
   fistula, tuba, canna, siphon, pipa, calamus. The liturgical directions
   required the pope to drink through a fistula on Maundy Thursday and
   Good Friday. He still follows this custom at the public mass. The
   practice maintained itself in some parts of the Lutheran Church as in
   Hamburg and vicinity, and Brandenburg down to the eighteenth century.
   [1700]

   Another custom was the practice of cleaning the mouth with a rinsing
   cup of unconsecrated wine, after one or both the elements had been
   received, and called in German the Spülkelch. A synod of Soissons of
   the twelfth century enjoined all to rinse their mouths after partaking
   of the elements. Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, 1281, enjoined
   priests to instruct the people that in partaking of the bread they were
   partaking of the whole Christ, and that what was given them in the cup
   was only wine, given that they might the more easily swallow the sacred
   body. [1701] [1702]

   This treatment of the mediaeval theory of the eucharist would be
   incomplete without giving some of the marvellous stories which bear
   witness to the excessive reverence for the sacred host and blood. One
   of the most famous, the story of the monk, who was cured of doubts by
   seeing the host exude blood, is told by Alexander of Hales,
   Bonaventura, [1703] [1704] rbach relates several cases when a
   snow-white dove was seen sitting near the chalice at the celebration of
   the mass and a number of cases of the appearance of Christ in visible
   form in the very hands of the consecrating priest. Thus one of the
   monks, present when the mass was being said by Herman, abbot of
   Himmelrode, saw after the consecration of the host the Christ as a
   child in the abbot's hands. The child rose to the height of the cross
   and then was reduced again in size to the dimensions of the host, which
   was eaten by the abbot. [1705] urning it back again, he saw Christ on
   the cross. Then there was nothing left but the visible form of the
   bread, which the pious monk ate. The writer goes on to say that Adolf
   did not feel full joy over this vision, for he kept a concubine. [1706]
   oman of the town of Thorembais, who had been refused the sacrament by a
   priest, was visited the same night by Christ himself, who gave her the
   host with his own hands. [1707]

   At a church dedication in Anrode, the invited priests engaged in
   conviviality and while they were dancing around the altar, the pyx was
   overthrown and the five hosts it contained scattered. The music was at
   once stopped and search was made but without result. The people were
   then put out of the building and every corner was searched till at last
   the hosts were found on a ledge in the wall where the angel had placed
   them. [1708]

   Perhaps the most remarkable case related by the chronicler of
   Heisterbach is that of the bloody host of St. Trond, Belgium. This he
   had himself seen, and he speaks of it as a miracle which should be
   recorded for the benefit of many after generations. In 1223 a woman in
   Harbais, in the diocese of Liège, kissed her lover with the host in her
   mouth, in the hope that it would inflame his love for her. She then
   found she could not swallow the host and carefully wrapped it up in a
   napkin. In her agony, she finally revealed her experience to a priest
   who called in the bishop of Livland who happened to be in the town.
   Together they went to the place where the host was concealed and lo!
   there were three drops of fresh blood on the cloth. The abbot of Trond
   was called in and it was then found that half of the host was flesh and
   half bread. The bishop thought so highly of the relic that he attempted
   to carry off two of the drops of blood, but sixty armed men interfered.
   The sacred blood was then put in a vase and deposited among the relics
   of the church of St. Trond. [1709]

   Another case related by Etienne of Bourbon [1710] acred morsel. All the
   bees from the neighborhood were attracted and sang beautiful melodies.
   The rustic went out, expecting to find the hives overflowing with honey
   but, to his amazement, found them all empty except the one in which the
   host had been deposited. The bees attacked him fiercely. He repaired to
   the priest, who, after consulting with the bishop, went in procession
   to the hive and found the miniature church with the altar and carried
   it back to the village church while the bees, singing songs, flew away.

   These stories, which might be greatly multiplied, attest the profound
   veneration in which the host was held and the crude superstitions which
   grew up around it in the convent and among the people. The simple and
   edifying communion meal of the New Testament was set aside by mediaeval
   theology and practice for an unreasonable ecclesiastical prodigy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1682] Summa, III. 83. 5 sq., Migne, IV. 844-853.

   [1683] Th. Aq., III. 83. 5, Migne, IV. 850.

   [1684] Non ex hoc desinit aliquis minister esse Christi quod est malus,
   Th. Aq., 82. 5, 7, Migne, IV. 821, 824; Anselm, ep. IV. 107, Migne,
   159. 257, had said the same thing, nec a bono sacerdote majus, etc.

   [1685] Th. Aq., III. 80. 12, Migne, IV. 809. Perfectio hujus sacramenti
   non est in usu fidelium sed in consecratione materiae.

   [1686] Requiritur ut cum magna devotione et reverentia ad, hoc
   sacramentum accedat .... Eucharistia exigit actualem devotionem in
   suscipiente, Th. Aq., III. 80. 10, Supplem. III, 32. 4, Migne, IV. 805,
   1038.

   [1687] We cannot help feeling strongly with Harnack when he exclaims,
   "In its doctrine of the eucharist, the Church gave expression to all
   that she held dear,--her theology, her mystical relation to Christ, the
   communion of believers, the priesthood, sacrifice, not to that faith
   which seeks assurance and to which assurance is given,"Dogmengesch.,
   II. 489 sq

   [1688] Populus indiget medio ad Deum qui per seipsum accedere ad deum
   non potest., Th. Aq., III. 22. 4, Migne, IV. 219.

   [1689] De euchar. VI. 3.

   [1690] Councils of Würzburg, 1287, Paris, 1212, etc. See Hefele, V. 866

   [1691] See artt. Fronleichnamsfest in Wetzer-Welte, IV. 2061 sqq., and
   Herzog, VI. 297 sqq. It was one of the first observances to call forth
   Luther's protest. Köstlin, Leben Luthers, I. 560.

   [1692] Ep., 535, Migne, 163. 442, qui panem absorbere non possunt,
   etc., quoted in Herzog under Kinderkommunion, X. 289.

   [1693] Suppl., XXXII. 4, Migne, IV. 1038. The council of Trent
   anathematized those who hold the communion of children to be necessary.

   [1694] Migne, 163. 142. See Smend, p. 7, for other witnesses. Smend's
   book is a most thorough piece of work and is indispensable in the study
   of the subject. With the exception of some quotations, I depend upon
   him for the contents of these paragraphs.

   [1695] Called intinctio. Hugo of St. Victor and Peter the Lombard were
   among the first to condemn the practice. Also the synod of London,
   1175, Hefele, V. 688. See also V. 224 for the action of the synod of
   Clermont, 1095.

   [1696] Albertus makes no mention of the matter in his De eucharistia
   and Com. on the Sentences. Peter Rokyzana, at the council of Basel in
   the fifteenth century, appealed to him in his argument for giving the
   cup to the laity.

   [1697] Th. Aq., III. 80. 12, Migne, IV. 808 sq., nihil derogat
   perfectioni hujus sacr., si populus sumat corpus sine sanguine dummodo
   sacerdos consecrans sumat utrumque. So also Bonaventura, Sent., IV. 11.
   2.

   [1698] The synod of Lambeth, 1281, seems to have forbidden the cup to
   the laity; the synod of Exeter, 1287, to have positively enjoined it.

   [1699] See Migne, 89. 525. For an interesting account of the different
   shapes of the chalice, see Enc. Brit., XIX. 185 sq. The earlier
   chalices had two handles and a small base, those of the thirteenth and
   fourteenth centuries no handles and a broad base. Some of the later
   chalices were very capacious.

   [1700] See the interesting details given by Smend, pp. 18 sqq.

   [1701] Vinum purum ... ut facilius sacrum corpus glutiat. Smend, who
   `gives elaborate details, pp. 43-75.

   [1702] The object was to prevent the loss of any of the sacred element
   by expectoration or vomiting, per sputum vel vomitum. Chrysostom made a
   recommendation of this sort, Smend, 44.

   [1703] Sent., IV. 11, 2, 2, Peltier's ed., V. 496.

   [1704] Caesar of Heisterb., Dial., IV. 16.

   [1705] Dial., IX. 29, Strange's ed., II. 186.

   [1706] IX. 3.

   [1707] IX. 35, Strange's ed., II. 191.

   [1708] Dial., IX. 15.

   [1709] See Kaufmann, trans. of Caesar, II. 208-210.

   [1710] De la Marche's ed., pp. 266 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 117. Penance and Indulgences.

   The sacrament of penance was placed in close connection with baptism by
   the Schoolmen, as it was later by the council of Trent, which called it
   a "sort of laborious baptism." [1711] rtullian's illustration, the
   Schoolmen designated penance the second plank thrown out to the sinner
   after shipwreck as baptism is the first. [1712] he priesthood in
   securing and strengthening its authority. The treatment given to it by
   the Schoolmen is even more elaborate than the treatment they give to
   the eucharist. [1713]

   One feature in which this sacrament differs from the others is the
   amount of positive activity it requires from those who seek the grace
   involved in it. Contrition, confession to the priest, and the
   performance of good works prescribed by the priest were the conditions
   of receiving this grace. Everything depends upon God, and yet
   everything depends upon the subjection of the penitent to the priest
   and his act of absolution. It is in connection with this sacrament that
   the doctrine of the keys comes to its full rights. Here a man is
   absolved from sin and reunited with the Church, and reconciled to
   Christ through the mediation of the sacerdotal key. [1714]

   Two perversions of Scripture were the largest factors in developing the
   theory of meritorious penance. The first was the false interpretation
   of John 20:23, "Whosoever sins ye forgive they are forgiven, and
   whosoever sins ye retain they are retained." The passage was
   interpreted to mean that Christ conferred upon the Apostles and the
   Church judicial authority to forgive sins. The Protestant theory is
   that this authority is declarative. The second factor was the Vulgate's
   translation of the New Testament for the word "repent," poenitentiam
   agite, "do penance," as if repentance were a meritorious external
   exercise, and not a change of disposition, which is the plain meaning
   of the Greek word metanoeo, "to change your mind." [1715]

   The confusion of the New Testament idea and the Church's doctrine is
   evident enough from the twofold meaning Peter the Lombard and Thomas
   Aquinas give to the thing called penance. Baptism, they said, is a
   sacrament, but penance is both a sacrament and a virtuous state of the
   mind. In the New Testament the latter is intended. The theologians
   added all the mechanism of penance. [1716]

   At the close of the twelfth century a complete change was made in the
   doctrine of penance. The theory of the early Church, elaborated by
   Tertullian and other Church fathers, was that penance is efficient to
   remove sins committed after baptism, and that it consisted in certain
   penitential exercises such as prayer and alms. The first elements added
   by the mediaeval system were that confession to the priest and
   absolution by the priest are necessary conditions of pardon. Peter the
   Lombard did not make the mediation of the priest a requirement, but
   declared that confession to God was sufficient. In his time, he says,
   there was no agreement on three aspects of penance: first, whether
   contrition for sin was not all that was necessary for its remission;
   second, whether confession to the priest was essential; and third,
   whether confession to a layman was insufficient. The opinions handed
   down from the Fathers, he asserts, were diverse, if not antagonistic.
   [1717]

   Alexander of Hales marks a new era in the history of the doctrine. He
   was the first of the Schoolmen to answer clearly all these questions,
   and to him more than to any other single theologian does the Catholic
   Church owe its doctrine of penance. Thomas Aquinas confirmed what
   Alexander taught. [1718]

   In distinction from baptism, which is a regeneration, Thomas Aquinas
   declared penance to be a restoration to health and he and Bonaventura
   agreed that it is the efficacious remedy for mortal sins. Thomas traced
   its institution back to Christ, who left word that "penance and
   remission of sins should be preached from Jerusalem," Luke 24:47. James
   had this institution in mind when he called upon Christians to confess
   their sins one to another. [1719]

   Penance consists of four elements: contrition of heart, confession with
   the mouth, satisfaction by works, and the priest's absolution. The
   first three are called the substance of penance and are the act of the
   offender. The priest's absolution is termed the form of penance. [1720]

   1. Contrition was defined as the sorrow of the soul for its sins, an
   aversion from them, and a determination not to commit them again. The
   Lombard and Gratian taught that such contrition, being rooted in love,
   is adequate for the divine pardon without confession to a priest or
   priestly absolution. [1721]

   At the side of the doctrine of contrition the Schoolmen, beginning with
   Alexander Hales, placed the novel doctrine of attrition, which was most
   fully emphasized by Duns Scotus. Attrition is the negative element in
   contrition, a sort of half repentance, a dread of punishment,
   Galgenreue, "scaffold-repentance," as the Germans call it. [1722] e
   father went out to meet him. According to this doctrine, a man may be
   forgiven and saved who is actuated simply by the fear of hell and
   punishment and has neither faith nor filial love in his heart. All he
   is required to do is to diligently go through the other steps of the
   process of penance, and the priest's pardon will be forthcoming. [1723]

   2. Confession to the priest, the second element in penance, is defined
   by Thomas Aquinas as the making-known of the hidden disease of sin in
   the hope of getting pardon. [1724] [1725] supplication for such
   offences and that is sufficient. They do not separate the soul either
   from God or the Church. [1726] rites.

   By the action of the Fourth Lateran, 1215, confession to the priest at
   least once a year was made a test of orthodoxy. Beginning with
   Alexander of Hales, the Schoolmen vindicate the positions that
   confession, to be efficacious, must be made to the priest, and that
   absolution by the priest is an essential condition of the sinner's
   pardon. Bonaventura, after devoting much time to the question, "Whether
   it is sufficient to confess our sins to God," answered it in the
   negative. At greater length than Peter the Lombard had done, he quoted
   the Fathers to show that there was no unanimity among them on the
   question. But he declared that, since the decision of the Fourth
   Lateran, all are to be adjudged heretics who deny that confession to
   the priest is essential. Before that decision, such denial was not
   heresy. [1727]

   Confession must be made to the priest as Christ's vicar. In case of
   necessity, no priest being available, a layman may also hear
   confession. [1728] God but not to the Church, and in order to be so
   reconciled and admitted to the other sacraments he must also, as
   opportunity offers, confess again to the priest.

   Priests were forbidden to look at the face of a woman at the
   confessional, and severe punishments were prescribed for betraying its
   secrets, even to degradation from office and life-long confinement in a
   convent. [1729] the whole of the Jordan ran into their mouths. [1730]

   3. Satisfaction, the third element in penance, is imposed by the priest
   as the minister of God and consists of prayer, pilgrimages, fastings,
   payments of money, and other good works. These penal acts are medicines
   for spiritual wounds and a compensation to God for offences against
   Him, as Thomas Aquinas, [1731] f Henry II. after Becket's death, Philip
   I. of France, and Raymund of Toulouse.

   Satisfaction differs from contrition and confession in the very
   important particular that one person can perform it for another. To
   prove this point, Thomas Aquinas used the words of the Apostle when he
   said, "Bear ye one another's burdens." Gal. 6:2.

   4. The fourth element in the sacrament of penance was the formal
   sentence of absolution pronounced by the priest. This function, which
   Schwane calls the main part of the sacrament of penance, [1732]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1711] Duns Scotus had spoken of the "satisfaction which is the doing
   of a laborious work," quae est executio operis laboriosi. Report IV.
   16. 1, quoted by Schwane, p. 669.

   [1712] Tertullian, de Poen, XII. So also Jerome. See the Lombard,
   Sent., XIV. 1, Migne, 868; Bonaventura, Sent., XIV. 1, Peltier's ed.,
   V. 553; Brevil., VI. 10, VII. 323; Th. Aq., III. 84. 6, Migne, IV. 862;
   Supplem., VI. 3. 936; Alb. Magnus, In Sent., Borgnet's ed., XXIX. 404
   sq.

   [1713] The Lombard devotes two and a half times the space to penance
   that he does to the eucharist; Migne's ed., pp. 868-899, as against pp.
   856-868 on the eucharist; Hugo of St. Victor, Migne's ed., 550-578, as
   against 462-471 on the eucharist; Th. Aquinas, Migne's ed., 852-1023,
   as against 695-852 on the eucharist, and Bonaventura nearly four times
   as much space devoting to penance, Peltier's ed., vol. V. 533-709, vol.
   VI. 1-129, and to the eucharist, vol. V. 415-533.

   [1714] Absolvitur homo a peccato, et reunitur ecclesiae et
   reconciliatur Christo, mediante clavi sacerdotali, Bonaventura,
   Brevil., VI. 10, Peltier's ed., VII. 323.

   [1715] The Rheims Version translates the word "do penance," though not
   uniformly, thereby utterly confusing the English reader who
   involuntarily puts into the New Testament word the Church's sacramental
   invention.

   [1716] Poenitentia dicitur et sacramentum et virtus mentis, Lombard
   XIV. l, p. 869; Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 850 sqq. While we use two words,
   "repentance" and "penance," the Schoolmen use only the one word,
   poenitentia, thus mystifying the mind as if repentance of heart, or
   metanoia, did not include the entire meaning of the original word.

   [1717] Sent., XVII. 1, Migne, p. 880. The finished sacramental theory
   of penance owed not a little to the tract de vera et falsa poenitentia,
   composed perhaps in the twelfth century and foisted upon Augustine.
   Gratian inserted nearly all of it in his Decretals, as did Peter the
   Lombard. According to Lea, I. 210, the work was still quoted as
   Augustine's as late as the seventeenth century. Lea regards it as the
   composition of two authors of the fifth and twelfth centuries.

   [1718] This is shown by Müller's notable work,Der Umschwung, etc.
   Abaelard's statement presenting the old view, and the statement of
   Thomas Aquinas representing the new view, are given in Köhler, pp.
   11-18.

   [1719] Summa, III. 84. 7; Supplem., VIII. 1, Migne, IV. 864, 943.

   [1720] Lombard, XVI. 1, Migne, p. 877; Alb. Magnus, Borgnet's ed.,
   XXIX. 536. Th. Aq., 90. 1, 2, Migne, IV. 912 sq., and Bonaventura,
   Brevil., VI.10, Peltier's ed., VII. 323, also call the first three "the
   integral parts" of penance. So also Abaelard, Ethica, 17-24.

   [1721] See Schwane's strong condemnation of this opinion, which he
   declares to be beyond a doubt the Lombard's, p. 662.

   [1722] Timor servilis principium est attritionis, Alex. of Hales quoted
   by Schwane, p. 664. Th. Aquinas, Supplem., I. 2, Migne, IV. 919, is
   much more moderate than Alexander, Bonaventura, and Duns. Caesar of
   Heisterbach calls "servile fear a gift of God," Koeniger, p. 31. At the
   close of the Middle Ages, Gabriel Biel took the position that attrition
   is changed by confession and absolution into contrition. See Seeberg,
   Dogmengesch., II. 121.

   [1723] See Hahn, p. 413; Schwane, p. 666. The council of Trent, XIV. 4
   (Schaff's Creeds, II. 145 sq.), adopted the word "attrition" and
   defined it as an imperfect contrition. The doctrine of attritio formed
   a centre of discussion in the warm debate over indulgences started by
   Janssen's work and participated in by Kolde, Kawerau, Dieckhoff, etc.
   Harnmack is very severe upon the doctrine as the dry rot in the
   Catholic system, Dogmengesch., II. 482, 504 sqq.

   [1724] Aquinas quotes Augustine's definition, Supplem., VII.1, IX. 3,
   Migne, IV. 940, 954.

   [1725] Migne, IV. 939.

   [1726] Th. Aq., III. 87. 1, Migne, IV. 890; Supplem., VI. 1, 3, VIII.
   3, Migne, IV. 934, 936, 945. With characteristic exhaustiveness, Thomas
   goes into the question whether a man can confess sins he has never
   committed, Migne IV. 936.

   [1727] In Sent., IV. 17. 2, Peltier's ed., V. 674, ante hanc
   determinationem hoc non erat heresis, etc. Albertus Magnus also
   declared it was not sufficient to confess to God only, Borgnet's ed.
   XXIX. 603.

   [1728] Th. Aq., Supplem., VII. 1, 2, Migne, IV. 943 sq.; Bonaventura,
   Sent., XVII. 3. 1, Peltier's ed., V. 695. Caesar of Heisterbach speaks
   of confession to an unbeliever as efficacious in the article of death,
   provided the unbeliever does not ridicule the sacrament, Koeniger, p.
   73.

   [1729] Fourth Lat., can. 21, synods of Treves, 1227, Canterbury, 1236,
   etc.

   [1730] See Hefele, VI, 30.

   [1731] Supplem., XV. 3, Migne, IV. 978. Duns Scotus (quoted by Seeberg,
   412) says, satisfaction is the voluntary return of an equivalent
   redditio voluntaria aequivalentis.

   [1732] Schwane, p. 670.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 118. Penance and Indulgences.

   The year 1200 marks the dividing line between opinions differing most
   widely on the meaning of the priests absolution. Peter the Lombard
   represented the prevailing view of the earlier period when he
   pronounced the absolution, a declarative announcement. Alexander of
   Hales represented the later period, when he pronounced it a judicial
   sentence. According to Peter, God alone remits sins. It was the Lord
   who restored the lepers to health, not the priests to whom be sent
   them. They did nothing more than bear witness to the healthy condition
   of the lepers. The priest's prerogative is ended when he "shows or
   declares those who are bound and those who are loosed." [1733]

   Before the end of the thirteenth century, the petitional form of
   absolution was in general, though not exclusive, used and the priest
   made intercession for the grace of forgiveness upon the offender.
   [1734] [1735] this form and pronounced the contrary form more laughable
   and frivolous than worthy of refutation. He was followed by Richard of
   St. Victor who emphasized the distinction between the priest's right to
   remit the punishment of sin and God's prerogative which is to forgive
   the guilt of sin. [1736]

   The absolution from certain offences was reserved to the bishops, such
   as murder, sacrilege in the use of the eucharist or the baptismal
   water, perjury, poisoning, and letting children die without being
   baptized. [1737] a priest or monk, the burning of church buildings, and
   falsifying of papal documents.

   In the article of death, the sacrament of absolution is in no case to
   be refused. At such times works of satisfaction cannot be required,
   even as they were not required of the thief on the cross.

   The extent to which absolution is efficacious called forth careful
   discussion and statement. Does it cover guilt as well as punishment and
   does it extend to the punishments of purgatory? The answer to these
   questions also was positive and distinct from the time of Alexander of
   Hales. Peter the Lombard was the last of the prominent Schoolmen to
   declare that the priest did not give absolution for guilt. The later
   Schoolmen with one consent oppose him at this point and teach that the
   priest absolves both from the guilt and the punishments of sin in this
   world and in purgatory. Thomas Aquinas asserted that, "if the priest
   cannot remit these temporal punishments,--for the punishments of
   purgatory are temporal,--then he cannot remit at all and this is
   contrary to the words of the Gospel to Peter that whatsoever he should
   loose on earth should be loosed in heaven." [1738]

   The ultimate and, as it proved, a most vicious form of priestly
   absolution was the indulgence. An indulgence is a remission of the
   guilt and punishment of sin by a mitigation or complete setting aside
   of the works of satisfaction which would otherwise be required. A
   lighter penalty was substituted for a severer one. [1739] [1740] asses:
   (1) indulgences which are secured by going on a crusade; (2) such as
   are secured by the payment of money for some good church cause, and (3)
   such as are secured by the visiting of certain churches.

   Towards the close of this period this substitution usually took the
   form of a money-payment. For a lump sum absolution for the worst
   offences might be secured. It became a tempting source of gain to
   churches and the Roman curia, which they were quick to take advantage
   of. The dogmatic justification of this method of remission found
   positive expression before the practice became general. Alexander of
   Hales here again has the distinction of being the first to give it
   careful definition and unequivocal emphasis. Thomas Aquinas,
   Bonaventura, and the other Schoolmen follow him closely and add little.
   Thomas Aquinas declared it impious to say the Church might not dispense
   indulgences. [1741]

   The first known case occurred about 1016 when the archbishop of Arles
   gave an indulgence of a year to those participating in the erection of
   a church building. [1742] of such papal franchises. That journey, Urban
   said, should be taken as a substitute for all penance. Granted at first
   to warriors fighting against the infidel in the Holy Land, they were
   extended so as to include those who fought against the Slavs, as by
   Eugenius III., 1147, against the Stedinger, Albigenses, and the
   Hussites, 1425, and against all enemies whatsoever of the papacy, such
   as Frederick II. and Manfred. Innocent II., in 1135, promised full
   remission to those who fought the battle of the papal chair against
   Roger of Sicily, and the anti-pope, Anacletus II. In these cases such
   expressions are used as "remission and indulgence of penances,"
   "relaxation or remission from the imposed penance," "the relaxation of
   the imposed satisfaction," and also "a lightening or remission of
   sins." [1743]

   The free-handed liberality with which these franchises were dispensed
   by bishops became so much of a scandal that the Lateran council of 1215
   issued a sharp decree to check it. More than half a century before, in
   1140, Abaelard had condemned the abuse of this prerogative by bishops
   and priests who were governed in its lavish exercise by motives of
   sordid cupidity. [1744]

   The construction of bridges over rivers, the building of churches, and
   the visiting of shrines were favorite and meritorious grounds for the
   gifts of indulgence. Innocent III., 1209, granted full remission for
   the building of a bridge over the Rhone; Innocent IV. for rebuilding
   the cathedrals of Cologne, 1248, and Upsala, 1250, which had suffered
   from fire. [1745] ssion of all penances for six years and one hundred
   and forty days to those who would worship the Holy Blood at
   Westminster. [1746] [1747]

   To the next period belongs the first cases of indulgence granted in
   connection with the Jubilee Year by Boniface VIII., 1300. Among the
   more famous indulgences granted to private parties and localities was
   the Portiuncula indulgence giving remission to all visiting the famous
   Franciscan shrine at Assisi on a certain day of the year, [1748] [1749]

   The practice of dispensing indulgences grew enormously. Innocent III.
   dispensed five during his pontificate. Less than one hundred years
   later, Nicolas IV., in his reign of two years, 1288-1290, dispensed no
   less than four hundred. By that time they had become a regular item of
   the papal exchequer.

   On what grounds did the Church claim the right to remit the works of
   penance due for sins or, as Alexander of Hales put it, grant abatement
   of the punishment due sin? [1750] up merit beyond what was required
   from them for heaven. These supererogatory works or merits of the
   saints and of Christ are so abundant that they would more than suffice
   to pay off the debts of all the living. [1751] eritorum, or fund of
   merits; and this is at the disposal of the Church by virtue of her
   nuptial union with Christ, Col. 1:24. This fund is a sort of bank
   account, upon which the Church may draw at pleasure. Christ relaxed the
   punishment due the woman taken in adultery, not requiring her to do the
   works of satisfaction which her offences would, under ordinary
   circumstances, have called for. So, likewise, may the pope, who is
   Christ's viceregent, release from sin by drawing upon the fund of
   merit. Thus the indulgence takes the place of the third element of
   penance, works of satisfaction.

   These statements of the Schoolmen received explicit papal confirmation
   at the hands of Clement VI. in 1343. This pontiff not only declared
   that this "heap of treasure,"--cumulus thesauri,--consisting of the
   merits of "the blessed mother of God and the saints," is at the
   disposal of the successors of Peter, but he made, if possible, the more
   astounding assertion that the more this storehouse is drawn upon, the
   more it grows. [1752] nfession of the recipient. [1753]

   Down to the latter part of the thirteenth century, the theory prevailed
   that an indulgence dispensed with the usual works of penance by
   substituting some other act. Before the fourteenth century, another
   step was taken, and the indulgence was regarded as directly absolving
   from the guilt and punishment of sins, culpa et poena peccatorum. It
   was no longer a mitigation or abatement of imposed penance. It
   immediately set aside or remitted that which acts of penance had been
   designed to remove; namely, guilt and penalty. It is sufficient for the
   Church to pronounce offences remitted. Wyclif made a bold attack
   against the indulgence "from guilt and punishment," a culpa et poena,
   in his Cruciata. Now that it is no longer possible to maintain the
   spuriousness of such papal indulgences, some Roman Catholic writers
   construe the offensive phrase to mean "from the penalty of guilt," a
   poena culpae.

   Such was the general indulgence given by pope Coelestin V., 1294, to
   all who should on a certain day of the year enter the church of St.
   Mary de Collemayo in which he had been consecrated. [1754] [1755]
   rtiuncula church to be an "indulgence for all sins and from all guilt
   and penalty." [1756]

   Boniface VIII. probably included the guilt of sin when he announced
   "full pardon for all sins," and succeeding popes used the form
   constantly. [1757] ndulgence and in vain did the council of Constance
   attempt to put some check upon the practice. Tetzel was following the
   custom of two centuries when he offered "remission and indulgence of
   guilt and penalty."

   As for the application of the sacrament of penance to souls in
   purgatory, Alexander of Hales argued that, if the sacrament did not
   avail for them, then the Church prays in vain for the dead. Such souls
   are still under the cognizance of the Church, that is, subject to its
   tribunal,--de foro ecclesiae. [1758] Altars and chapels, called in
   England chantries, were built and endowed by persons for the
   maintenance of a priest, in whole or in part, to pray and offer up
   masses for their souls after their departure from this life. The
   further treatment of the subject belongs properly to the period just
   preceding the Reformation. It is sufficient to say here, that Sixtus
   IV., in 1476, definitely connected the payment of money with
   indulgences, and legislated that, by fixed sums paid to the papal
   collectors, persons on earth may redeem their kindred in purgatory.
   Thus for gold and silver the most inveterate criminal might secure the
   deliverance of a father or mother from purgatorial pain, and neither
   contrition nor confession were required in the transaction. [1759] was
   the ultimate conclusion of the sacramental doctrine of penance, the
   sacrament to whose treatment the Schoolmen devoted most time and labor.
   The council of Trent reasserted the Church's right to grant
   indulgences. [1760] eable to the plain statements of Scripture than
   that men have the right of immediate access to Christ, who said, "Him
   that cometh unto me, I will in no wise cast out," and what more
   repugnant to its plain teachings than to make confession to a priest
   and the priest's absolution conditions of receiving pardon!

   The superstitious, practical extravagances, which grew out of this most
   unbiblical penitential theory of the Middle Ages, are reported in the
   pages of the popular writers of the age, such as Caesar of Heisterbach
   and De Voragine, who express no dissent as they relate the morbid
   tales. Here are two of them as told by De Voragine which are to be
   taken as samples of a large body of similar literature. A bishop, by
   celebrating thirty masses, helped out of purgatory a poor soul who was
   frozen in a block of ice. In the second case, a woman who had
   neglected, before dying, to make a confession to the priest, was raised
   from her bier by the prayer of St. Francis d'Assisi. She went and
   confessed to the priest and then had the satisfaction of lying down in
   peace and dying over again. [1761]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1733] Potestas solvendi et ligandi, i.e.ostendendi homines ligatos vel
   solutos, etc. IV. 18, 6, Migne, p. 887.

   [1734] See the form used by Honorius of Autun about 1130, indulgentiam
   et absolutionem de omnibus ... tribuat vobis Pater et Filius et Sp.
   Sanctus et custodiet vos a peccatis et ab omnibus malis et post hanc
   vitam perducat vos in consortium omnium sanctorum. Lea, I. 206.

   [1735] Summa, III. 84, 3, Migne, IV. 857. It was not sufficient to say,
   "The onmipotent God absolve thee," or "God bestow on thee absolution,"
   etc.

   [1736] De sacr., II. 14, 8, Migne, 176. 568 .... De potestate ligandi
   et solvendi.

   [1737] So the synods of Treves 1227, Canterbury 1236, London 1237, etc.
   The unchastity of nuns came under the bishop's jurisdiction.

   [1738] Si non potest remittere quantum ad poenam temporalem, nullo modo
   remittere potest quod omnino contrarium dictus evangelii. Supplem.,
   VIII. 2, Migne, IV. 988; Sent., IV. 20, 1, 1-5.

   [1739] Beringer-Schneider, the chief Rom. Cath. writer on Indulgences,
   p. 2, defines an indulgence "as an act of mercy and goodness, a
   salvation by the order of the Church, an act of grace and forgiveness."

   [1740] Kreuzablass, etc., pp. 10 sqq. Gottlob, p. xv, says indulgences
   occupy a central place in the political and religious life of the last
   three centuries of the Middle Ages.

   [1741] Supplem., xxv-xxvii, Migne, IV. 1013 sqq. Lea devotes the entire
   third volume of his Hist. of Confession to a noteworthy discussion of
   indulgences.

   [1742] See for the text Köhler, pp. 5 sq.

   [1743] relaxatio, remissio, indulgentia de injuncta poenitentia, etc.
   See Brieger for these expressions, and Brieger and Lea for numerous
   examples of papal indulgences of this sort.

   [1744] Ethica, XL. See Köhler, p. 8.

   [1745] Potthast, 3799, 12938, 14122.

   [1746] Luard's ed., IV. 90, 643.

   [1747] See Jusseraud, Engl. Wayfaring Life in the M. Ages, London,
   1890, pp. 41 sqq., for many cases of indulgence for building bridges.

   [1748] Sabatier, F. Bartholi de Assisio tractatus de indulgentia S.
   Mariae de Portiuncula, 1900.

   [1749] See p. 366, Lea, III. 270 sqq., and Wetzer-Welte, Sabbatina.

   [1750] Summa, IV. 83.1, relaxatio poenae debitae pro peccato, quoted by
   Brieger.

   [1751] Th. Aq., Summa, III. 83, 1. quorum meritorum tanta est copia
   quod omnem poenam debitam nunc viventibus excedunt. See Gottlob, pp.
   271 sqq.

   [1752] Quanto plures ex ejus applicatione trahuntur ad justitiam, tanto
   magis accresit ipsorum cumulus meritorum. See Friedberg, Corp. Jur.
   can., II. 1304 sq.

   [1753] Vere poenitentibus et confessis was the common formula.

   [1754] Dr. Lea, III. 63, has shown the significance of this document.

   [1755] Köhler, p. 27, quae securam et mundatam animam ab omni culpa et
   poena fecerunt.

   [1756] See Sabatier, Fr. F. Bartholi, etc., in part reprinted by
   Köhler, pp. 27 sqq.

   [1757] See a number of instances in Brieger and especially Lea, III.
   55-80. Lea quotes Piers the Ploughman's Crede to show that this
   expressed the popular belief. The power of the Apostells they posen in
   speche For to sellen the synnes for silver other mede And pulchye a
   pena the purple assoileth And a culpa also, that they may cachen Money
   other money wothe and mede to fonge.
   One of the most striking instances of this form of indulgence is the
   absolutio plenaria a poena et culpa issued by Alexander V. to the
   members of the council of Pisa, Von der Hardt, Conc. Const. III. 688.

   [1758] In contrast to de fore dei, God's tribunal. See Lea, II.
   296-371, and Brieger.

   [1759] Lea, III. 595 sq., and the instructions of Albert, abp. of
   Mainz, quoted by Brieger, nec opus est, quod contribuentes pro animabus
   in capsam sint corde contriti et ore confessi.

   [1760] Schaff, Creeds, II. 205. Harnack, Hist. of Doctr., II. 511 sqq.,
   expresses his moral indignation over the mediaeval theory of penance.
   Of attritio, sacramentum poenitentiae, and indulgentia, he exclaims,
   das ist die katholische Trias! "That is the Catholic triad!"

   [1761] Legenda aurea, under All Souls and Francis d'Assisi. Temple
   Classics ed, VI. 113, V. 231.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 119. Extreme Unction, Ordination, and Marriage.

   Extreme Unction,--unctio infirmorum,--the fifth in the list of the
   sacraments, is administered to those who are in peril of death, and is
   supposed to be referred to by James 5:14. "Is any among you sick? let
   him call for the elders of the church; and let them pray over him,
   anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord." The earlier view,
   represented by Hugo of St. Victor, Peter the Lombard, and also by
   Bonaventura, was that the sacrament is of Apostolic institution. Thomas
   Aquinas traced it directly to Christ. Many things, he said, were spoken
   by Christ to the Apostles which are not contained in the Gospels.
   [1762] eft after penance, and to heal the body. It may be repeated.
   Extreme unction as well as the eucharist is to be denied to children on
   the ground that their bodily diseases are not caused by sin. [1763]
   [1764] e element used is oil, consecrated by the bishop, and it is to
   be touched to the eyes, ears, nostrils, lips, hands, feet, and loins.

   Ordination conveys sacramental grace to seven orders of the ministry:
   presbyters, deacons, subdeacons, acolytes, exorcists, lectors, and
   ostiarii or door-keepers. These seven correspond to the seven graces of
   the Spirit mentioned in 1 Cor. 12. The first three orders were
   instituted by Christ; the last four by the Church. [1765] s no
   sacramental character. The Schoolmen do not fail to insist upon the
   superior dignity of the bishop, but sacramental grace is exhibited in
   its highest form in empowering the priest to celebrate the mass. For
   the sake of "fulness" there are placed above the priesthood, the
   episcopate, patriarchate, and papacy. [1766]

   The tonsure, a requirement for admittance to orders, is a sign of rule
   and perfection, for it is made in a circle. It also indicates that the
   mind is withdrawn from temporal things and fixed upon the contemplation
   of divine things. [1767]

   According to Thomas Aquinas, there is more reason for regarding
   ordination a sacrament than for ascribing a sacramental character to
   the other six sacred ordinances, for ordination confers the power of
   administering the others. Its efficacious potency resides chiefly with
   the person dispensing the sacrament. [1768] ferred to by Councils or
   Schoolmen in this period. [1769]

   Ordination confers an indelible character upon those admitted to any of
   the orders. Its virtue is not affected by the character of the person
   ordained. [1770]

   As for the validity of the sacramental acts of heretic and schismatic
   clergymen, great difference of opinion existed. The problem was so
   difficult as to appear to Gratian and Peter the Lombard insoluble or
   almost so. The difficulty was increased by the acts of Councils,
   condemning as invalid the ordinations of anti-popes and the ordinations
   performed by bishops whom anti-popes had appointed. [1771] the
   sacrament. Schismatic or heretic bishops retain the power; otherwise
   when such a bishop is reconciled to the Church, he would be ordained
   over again, which is not the case. [1772] episcopate receives no
   sacramental grace, so, as bishop, he possesses no indelible character.
   He is ordained not directly for God but for the mystical body of
   Christ. And those whom a schismatic bishop ordains do not in reality
   receive ordination, for they are ordained in the face of the
   prohibition of the Church.

   As far as we can understand the Angelic doctor's position it is: the
   Church may withdraw from a bishop his right to confer orders while at
   the same time he retains the episcopal power to confer them. He
   insisted most strenuously on the permanence of the "bishop's power"
   received at consecration. The solution of the problem is of
   far-reaching importance, for it has a bearing on the sacramental
   efficacy of the acts of many priests who have been cut off from the
   Latin Church and the ecclesiastical titles of schismatic bodies, such
   as the Old-Catholics and the Jansenist Church of Holland.

   Marriage has the last place among the sacraments because it has the
   least of spirituality connected with it. [1773] first, the bed was
   undefiled, conception was without passion, and parturition without
   pain. Since the fall, marriage has become a remedy against lust and a
   medicine for unholy desire. [1774] e a sacrament, it signifies, in
   addition, the union of Christ and the Church and the union of two
   natures in one person. The Vulgate's false translation of Ephes. 5:31,
   "this is a great sacrament," confirmed the Schoolmen in placing
   matrimony among the sacraments. That which constitutes the sacramental
   element is the verbal consent of the parties, and also, as Thomas
   Aquinas thought, the priest's Benediction. [1775]

   Thomas was inclined to permit marriage for boys after the age of
   fourteen and girls after the age of twelve. [1776] [1777] presentation,
   and couched in the lines which Bonaventura and Thomas Aquinas quote:--


   error, conditio, votum, cognatio crimen,

   cultus disparitas, [1778]

   si sis affinis, si forte coire nequibis

   haec socianda vetant connubia, facta retractant.

   The Fourth Lateran modified some of the more severe restrictions of
   marriage within the limits of consanguinity, but declared children
   illegitimate whose parents were within the forbidden limits, even
   though the ceremony were performed in the church. The Councils of the
   thirteenth and fourteenth centuries give frequent rules for marriage.
   They were to be performed before the Church and only after public
   announcement. The children of parties marrying unbelievers and the
   offspring of clandestine marriages were made illegitimate. [1779]

   Death dissolves marriage and the surviving party has the right to marry
   again to the fourth time or even more often. Otherwise the marriage
   bond is perpetual--vinculum matrimonii est perpetuum. This follows from
   two considerations: marriage involves the training of the children and
   is a symbol of the union between Christ and the Church. Matrimony
   becomes absolutely binding only upon copulation. Before that has taken
   place, one party or the other may go into an order and in this case the
   other party has the right to marry again.

   Divorce was allowed for one cause only, fornication. The Schoolmen
   supported this position from the words of Christ. Divorce, however, is
   a separation, not a release with license to marry again. Marriage can
   never be annulled by the act of man. What God hath joined together, no
   man can put asunder. [1780] [1781] and subsequent marriages are a
   sacrament as the first marriage is.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1762] Supplem., XXIX. 3, Migne, IV. 1027.

   [1763] Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXII. 4, Migne. IV. 1038; Bonaventura,
   Brevil., VI. 11, Peltier's ed., VII. 326.

   [1764] Cologne, 1279; Lambeth, 1330, etc.

   [1765] P. Lombardus, Sent., IV. XXIV. 9; Hugo of St. Victor, De sacr.,
   II. 2, 5; Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXVII. 2, Migne, IV. 1056; Bonavent.,
   Brevil., VI. 12.

   [1766] Per modum complementi superponitur episcopatus, etc., Bonavent.,
   Brevil., VI. 12. P. Lombardus, Sent., XXIV. 9, Migne, p. 904, speaks of
   a fourfold rank of bishops, viz. patriarchs, archbishops,
   metropolitans, and bishops. These, he says, are not orders but "the
   names of dignities and offices." The teaching of Duns Scotus is
   uncertain. In one place he asserts the episcopate must be a distinct
   order, the eighth, because the bishop alone can administer several of
   the sacraments. See Seeberg, p. 441. On the other hand, he quotes
   Jerome to show that the episcopate was instituted by the Church and is
   not a matter of divine law. See Schwane, p. 684. It is still unsettled
   by canon law whether the episcopate is a separate order or not. See
   Friedberg, Kirchenrecht, p. 150. The council of Trent did not formally
   decide the question, though it speaks of the hierarchy of bishops,
   priests, and deacons. See Schaff, Creeds, II. 186 sqq. Innocent III.
   placed the subdeacon among the major orders. Friedberg, p. 150.
   According to Philip Hergenröther, Kathol. Kirchenrecht, pp. 208 sq.,
   the episcopate is at the present time universally regarded in the Rom.
   Cath. Church as a distinct clerical order.

   [1767] Th. Aq., Supplem., XL. 1, Migne, 1071; Bonaventura, Brevil., VI.
   12, Peltier's ed., 327. The synods of London 1102, Soissons 1078, Rouen
   1190, Fourth Lateran 1215, etc., decreed the tonsure must not be
   concealed.

   [1768] Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXIV. 4, 5, Migne, 1045 sq., efficacia
   principaliter residet penes eum qui sacramentum dispensat.

   [1769] Schwane, p. 681, says there was no development in the ritual of
   ordination during the Middle Ages. Thomas Aquinas refers to the
   imposition of hands only incidentally in his chapters on penance.
   Summa, III. 84, 3, Migne, IV. 850. The council of Florence, 1438,
   enjoined that the chalice and paten should be given at the consecration
   to some of the orders.

   [1770] Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXVI. I, Migne, IV. 1051, si malus ordinatur
   nihilominus ordinationem habet.

   [1771] For example the 9th (Hefele, V. 380) and 11th oecumenical
   Councils pronounced such judgment, naming the anti-popes. So also the
   synod of Piacenza, 1095, which declared invalid the ordinations of
   Wibert and other bishops.

   [1772] Th. Aq., Supplem., XXXIX. 2, Migne, 1065. Episcopus in haeresin
   lapsus ... non amisit potestatem quam habebat ordines conferendi.
   Thomas is most emphatic on this question and goes on: Omnis protestas
   quae datur cum aliqua consecratione, nulla casu contingente tolli
   protest, etc .... Unde cum episcopalisprotestas cum quadam
   consecratione detur, oportet quod perpetuo maneat quantumcumque aliquis
   peccet, vel ab ecclesia praecidatur.

   [1773] Th. Aq., Summa, III. 65, 2, Migne, IV. 598, quia minimum habet
   de spiritualitate.

   [1774] Abaelard, Theol Christ., 31, conjugium non confert aliquod donum
   sicut cetera sacramenta faciunt sed tamen mali remedium est ... datur
   propter incontinentiam refraenendam. Hugo of St. Vict., De sacr., II.
   11. 3, Migne, p.481, conjugium ante peccatum ad officium, post peccatum
   ad remedium. Alanus ab Insulis, Reg. Theol., 114, Migne's ed., p. 681,
   conjugium sacramentum remedii contra incontinentiam. So also,
   Bonaventura, Brevil., Vl. 13; Th. Aq., Supplem., XLII. 2, Migne, IV.
   1084; Summa, LXI. 2, Migne, p. 558.

   [1775] Th. Aq., Supplem., XLII. 1, Migne, IV. 1083, benedictio
   sacerdotis quae est quoddam sacramentale.

   [1776] These were supposed to be the "years of discretion." Supplem.,
   LVIII. 5, Migne, IV. 1165. The synod of Nismes, 1096, forbade the
   marriage of girls under twelve. For cases of the marriage of princesses
   under twelve, see Eicken, pp. 448 sq.

   [1777] "Just as the offspring of animals follow the nature of the
   mother. " Thomas instances the mule, Supplem., LII. 4, Migne, 1127.

   [1778] This refers to a marriage in which one party is a Catholic and
   the other a heretic, Jew, or infidel.

   [1779] Synods of London 1102, 1125, 1200, Fourth Lateran 1215, Treves
   1227, Magdeburg 1261, etc. The synod of London, 1200, forbade either
   man or wife taking a long journey without the other's consent. Thomas
   Aquinas took the position that marriages between a believer and an
   unbeliever are not to be allowed because they prevent the education and
   training of children in the worship of God, which is one of the chief
   objects of the sacrament. Supplem., LIX. 1, Migne, IV. 1167.

   [1780] Th. Aq., Supplem., LXI. 2, Migne, IV. 1177. Thomas asserts that,
   before the carnalis copula takes place, the bond is a spiritual one and
   it may be broken by either party becoming spiritually dead, dying to
   the world and living unto God in a convent. After copulation the bond
   between man and wife is a carnal tie--vinculum carnale --and can be
   broken only by the death of the body.

   [1781] Th. Aq., Supplem., LXII. 5, Migne, IV. 1184, non licet uni,
   altero vivente, ad aliam copulam transire. Either party may, however,
   enter a convent without seeking the consent of the other.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 120. Sin and Grace.

   Sin.--The Schoolmen are unanimous in affirming that the infection of
   original sin has passed down upon all Adam's descendants and involved
   them all in guilt and eternal death. Following Augustine, Anselm called
   the race a sinning mass--peccatrix massa. By the Fall, man's body, or
   flesh, was made, like the beast, subject to carnal appetites and the
   mind, in turn, became infected with these appetites. [1782] his
   posterity.

   Man does not secure his sinful nature by imitation of Adam, but by
   inheritance through generation from Adam. The flesh is tainted, being
   conceived in concupiscence, and concupiscence is both a taint and
   guilt. Nay, it is original sin, as the Lombard says. [1783] [1784] f
   all the Schoolmen, yet they agree in rejecting the doctrine of
   traducianism. [1785]

   Original sin is defined by Alexander of Hales and by Thomas Aquinas as
   the want or the "deficiency of original righteousness." [1786] [1787]
   rely a defect. It is a depraved tendency--inordinata dispositio. In
   another place, Thomas defines original sin to be in substance
   concupiscence or lust and in form a defect of original righteousness.
   [1788] ence against order.

   Thomas taught that the taint of original sin is inherited not from the
   mother but from the father who is the active agent in generation. If
   Eve only had sinned and not Adam, the children would not have inherited
   the taint. On the other hand, if Adam had sinned and Eve remained
   innocent, their descendants would have inherited original sin. [1789]
   [1790]

   At much length, the Schoolmen elaborate upon the sin against the Holy
   Ghost and the seven "capital or principal" offences, [1791] any
   admixture of the sexes if Adam had not sinned was answered in the
   affirmative, in view of the command to be fruitful and to replenish the
   earth. Bonaventura also elaborately discussed the question whether the
   number of male and female descendants would have been equal had man not
   sinned. This he also answered in the affirmative, partly on the ground
   that no woman would have been without a husband and no husband without
   a wife, for in paradise there would be neither polygamy or polyandry.
   He also based his conclusion upon Aristotle's reason for the unequal
   conception of male and female children which is now due to some
   weakness or other peculiarity on the part of one of the parents. [1792]
   remained innocent, was that they might fill up the number of the elect
   angels.

   Another question which was discussed with much warmth was which of the
   two sinned the more grievously, Adam or Eve, a question Hugo of St.
   Victor, Peter the Lombard, Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, and other
   great Schoolmen united in attempting to solve--a question which arose
   quite naturally from Paul's statement, 1 Tim. 2:14, that the woman was
   beguiled and not the man. The conclusion reached was that the
   preponderance of guilt was with Eve. The Lombard is inclined to be
   lenient with Adam and makes out that when he yielded to the persuasions
   of his wife, he was actuated by sympathy and was unwilling to give her
   pain by refusing her request. He was inexperienced in the divine
   severity and his sin was a venial, not a mortal fault. In fact this
   theologian distinctly gives it as his belief that Adam would not have
   given way to the temptation of the devil. [1793] he devil at all and
   had in mind the mercy of God and intended later to make confession of
   his sin, and secure absolution. Eve's sin was the more grievous for she
   sinned against herself, against God, and against her neighbor. Adam
   sinned against himself and God, but not against his neighbor. Hugo of
   St. Victor said that the woman believed that God was moved by envy in
   forbidding them to eat the fruit of the tree. Adam knew this to be
   false. His sin was in consenting to his wife and not correcting her.
   [1794] bertus Magnus seems inclined to draw a more even balance. In
   that which pertained to the essence of sin, he said, Eve was the
   greater offender, but if we look at Adam's endowment and at other
   circumstances, Adam was the greater offender. [1795] id down the
   proposition that the gravity of sin depends upon three things:
   ingratitude, lust, and the corruption which follows the sinful act.
   [1796] d, so far as lust goes, the woman's sin was the greater. As for
   the evil consequences flowing from the sin, Adam sinned the more
   grievously as the cause of damnation to his posterity and Eve the more
   grievously as the occasion of such damnation. But as Eve was also the
   occasion of Adam's sinning, her sin and guilt must be pronounced the
   greater.

   Grace.--In the doctrine of grace, the mediaeval theology used the
   terminology of Augustine but makes the impression of departing from him
   in the direction of semi-Pelagianism. [1797] aught that all that is
   good in man is from God and he can have no merit before God except by
   the prearrangement of a divine decree. [1798] he grace of the Holy
   Spirit it is not possible to merit eternal life. Man is not even able
   to make the preparation necessary to receive the light of grace.
   Prevenient grace is essential to beget in him the disposition to
   holiness,--interior voluntas. The number of the elect is fixed even to
   the persons of the saved, and persevering grace is given to those who
   remain steadfast to the end. Man cannot even know the truth without
   help from above. [1799]

   Thomas distinguished two kinds of merit or meritorious works: the merit
   which comes by the proper use of our natural gifts, -- meritum de
   congruo,--and the merit which comes from the proper use of the gifts of
   grace,--meritum de condigno. In his original state, man was enabled by
   the superadded gift of grace to love God above all things. In the
   fallen state, grace is required to restore this ability, and no works
   of this second sort can be done without the assistance of the Holy
   Spirit. Such statements as these could be multiplied almost
   indefinitely. There is, however, notwithstanding these clear
   statements, a tone in Thomas' treatment which makes the impression that
   he modified strict Augustinianism and made a place for the real merit
   of works, and in this the Catholic Church follows him.

   As for the satisfaction of Christ, Thomas Aquinas followed Anselm in
   holding that Christ's death was not a price paid to the devil. [1800]
   ous; but he laid stress upon the merit which Christ won by the assent
   of his own will to the will of God. He does not speak of the
   propitiation of Christ in the way Abaelard and Peter the Lombard [1801]
   and obedience of Christ are efficient, through the sufferings he
   endured on the cross, in reconciling man to God and redeeming man from
   the power of the devil.

   Thomas very clearly states the consequences of Christ's atonement. The
   first is that thereby man comes to know how great the love of God is,
   and is provoked to love God in return. [1802] onquering death by dying
   to sin and the world. God might have pardoned man without the
   satisfaction of the cross, for all things are possible with Him. This
   was in opposition to Anselm's position that God could have redeemed man
   in no other way than by the cross.

   Bonaventura went further in opposition to Anselm and distinctly
   asserted that God could have liberated and saved the race otherwise
   than He did. He might have saved it by the way of pity--per viam
   misericordiae --in distinction from the way of justice. And in choosing
   this way he would have done no injury to the claims of justice. [1803]
   to think."

   No distinction was made by the mediaeval theologians between the
   doctrine of justification and the doctrine of sanctification, such as
   is made by Protestant theologians. Justification was treated as a part
   of the process of making the sinner righteous, and not as a judicial
   sentence by which he was declared to be righteous. Sanctification was
   so thoroughly involved in the sacramental system that we must look for
   its treatment in the chapters on the seven sacraments, the
   instrumentalities of sanctification; or under the head of the Christian
   virtues, faith, hope, and love, as in Bonaventura's treatment. [1804]
   [1805] distinction between prevenient, or preparatory, and cooperant
   grace,--gratia gratis data, or the grace which is given freely, and the
   gratis gratum faciens, or the grace which makes righteous.

   Justification, says Thomas, is an infusion of grace. [1806] hings are
   required for the justification of the sinner: the infusion of grace,
   the movement of the freewill to God in faith, the act of the freewill
   against sin, and the remission of sins. As a person, turning his back
   upon one place and receding from it, reaches another place, so in
   justification the will made free at once hates sin and turns itself to
   God.

   Setting aside the distinction between justification and sanctification,
   there seems to be complete religious accord between Thomas Aquinas, the
   prince of the Schoolmen, and our Protestant view of redeeming grace as
   being from beginning to end the gracious act of God in view of the
   death of Christ. His theory of the sacraments, it is true, seems to
   modify this position. But this is an appearance rather than a reality.
   For the sacraments have their efficacious virtue by reason of God's
   prior and gracious enactment attaching efficacy to them.

   Faith.--In its definition of faith, the mediaeval theology came far
   short of the definition given by the Reformers. The Schoolmen [1807]
   nition. Although several of Paul's statements in the Epistle to the
   Romans are quoted by Thomas Aquinas, neither he nor the other Schoolmen
   rise to the idea that it is upon the basis of faith that a man is
   justified. Faith is a virtue, not a justifying principle, and is
   treated at the side of hope and love. These are called the "theological
   virtues" because they relate immediately to God and are founded
   ultimately upon the testimony of His Word alone. Christian faith works
   by love and is not a grace unless it be conjoined with love. The devils
   have intellectual faith without love, for they believe and tremble.

   Faith manifests itself in three ways, in believing God, in trusting
   God, and believing in God. [1808] od is to accept what He says as true.
   These two kinds of faith the devils have. To believe in God is to love
   God in believing, to go to Him believing, to be devoted to Him in
   believing, and to be incorporated with His members. This knowledge of
   faith is more certain than other knowledge because it is based upon
   God's Word and is enlightened by the light which proceeds from the
   Word.

   The Schoolmen insist that without faith it is impossible to please God,
   and preachers, like Honorius of Autun, declared that as a fish cannot
   live without water, so no one can be saved without faith. [1809] [1810]
   njoined that love may be called a form of faith, a mode of its
   expression, [1811] judgment. [1812] n without belief in the Trinity.
   Faith ceases when the mind disbelieves a single article of the faith.
   [1813] [1814] Rom. 4:5, this great theologian stops with saying, that,
   in justification, an act of faith is required to the extent that a man
   believe that God is the justifier of men through the atonement of
   Christ. [1815]

   The Schoolmen did not understand Paul. The Reformers were obliged to
   re-proclaim the doctrine of justifying faith as taught in the epistles
   to the Romans and the Galatians. On the other hand, it is the merit of
   the Schoolmen that they emphasize the principle, that true faith
   worketh by love and that all other faith is vain, inanis. The failure
   of Protestant theologians always to set this forth distinctly has
   exposed the Protestant doctrine to the charge that faith is sufficient,
   even if it be unaccompanied by good works, or works of love towards God
   and man. [1816]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1782] Carnalibus appetitis infecta, de conceptu. II. Migne, 158. 434

   [1783] vitium concupiscentiae, quod est originale peccatum.

   [1784] Post peccatum non valet fieri carnalis copula absque libidinosa
   concupiscentia quae semper vitium est et etiam culpa. P. Lomb., Sent.,
   II. 31, 3.

   [1785] Etsi anima non traducatur, quia virtus seminis non potest
   causare animam rationalem. Th. Aquinas, Summa, II. 81, 1, Migne, II.
   629.

   [1786] Carentia ... defectus originalis justitiae estoriginal peccatum.
   Schwane, p. 401; Th. Aq., Summa, II. 81, 5.

   [1787] Spoliatio in gratuitis et vulneratio in naturalibus.

   [1788] Summa, II. 82, 3, materialiter quidem est concupiscentia,
   formaliter vero est defectus orig. just. Vitium and corruptio are the
   words most frequently used for the moral character of sin. Hugo of St.
   Victor, De sacr., I. 28, Migne, 176. 299.

   [1789] Peccatum orig. non contrahitur a matre sed a patre, etc. Summa,
   II. 81, 5.

   [1790] P. Lomb., II. 42, 9; Alb. Magnus, Borgnet's ed., XXVII. 663
   sqq., etc.

   [1791] P. Lomb., II. 42, enumerates them as inanis gloria, ira,
   invidia, acedia vel tristitia, avaritia, gastrimargia, luxuria.
   Albertus Magnus skilfully discusses whether there could be any more
   than seven. In Sent., II. 42, Borgnet's ed., XXVII. 662 sqq.

   [1792] Utrum aequalis fieret multiplicatio virorum et mulierum. In
   Sent., II. 20, 2, Peltier's ed., III. 85. The three reasons which
   Bonaventura adduces to account for the differences in sex will have to
   be read in the original. He enters into the subject with the precision
   of statement and detail which is a characteristic of scholastic
   discussion. It is fair to say that he pronounced the question a
   difficult one and one upon which the physicians and natural
   philosophers of his day were much divided.

   [1793] Sed dolo illo serpentino quo mulier seducta est, nullo modo
   arbitror illum potuisse seduci.

   [1794] De sacr., I. 7, Migne, 176. 290.

   [1795] In Sent. II. 22, E. Borgnet's ed., XXVII. 377.

   [1796] In Sent., II. 22, I. 3, Peltier's ed., III. 123.

   [1797] Man hatte Augustinische Formeln und gregorianische Gedanken.
   Loofs, p. 291. Schwane, p. 455, praises Thomas' clear treatment of the
   doctrines of grace, and says he taught them as they are taught in the
   Catholic systems of dogmatics to-day. Loofs, Harnack, and Seeberg seem
   to me to go too far in ascribing to Thomas a de-Augustinianizing
   tendency. His plain statements of the necessity of divine grace and
   human inability are Augustinian enough. Passing from the study of
   Thomas' theory of the sacraments, it is easy to put upon the statements
   about grace a Pelagian interpretation. The fairer way is to interpret
   his theory of the sacraments in the light of his teachings on the
   doctrine of grace.

   [1798] meritum apud deum esse non potest, nisisecundum
   praesuppositionem divinae ordinationis. Summa, II. 114, I. Migne, II.
   960.

   [1799] Verum non potest cognosecre sine auxilio divino. Summa, II. 109,
   2, 6, 7, Migne, II. 907 sqq.

   [1800] Sanguis qui est pretium nostrae redemptionis non dicitur
   obtulisse diabolo sed deo. Summa, III. 48, 4, Migne, III. 44.

   [1801] Mors Christi nos justificat, dum per eam charitas excitatur in
   cordibus nostris. Sent., III. 19, 1.

   [1802] Per passionem Christi homo cognoscit quantum deus hominem
   diligat et per hoc provocatur ad eumdiligendum. Summa, III. 46, 3,
   Migne, III. 417.

   [1803] In Sent., III. 20, Peltier's ed., IV. 439. He attempts to show
   that he is not out of accord with Anselm, but he makes poor work of it.
   Anselm's statement is absolute. Cur deus homo, II. 10.

   [1804] Peltier's ed., IV. 474 sqq.

   [1805] De divisione gratiae. Summa, Migne, II. 927-960.

   [1806] Tota justificatio impii consistit in infusione gratiae ...
   justif. fit, deo movente hominem ad justitiam. Summa, II. 113, 3, 7,
   Migne, II. 946. 952.

   [1807] Hugo of St. Victor, Desacr. I. 10, 9, Migne, 176. 341 sqq.; P.
   Lombardus, Sent., III. 23, 24, Migne, pp. 295 sqq.; Bonavent., In
   Sent., III. 23, 24, Peltier's ed., IV. 475 sqq.; Th. Aquinas, IV. 1-5,
   Migne, IV. 12 sqq; Alb. Magnus, In Sent., III. 23, 24, Borgnet's ed.,
   XXVIII. 408 sqq.

   [1808] Aliud credere deo, aliud credere deum, aliud credere in deum. P.
   Lomb., III. 23, 4.

   [1809] Spec. eccles., Migne, 172. 823.

   [1810] Summa, IV. 4, 2, Migne, IV. 14, quoting 1 Cor. 13:12.

   [1811] Charitas dicitur forma fidei, etc., IV. 4, 3. Such faith which
   is without love fides informis.

   [1812] P. Lomb., III. 25, 3, Migne, p. 300.

   [1813] Fides non remanet in homine postquam discredit unum articulum
   fidei. Summa, IV. 5. 3, I. 7 sqq., Migne, III. 63 sq.

   [1814] In heretico discredente unum articulum fidei, non manet fides
   neque formata neque informis. IV. 5, 3, Migne, p. 63.

   [1815] Summa, II. 113, 4, Migne, II. 948.

   [1816] This is one of the charges brought with great vehemence against
   Luther and the Reformation by Denifle, Luther und Lutherthum, I.
   374-456. He misunderstood or willfully misrepresented Luther, who never
   intended to detach a life of good works from faith as its necessary
   consequence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 121. The Future State.

   The unseen world of spirits was divided by the mediaeval theology into
   five distinct regions or abodes,--receptacula animarum,--as Thomas
   Aquinas calls them--heaven, hell, purgatory, the limbus patrum, or the
   temporary abode of the Old Testament saints, and the limbus infantum,
   or the abode of children who die without being baptized.

   Hell, the place of punishment or eternal dolors, [1817] st men and
   demons suffer eternal torment. It is a region of jet darkness, a deep
   prison as compared with heaven, into which the demons are thrust down.
   [1818] Its fires burn but do not consume. No other heat can compare
   with its heat. [1819] of the lost. [1820]

   The limbus patrum corresponds to Abraham's bosom in the parable of
   Dives and Lazarus, the place where the worthies of the Old Testament
   dwelt till Christ descended into hades and released them. Before that
   time they enjoyed exemption from pain. Since then they have enjoyed
   heavenly bliss. Circumcision released them from original sin. Hell and
   this locality are probably in the same region or, at any rate,
   contiguous. [1821] triarchs remained in hades till Christ's death, goes
   back to Hermas and Clement of Alexandria.

   The limbus puerorum or infantum is the abode of children dying in
   infancy without having been baptized. They are there for original sin
   which only baptism can wash away. [1822] death,--supplicium mortis
   aeternae,--but their damnation is the lightest of all--omnium
   levissima. They have no hope of beatitude. God, in His justice,
   provides that they never make any advance nor go back, that they
   neither have joy nor grief. They remain forever unchanged. [1823] se
   Christ's blessed words, "Suffer the little children to come unto me for
   of such is the kingdom of God." But they did not. The doctrine of
   original sin and the doctrine of the necessity of water baptism for
   salvation were carried to their extreme logical conclusions without
   regard for the superabounding grace of God. So also Augustine had
   taught and so most of the Reformers taught at a later time.

   Christ's descent into hades was carefully discussed by the Schoolmen.
   It occurred as soon as his soul was separated from the body at his
   death. He was in the infernal regions during the three days of his
   burial, but did not assume their pains. The reason for this visit was
   twofold, says Bonaventura, --to release the Old Testament saints and to
   confound the adversaries of the Gospel, the demons. [1824] Job 17:16,
   "my hope shall go down to the bars of Sheol," or into the "deepest
   hell," as the Vulgate puts it, he meant that he went no farther than
   the limbus patrum and not to the abode of the lost. [1825] [1826] he
   bars of hell--vectes inferni,--that is, by "spoiling principalities and
   powers," Col. 2:15; and third, to make show of his
   divinity--manifestatio divinitatis -- to the demons by preaching, 1
   Pet. 3:19, and by enlightening those dark spaces with his presence, as
   it is said, Ps. 24:7, "Lift up your doors, O ye princes, and the king
   of glory shall come in." Here again the Vulgate is responsible for a
   mistake, the word "gates" being translated "princes." [1827] [1828]

   Purgatory is a sort of reformatory school for baptized Catholics who
   are not good enough at death to go directly to heaven. They are there
   in that intermediate region for actual transgressions, [1829] nly upon
   2 Mac. 12:40 and the universal teaching of the Church. [1830] reach of
   human intercession. Masses for the dead are instituted to meet their
   case. For infants in the limbus puerorum, such intercessory works are
   of no avail. But one who has been baptized in infancy or manhood, no
   matter how flagitious or criminal his career may have been, for him
   there is hope, nay there is certainty, that in time he will pass out of
   purgatory into the company of the blessed.

   Heaven includes three kinds of rewards, said Bonaventura: the
   substantial reward or the vision of God; the consubstantial or the
   glorification of the body to which belong the qualities of
   transpicuity, lightness, agility, and impassibility which are granted
   in the degree we exercise love here on earth; [1831] en for preaching
   and leading others to salvation, for virginal purity and martyrdom.

   The bliss of heaven, said Thomas Aquinas, consists in the immediate
   vision of God. [1832] g on earth, hear the prayers that ascend to them,
   and by their merits intercede for their brethren here. St. Bernard, in
   his homilies on the Canticles, [1833] [1834] ction and glory of the
   soul in heaven has never been quite so well portrayed as in the poem of
   Bernard of Cluny:--


   O sweet and blessed country, the home of God's elect,

   O sweet and blessed country, that eager hearts expect;

   Jesus in mercy bring us to that sweet land of rest,

   To be with God the Father and Spirit ever blest.

   It remained for Dante to give to the chilling scholastic doctrines of
   purgatory and the lower regions a terrible reality in poetical form and
   imagery and also to describe the beatific vision of paradise.

   The remarkable vision which a certain Englishman, Turchill, had of the
   future world, as related at length by Roger of Wendover [1835] ared to
   this honest laborer, and took him off to "the middle of the world,"
   where they entered a church which, as Turchill was told, received the
   souls of all those who had recently died. Mary, through her
   intercession, had brought it about that all souls born again should, as
   soon as they left the body, be taken to this church and so be freed
   from the attacks of demons. Near one of the church walls was the
   entrance to hell through which came a most foul stench. Stretching from
   another wall was the great lake of purgatorial fire in which souls were
   immersed, some to their knees, some to their necks. And above the lake
   was a bridge, paved with thorns and stakes, over which all had to pass
   before they could arrive at the mount of joy. Those who were not
   assisted by special masses walked over the bridge very slowly and with
   excruciating pain. On the mount was a great and most wonderful church
   which seemed to be large enough to contain all the inhabitants of the
   world. St. Nicolas, St. James, and other saints had charge of the
   church of Mary and the purgatorial lake and bridge. Turchill also saw
   St. Peter in the church of Mary and before him the souls were brought
   to receive sentence. The devil and his angels were there to hurry off
   to the infernal regions those whose evil deeds tipped the balances.
   Turchill was also taken by a certain St. Domninus to behold the sports
   the devils indulge in. Coming to the infernal realm, they found iron
   seats, heated to a white heat and with nails driven in them, on which
   an innumerable multitude was sitting. Devils were sitting around
   against the walls poking fun at the unfortunate beings for the evils
   they had been guilty of in this life. Men of different occupations and
   criminal practices, the soldier, tradesman, priest, the adulterer,
   thief, and usurer, were then brought forth and made to enact over again
   their wicked deeds, after which their flesh was fiercely torn by the
   demons and burnt, but again restored. Such are the popular pictures
   which form the vestibule of Dante's Inferno.

   Of all the gruesome religious tales of the Middle Ages, the tales
   representing the devil as torturing the naked soul were among the most
   gruesome. The common belief was that the soul, an entity with form as
   the Schoolmen defined it, is at death separated from the body. Caesar
   of Heisterbach tells of an abbot of Morimond with whose soul the demons
   played ball, rolling it from hill to hill, across the valley between,
   until God allowed the soul to enter the body again. This was before the
   abbot became a monk.

   Another of these stories, told by Caesar of Heisterbach, [1836]
   ellow-students stood around it singing, the devil carried his soul to
   hell. There the demons played ball with it. Their sharp claws stuck
   deep into it and gave it unspeakable pain. But, at the intercession of
   the saints, the Lord rescued the soul and reunited it with the body and
   the young man suddenly arose from his bier. In telling his experience
   he related that his soul had been like a round piece of glass through
   which he could see on every side. Fortunately, the fellow was scared
   badly enough to go to a convent and do sound penance. Bernard of Thiron
   bore witness that he saw the devils carry an unfaithful monk's soul out
   of the window. [1837]

   The severity of the purgatorial pains is vouched for in this story by
   Thomas of Chantimpré, [1838] Albertus Magnus. A good man, after
   suffering from a severe sickness for a year, had this alternative
   offered him by an angel: to go to purgatory and suffer for three days
   or endure for a year longer his sickness and then go directly to glory.
   He chose the first. So his soul took its departure, but the purgatorial
   agony of a day seemed like the pains of ages and the sufferer was glad
   to have the opportunity of returning to his body, which was still
   unburied, and endure his sickness for another year.

   Such stories are numerous and reveal the coarse theology which was
   current in convent and among the people.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1817] Thomas Aquinas calls it locus dolorum and infernum damnatorum.

   [1818] Profundus carcer respectu amoenitatis coeli et est aer iste
   caliginosus in quem detrusi sunt demones, etc. Alb. Magnus, In Sent.,
   III. 22, C, 4, Borgnet's ed., XXVIII. 393.

   [1819] Ignis est in fortissima calididate ... cui nil est comparabile.
   Alb. Magnus, Borgnet's ed., XXX. 597.

   [1820] Gehenna illa quae stagnum ignis et sulphuris dicta est,
   corporeus ignis erit et cruciabit damnatorum corpora vel hominum vel
   daemonum. P. Lomb., Sent., IV. 44, 6. Absque dubietate corporeus ignis
   cruciat, etc. Alb. Mag., In Sent., Borgnet's ed., XXX. 393. Ignis
   corporalis qui concremabit et affliget spiritus et etiam corpora ...
   sed semper affliget, alios plus alios minus, secundum exigentiam
   meritorum. Bonavent., Brev., VII. 6.

   [1821] Probabile est, quod idem locus vel quasi continuus, sit infernus
   et limbus. Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 1222. Thomas calls the infernal regions
   interchangeably infernus and inferni. Alb. Magnus uses the neuter
   plural inferna. In Sent., III, 26, C. 392.

   [1822] Th. Aq., Summa, III. 69, 6, originali peccato debebatur poena
   aeterna in limbo puerorum. Limbus means edge or border. Alb. Magnus
   also calls it limbus parvulorum, the region of the little ones.
   Borgnet's ed., XXVIII. 392.

   [1823] Pueris non adest spes beatae vitae, etc. Th. Aq., Supplem., p.
   1223. divinae justitiae aequitas perpetualiter eos consolidat, ut nec
   proficiant, nec deficiant, nec laetentur, nec tristentur; sed semper
   per sic uniformiter maneant, etc. Bonavent., In Sent., II. 33, 2, 3,
   Peltier's ed., III. 419.

   [1824] In Sent., III. 22, I. 4 sqq., Peltier's ed., IV. 467.

   [1825] Suppl., Migne, III. 1222. The deepest hell--profundissimus
   infernus --is the place of the lost. Bonavent., Brevil., VII. 6,
   Peltier's ed., VII. 339.

   [1826] Summa, III. 52, 1, Migne, IV. 476.

   [1827] Attolite portas, principes, vestras.

   [1828] Post hanc vitam non est tempus gratiam acquirendi. Th. Aq.,
   Summa, III. 52, 7; Suppl., Migne, IV. 1244.

   [1829] Poena purgatorii est in supplementum satisfactionis quae non
   fuerat plene in corpore consummata. Th. Aq., Suppl., 71, 6 Migne, IV.
   1242.

   [1830] Th. Aq., Migne, IV. 1239.

   [1831] Claritas, subtilitas, agilitas, et impossibilitas quae ...
   secundum majoritatem et minoritatem prius habitae charitatis. Brevil.,
   VII. 7, Peltier's ed, VII. 340

   [1832] Deum per essentiam videre in quo consistit perfecta hominis
   beatitudo. Summa, III. 52, 5, Migne, IV. 482.

   [1833] Serm., XI.

   [1834] Proslog., XXIV. sqq.

   [1835] An. 1206, Luard's ed. of M. Paris, II. 497-512.

   [1836] Dial, I. 32, Strange's ed., I. 36-39.

   [1837] See Walter, Die ersten Wanderprediger, etc., p. 49.

   [1838] See Kaufmann, Thos. von Chantimpré, pp. 117 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER XV.

   POPE AND CLERGY.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 122. The canon Law.

   Literature: Decretum Gratiani emendatum et notationibus illustratum.
   Una cum glossis, Gregorii XIII. Pont. Max. jussu editum, 6 vols. Rome,
   1582.--Corpus juris canonici, ed. J. H. Boehmer, 2 vols. Halle 1747,
   with Introductions by Boehmer on Gratian's Decretum, I. 1-42, and the
   later collections of decretals, II. 1-34.--Best critical ed. by A. L.
   Richter, 2 vols. Leip., 1839, revised ed. by E. Friedburg Leip.,
   1879-1881, 2 vols. (vol. I., Decret. Gratiani, vol. II., Decretalium
   collectiones). --J. Fr. von Schulte (Old-Cath. Prof. in Bonn): D.
   Gesch. der Quellen und Lit. des kanonischen Rechts von Gratian bis auf
   die Gegenwart, 3 vols. Stuttg., 1875-1880. --Dodd: Hist. of canon Law,
   Oxf., 1884. --T. Hinschius: D. Kirchenrecht d. Katholiken und
   Protestanten, etc., 6 vols. Berl., 1869-1897. --E. Friedberg: Lehrbuch
   des kath. und evangel. Kirchenrechts, 6th ed., Leip., 1903. --A. von
   Kirchenheim: Kirchenrecht, Bonn, 1900. --P. Hergenröther (Rom. Cath.):
   Lehrbuch d. kathol. Rechts, 2d. ed., Freib., 1905. --Other works by
   Walter, 14th ed., 1877. --Richter-Dove, 8th ed., Leip., Phillimore: The
   Eccles. Law of the Ch. of Engl., 2 vols. London, 1873, Supplem.,
   1876.--F. W. Maitland: Rom. Can. Law in the Ch. of Engl., Lond.,
   1898.--The artt. in Herzog, vol. X. Kanonen-Sammlungen, Kanonisches
   Rechtsbuch, Kirchenrecht. --Stubbs: Const. Hist. of Engl., II. 170
   sqq., III. 295-388.--For extensive list of works on canon Law, see
   Friedberg: Kirchenrecht, pp. 3-11, and Hergenröther: Kirchenrecht, pp.
   15 sqq.

   Not the least of the characteristic and imposing products of the
   mediaeval Church was the gigantic fabric of the canon law. [1839] atian
   in the twelfth century and ending with the decretals of John XXII. in
   the fourteenth century. The canon law became the legal buttress of the
   papal theocracy and remained the ruling code till the Reformation.

   The science of canon law looks back to Gratian as its father, and
   Bologna was the chief centre for its study. Although works on the
   subject were produced in other lands, Italy, through her universities,
   was far in the lead in their production till late in the fifteenth
   century. [1840]

   Under the Roman state, the religious laws--the jus sacrum, jus
   pontificium -- were not a distinct body of legislation . In the
   Christian Church the conception of a distinct and superior divine law
   existed from the beginning. The formulation of a written code followed
   the meeting of Christian synods and their regulations. As the
   jurisdiction of the hierarchy and the institution of the mediaeval
   papacy were developed, this legislation came to include civil
   obligations and all civil penalties except the death penalty. [1841]
   Church encroached more and more upon the jurisdiction of the civil
   court. Conflict was inevitable. Not only was the independence of civil
   law as a distinct branch of procedure threatened, but even its very
   existence. It was not till the fourteenth century that the secular
   governments were able successfully to resist such encroachments and to
   regain some of the just prerogatives of which the civil courts had been
   robbed. "Oh, that the canon law might be purged from the superfluities
   of the civil law and be ordered by theology," exclaimed Roger Bacon,
   writing in the thirteenth century. "Then would the government of the
   Church be carried on honorably and suitably to its high position."
   [1842]

   Gratian's work was preceded by the Penitential Books and a number of
   imperfect collections of ecclesiastical decisions, the chief of which
   were, two books of synodal cases by Regino d. 915, the collections of
   Burchard, bishop of Worms d. 1025, Anselm of Lucca d. 1086, Cardinal
   Deusdedit about 1087, and Ivo of Chartres d. 1117. [1843] The
   pseudo-Isidorian decretals also belong to this class and they were much
   used, especially by Burchard.

   The work of Gratian superseded these earlier compilations, and it
   enjoys the honor of being the monumental work on canon law. Gratian, a
   Camaldulensian monk, and an Italian by birth, taught at the convent of
   St. Felix, Bologna, at the same time that Irnerius was teaching civil
   law in the same city. No details of his life have been handed down. His
   biography is his great compilation which was made about 1140-1150. Its
   original title, A Concordance of Differing canons, concordantia canonum
   discordantium, has given way to the simple title, Decretum, the Book of
   Decrees. The work was a legal encyclopaedia, and at once became the
   manual in its department, as the Sentences of the Lombard, Gratian's
   contemporary, became the manual of theology. [1844] ing one of
   Gratian's pupils, Paucapalea. These editors and commentators were
   called Summists or Glossarists. The official Roman edition was prepared
   by a papal commission of thirty-five members and issued by Gregory
   XIII. in 1582. Gregory declared the text to be forever authoritative,
   but he did not pronounce upon the contents of Gratian's work. [1845]

   Gratian's aim was to produce a work in which all real or apparent
   contradictions between customs and regulations in vogue in the Church
   should be removed or explained. This he secured by exclusion and by
   comments, called the dicta Gratiani, sayings of Gratian. The work is
   divided into three parts. The first, in one hundred and one sections or
   distinctiones, treats of the sources of canon law, councils and the
   mode of their convention, the authority of decretals, the election of
   the Roman pontiff, the election and consecration of bishops, the papal
   prerogative, papal legates, the ordination of the clergy, clerical
   celibacy, and kindred topics. The second, in thirty-six sections or
   causae, discusses different questions of procedure, such as the
   ordination and trial of bishops and the lower clergy, excommunication,
   simony, clerical and church property, marriage, heresy, magic, and
   penance. The third part is devoted to the sacraments of the eucharist
   and baptism and the consecration of churches. The scholastic method is
   pursued. A statement is made and objections, if any, are then formally
   refuted by citation of synodal acts and the testimony of the Fathers,
   popes, and other churchmen. The first distinction opens with the
   statement that the human race is governed by two principles, natural
   law and customs. Then a number of questions are propounded such as what
   is law, what are customs, what kinds of law there are, what is natural
   law, civil law, and the law of nations?

   Gratian's volume was soon found to require supplement. The two
   centuries following its appearance were most fruitful in papal decrees,
   especially in the pontificates of Alexander III., Innocent III., and
   Gregory IX. These centuries also witnessed the Lateran and other
   important Councils. The deliverances of popes and synods, made
   subsequently to the age of Gratian, were called extravagantes or
   fugitives. [1846] were made from 1191 to 1226. [1847] f canon law
   having papal sanction.

   The demand for a complete collection of these materials induced Gregory
   IX. to commit the task of gathering them into a single volume to his
   chaplain Raymund de Pennaforte. [1848] IX, was finished and sent to
   Paris and Bologna in 1234 with the direction that it be used for
   purposes of instruction, and in the trial of cases. The preparation of
   other compilations was strictly forbidden. Gregory's collection
   comprises 185 titles and 1871 decretals and follows the fivefold
   division of Bernard of Pavia's work. [1849]

   A new collection, called the Sixth Book, liber sextus -- or, as by
   English writers, the Sext,--was issued by the authority of Boniface
   VIII., 1298, and carried the collections of Gratian and Gregory IX.
   into Boniface's reign. In 1314, Clement V. issued another collection,
   which included his own decretals and the decrees of the council of
   Vienne and was called the Seventh Book, liber septimus, or the
   Clementines. In 1317, John XXII. officially sent Clement's collection
   to the universities of Bologna and Paris. Subsequent to the publication
   of the Clementines, twenty of John's own decretals were added. In 1500
   John Chappuis, in an edition of the liber sextus and the Clementines,
   added the decretals of John and seventy-one of other popes. This series
   of collections, namely, Gratian's Decretum, Gregory IX,'s Decretales,
   the Sext, the Clementines, and the Extravagantes of John XXII.,
   constitutes the official body of canon law--corpus juris canonici --
   and was published in the edition of Gregory XllI.

   The canon law attempted the task of legislating in detail for all
   phases of human life--clerical, ecclesiastical, social, domestic--from
   the cradle to the grave by the sacramental decisions of the priesthood.
   It invaded the realm of the common law and threatened to completely set
   it aside. The Church had not only its own code and its specifically
   religious penalties, but also its own prisons.

   This body of law was an improvement upon the arbitrary and barbaric
   severity of princes. It, at least, started out from the principles of
   justice and humanity. But it degenerated into an attempt to do for the
   individual action of the Christian world what the Pharisees attempted
   to do for Jewish life. It made the huge mistake of substituting an
   endless number of enactments, often the inventions of casuistry, for
   inclusive, comprehensive moral principles. It put a crushing restraint
   upon the progress of thought and bound weights, heavy to be borne, upon
   the necks of men. It had the virtues and all the vices of the papal
   system. It protected the clergy in the commission of crimes by
   demanding that they be tried in ecclesiastical courts for all offences
   whatsoever. It became a mighty support for the papal claims. It
   confirmed and perpetuated the fiction of the pseudo-Isidorian decretals
   and perpetrated new forgeries. It taught that the decisions of Rome are
   final. [1850] [1851] his examination of the Decretum, by pronouncing
   it; "filled through and through with forgery and error" and says "it
   entered like a mighty wedge into the older structural organization of
   the Church and split it apart. "

   The canon law also gave its sanction to the devilish principle of
   ecclesiastical compulsion, declaring that physical force is to be used
   to coerce ecclesiastical dissidents. It justified wars against the
   enemies of religion and the persecution of heretics, even as Sarah, the
   type of the heavenly Jerusalem, persecuted her handmaid Hagar. And it
   declared, with Urban II., that he who kills one who is under the
   sentence of excommunication is not to be dealt with as a murderer.
   [1852] y Thomas Aquinas and the other Schoolmen and asserted by the
   greatest of the popes.

   At last the legalistic tyranny became too heavy for the enlightened
   conscience of Europe to bear, as was the case with the ceremonial law
   in the days of the Apostles, against which Peter protested at the
   council of Jerusalem and Paul in his Epistles. The Reformers raised
   their voices in protest against it. Into the same flames which consumed
   the papal bull at Wittenberg, 1520, Luther threw a copy of the canon
   law, the one representing the effrontery of an infallible pope, the
   other the intolerable arrogance of a human lawgiver in matters of
   religion, and both destructive of the liberty of the individual. In his
   Address to the Christian Nobles, Luther declared that it did not
   contain two lines adapted to instruct a religious man and that it
   includes so many dangerous regulations that the best disposition of it
   is to make of it a dung heap.

   Even in the Catholic world its enactments have been largely superseded
   by the canons of the council of Trent, the papal decretals issued
   since, and the concordats between Catholic princes and the papal see.
   By virtue of his official infallibility, the pope may at any time
   supersede them by decisions and dispensations of his own.

   The words of Goethe may be applied to the canon law:--


   Es erben sich Gesetz und Rechte

   Wie eine ewige Krankheit fort

   Sie schleppen von Geschlecht sich zum Geschlechte

   Und schleichen sich von Ort zu Ort

   Vernunft wird Unsinn, Wohlthat Plage.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1839] Jus canonicum or ecclesiastica constitutio, in distinction from
   the civil code, jus civile. See Decr. Grat. Dist., III. Friedberg's
   ed., I. 5. The term "canones" was the prevailing term till the 12th
   century when the expression jus canonicum came into general use.

   [1840] See Schulte, I. 2 sq.

   [1841] Döllinger-Friedrich, Papstthum, p. 403, says, "Leaving out the
   execution of the death penalty, I do not know a single function of the
   state which the Church did not assume. Is it, therefore, strange that
   the thought should arise, that the state is really superfluous or that
   its only significance is to act as a dumb executioner of the will of
   the Church?"

   [1842] Bridges's ed., I. p. Ixxxiii.

   [1843] For full list see Friedberg, p. 126; Schulte, I. 43 sqq.;
   Hergenröther, p. 179.

   [1844] Peter the Lombard drew heavily from Gratian, especially in the
   fourth book of his Sentences, where he reproduced many of Gratian's
   distinctiones entire. See Baltzer, D. Sentenzen des P. Lombardus, pp.
   10 sq., etc.

   [1845] Perpetuo integrum et incorruptum conservetur. See Schulte's
   remarks on Gratian's influences I. 69-71.

   [1846] Quia extra Decretum Gratiani vagabantur.

   [1847] Friedberg's ed., Quinque compilationes antiquae, Leip., 1882.
   The first, made by Bernard of Pavia, 1191 in his Breviarium
   extravagantium, distributes the materials under five heads,--judge,
   sentence, clergy, marriage, crime.

   [1848] Gregory's bull is given in Wetzer-Welte, III. 1146-1450.

   [1849] Friedberg gives the text, II. 6-927, and also Gregory IX,'s
   letter transmitting the decretals to the university of Bologna.

   [1850] Dist., XIX. 3, Friedberg, I. 61. Romana ecclesia, cui nos
   Christus preesse voluit, posita est, omnibus, quicquid statuit,
   quicquid ordinat, perpetuo, irrefragabiliter observandum est.

   [1851] Causa, XXV. I. 16; Döllinger, Papstthum, pp. 55 sqq. Gratian
   misquoted the 36th canon of the Sixth Oecumenical council which, giving
   to the patriarch of Constantinople equal rights with the patriarch of
   Rome, made it say the very opposite. Misquoting the synod of Carthage
   of 418, which forbade appeals across the sea, Gratian made the synod
   say the very opposite. Causa, II. 6, 37. Leaning upon pseudo-Isidore,
   Gratian allows the transfer of bishops from one see to the other with
   the assent of the pope. Causa, VII. I. 34.

   [1852] See Causa, XXIII. 4, 5, 6, Friedberg's ed., I. 899-950.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 123. The Papal Supremacy in Church and State.

   Literature: See the chapp. on Gregory VII. and Innocent III., and the
   works there cited.--Bernard: de consideratione, Migne, 182.
   727-808.--Th. Aquinas: de regimine principum, and contra errores
   Graecorum. The latter ed. by *F. H. Reusch, d. 1900: D. Fälschungen in
   d. Tractat. d. Th. v Aq. gegen die Griechen, Munich, 1889.--The
   writings of Gregory VII., Alexander III., Innocent III., Gregory IX.,
   etc. Corpus juris canonum, Friedberg's ed.--*Mirbt: Quellen des
   Papstthums. --C. Lux: Constitutionum Apostolicarum de generali
   beneficiorum reservatione, 1265-1378, ... collectio et interpr.,
   Wratislav, 1904.--Maassen: Primat des Bischofs von Rom, Bonn,
   1853.--Schulte: D. Macht des röm. Papstthums, Prag, 2d ed.,
   1871,--*Döllinger-Friedrich: D. Papstthum, Munich, 1892.--*F. X.
   Leitner: D. hl. Th. von Aquino ueber d. unfehlbare Lehramt d. Papstes,
   Franf., 1872. Leitner wrote in opposition to Döllinger, and his work is
   of much importance,--*Bryce: Holy Rom. Emp., VI-XI.--G. B. Adams:
   Civilizat. during the M. A. chap. X.--W. Barry: The Papal Monarchy,
   590-1303, N. Y., 1902. --*J. Haller: Papsttum und Kirchenreform,
   Berlin, 1903.--*A. Hauck: D. Gedanke der päpstl. Weltherrschaft bis auf
   Bonifaz VIII., Leip., 1904.--Ranke: Weltgesch., vol. VI.--Harnack:
   Dogmengesch., II. 392-419. The manuals on Canon Law by Friedberg,
   Hinschius, Hergenröther.

   The papal assumptions of Gregory VII. and Innocent III. have already
   been presented (pp. 27 sqq., 152 sqq.). A large part of the history of
   this period is occupied by popes in the effort to realize the papal
   theocracy, from the opening struggle of Gregory VII. with Henry IV. to
   the death of Conradin, the Hohenstaufen. Their most vigorous
   utterances, so far as they are known, were not to summon men and
   nations to acts of Christian charity, but to enforce the papal
   jurisdiction. It is not the purpose here to repeat what has already
   been said, but to set forth the institution of the papacy as a realized
   fact and the estimate put upon it by Schoolmen and by the popular
   judgment.

   Among the forty-one popes who occupied the chair of St. Peter from
   Gregory VII. to Boniface VIII., some, as has become evident, were men
   of rare ability, and occupy a place of first prominence as rulers.
   There were no scandals in the papal household such as there had been
   during the preceding period. No emperors from the North were required
   to descend upon Rome and remove pontiffs incompetent by reason of youth
   or profligacy. On the other hand, Rome had no reputation as a centre
   either of piety or of letters. Convents became noted for religious
   warmth, and Bologna, Paris, and other localities acquired a fame for
   intellectual culture, but Rome's reputation was based solely upon her
   authority as a seat of ecclesiastical prerogative.

   The sin of the popes was hierarchical pride, and yet we cannot help but
   be attracted by those imposing figures whose ideals of universal
   dominion equalled in ambition the boldest projects of the greater Roman
   emperors, but differed widely from theirs in the moral element which
   entered into them. [1853]

   In this period the loftiest claims ever made for the papacy were
   realized in Western Europe. The pope was recognized as supreme in the
   Church over all bishops, and with some exceptions as the supreme ruler
   in temporal affairs. Protest there was against the application of both
   prerogatives, but the general sentiment of Europe supported the claims.
   To him belonged fulness of authority in both realms--plenitudo
   potestatis.

   The Pope and the Church. - favorite illustration used by Innocent III.
   to support the claim of supremacy in the Church was drawn from the
   relation the head sustains to the body. As the head contains the
   plenitude of the forces of the body, and has dominion over it, so
   Peter's successor, as the head of the Church, possesses the fulness of
   her prerogatives and the right of rule over her. The pope calls others
   to share in the care of the Church, but in such a way that there is no
   loss of authority to the head. [1854] , he can depose and appoint
   bishops as he wills. The principle that the Apostolic see is subject to
   no human jurisdiction, stated by Gelasius, 493, was accepted by
   Bernard, though Bernard protested against the pope's making his
   arbitrary will the law of the Church. [1855] [1856]

   The Fourth Lateran formally pronounced the Roman Church the mother and
   teacher of all believers, and declared its bishop to be above the
   patriarchs of Constantinople, Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria in
   rank and authority. Leo IX., d. 1054, asserted this pretension against
   Caerularius, the patriarch of Constantinople. [1857] knowledging the
   "full primacy" of the Roman pontiff and his right to rule over the
   universal Church.

   This theory of papal absolutism found full theological and canonical
   recognition from Thomas Aquinas and Gratian. Gratian declared that to
   disobey the pope is to disobey God. [1858] st the Church militant have
   one ruler, the pope. To the pope is committed the plenitude of power
   and the prelacy over the whole Church. To him belongs the right of
   determining what are matters of faith. [1859]

   Bonaventura took the same ground. The pope is supreme in all matters
   pertaining to the Church. He is the source of authority in all that
   belongs to prelatic administration, yea his authority extends from the
   highest to the humblest member of the Church. [1860] e Apostolic see,
   but, in the end, they yielded to its claim of supreme jurisdiction. So
   it was with Robert Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln. He declared, "I know
   and know full well, that our lord, the pope, has authority to freely
   act concerning all ecclesiastical benefices." [1861]

   Clement IV. was simply expressing the general opinion of Latin
   Christendom, when he claimed for the Roman pontiff the "full right to
   dispose of all churches, ecclesiastical dignities, positions, and
   benefices." [1862]

   Theoretically it is a disputed point whether an oecumenical council or
   the pope was regarded as supreme. But, in fact, popes controlled the
   legislation of the general Councils in this period as though they were
   supreme, and they fixed the legislation of the Church, as was the case
   with Gregory IX. The relative authority of pope and council did not
   become an urgent question till the thirteenth century.

   The pope also claimed the right to levy taxes at will on all portions
   of the Church. This claim, definitely made by the popes of the second
   half of the thirteenth century, led to the scandalous abuses of the
   fourteenth century which shocked the moral sense of Christendom and
   finally called forth the Reformatory Councils of Pisa, Constance, and
   Basel.

   Beginning with Innocent III., it became the fixed custom for the pope
   to speak of himself as the vicar of Christ and the vicar of God. He was
   henceforth exclusively addressed as "holiness" or "most
   holy"--sanctitas or sanctissimus. [1863]

   The Pope and the Individual. - For Cyprian's motto, "there is no
   salvation outside of the Church," was substituted, there is no
   salvation outside of the Roman Church. It was distinctly stated that
   all who refuse subjection to the pope are heretics. [1864] the pope's
   authority to loose and bind no human being is exempted. Nothing is
   exempted from his jurisdiction. [1865]

   The Pope and the State. - England, Poland, Norway, and Sweden,
   Portugal, Aragon, Naples, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily, not to speak
   of portions of Central Italy, were in this period, for a longer or
   shorter time, fiefs of the Apostolic see. In 1299, the same claim was
   made over Scotland. The nations from Edessa to Scotland and from
   Castile to Riga were reminded that Rome was the throbbing centre of
   divinely bequeathed authority. The islands of the West were its to
   bestow. To Peter was given, so Innocent wrote, not only the universal
   Church, but the whole earth that he might rule it. [1866] a time when
   the pope recognized the superior authority of the emperor, as did
   Gregory the Great in 593. [1867] [1868] r conception took its place,
   the subordination of all civil authority under the pope. To depose
   princes, to absolve subjects from allegiance, to actively foment
   rebellion as against Frederick II., to divert lands as in Southern
   France, to give away crowns, to extort by threat of the severest
   ecclesiastical penalties the payment of tribute, to punish religious
   dissenters with perpetual imprisonment or turn them over to the secular
   authorities, knowing death would be the punishment, to send and
   consecrate crusading armies, and to invade the realm of the civil
   court, usurp its authority, and annul a nation's code, as in the case
   of Magna Charta,--these were the high prerogatives actually exercised
   by the papacy. The decision rendered on the field of Roncaglia by the
   jurists of Bologna, asserting the independent rights of the empire, was
   only an episode, and popes snapped their fingers at the academic
   impertinence. Now and then the wearers of the tiara were defeated, but
   they never ceased to insist upon the divine claims of their office. In
   vain did emperors, like Frederick II., appeal to the Scriptures as
   giving no countenance to the principle that popes have the right to
   punish kings and deprive them of their kingdoms.

   The declarations of the popes were clear and positive. The figures
   employed by Gregory VII., comparing the two realms to gold and lead,
   sun and moon, soul and body, Innocent elaborated and pressed. Gregory
   asserted that it rested upon him to give account for all the kingdoms
   of God. [1869] been committed universal dominion--regimen universale.
   [1870]

   Men of less originality and moral power could do no more than reaffirm
   the claims of these two master rulers and repeat their metaphors. Of
   these no one had more self-assurance than Gregory IX., who, at an age
   when most men are decrepit, bravely opposed to Frederick II,'s plans
   the fiction of the Donation of Constantine. Was not the Roman sceptre
   committed to the Apostolic see by the first Christian emperor, and did
   not the Apostolic see transfer the empire from the Greeks to the
   Germans, Charlemagne and Frederick himself being the successors of
   Arcadius, Valentinian, Theodosius, and the other Christian emperors of
   Rome. [1871] [1872]

   When the struggle with the Hohenstaufen had been brought to a close,
   and peace established by the elevation of Rudolf of Hapsburg to the
   imperial throne, Gregory X. wrote to Rudolf: "If the sacred chair is
   vacant, the empire lacks the dispenser of salvation; if the throne is
   empty, the Church is defenceless before her persecutors. It is the duty
   of the Church's ruler to maintain kings in their office, and of kings
   to protect the rights of the Church." This was a mild statement of the
   supremacy of the Apostolic see. It remained for Boniface VIII., in his
   famous bull, unam sanctam, 1302, to state exactly, though somewhat
   brusquely, what his predecessors from Hildebrand, and indeed from
   Nicolas I., had claimed--supreme right to both swords, the spiritual
   and the temporal, with the one ruling the souls of men and with the
   other their temporal concerns.

   These claims were advocated in special treatises by Bernard and Thomas
   Aquinas, two of the foremost churchmen of all the Christian centuries.
   Bernard was the friend of popes and the ruling spirit of Europe during
   the pontificates of Innocent II. and Eugenius III. the mightiest moral
   force of his age. Thomas Aquinas wrote as a theologian and with him
   began the separate treatment of the papacy in systems of theology. In
   his Rule of Princes and against the Errors of the Greeks, Thomas
   unequivocally sets forth the supremacy of the Apostolic see over the
   State as well as in the universal Church. As for Bernard, both
   Ultramontane and Gallican claim his authority, but there are
   expressions in his work addressed to Eugenius III., De consideratione,
   which admit of no other fair interpretation than that the pope is
   supreme in both realms.

   Bernard's treatise, filling eighty compact columns in the edition of
   Migne, summons Eugenius, whom he addresses as his spiritual son, to
   reflect in four directions: upon himself, upon that which is beneath
   him, upon that which is around about him, and upon that which is above
   him. Such a voice of warning and admonition has seldom been heard by
   the occupant of a throne. The author was writing, probably, in the very
   last year of his life.

   Meditating upon himself, it became the pope to remember that he was
   raised to his office not for the sake of ruling but of being a prophet,
   not to make show of power but to have care of the churches. The pope is
   greatest only as he shows himself to be a servant. As pontiff, he is
   heir of the Apostles, the prince of bishops. He is in the line of the
   primacy of Abel, Abraham, Melchizedek, Moses, Aaron, Samuel, and Peter.
   To him belong the keys. Others are intrusted with single flocks, he is
   pastor of all the sheep and the pastor of pastors. Even bishops he may
   depose and exclude from the kingdom of heaven. And yet Eugenius is a
   man. Pope though he is, he is vile as the vilest ashes. Change of
   position effected no change of person. Even the king, David, became a
   fool.

   The things beneath the pope are the Church and all men to whom the
   Gospel should be preached.

   The things around about the pope are the cardinals and the entire papal
   household. Here, greed and ambition are to be rebuked, the noise of
   appealed judicial cases is to be hushed, worthy officials are to be
   chosen. The Romans are a bad set, flattering the pontiff for what they
   can make out of his administration. A man who strives after godliness
   they look upon as a hypocrite.

   The faithful counsellor waxed eloquent in describing the ideal pope. He
   is one of the bishops, not their lord. He is the brother of all, loving
   God. He is set to be a pattern of righteousness, a defender of the
   truth, the advocate of the poor, the refuge of the oppressed. He is the
   priest of the Highest, the vicar of Christ, the anointed of the Lord,
   the God of Pharaoh; that is, he has authority over disobedient princes.

   Bernard distinctly grants the two swords to the pope, who himself draws
   the spiritual sword and by his wink commands the worldly sword to be
   unsheathed. [1873] n no white horse. In adopting such outward show "the
   popes had followed Constantine, not the Apostle." It is also true that
   Bernard follows his generation in making the pope the viceregent of God
   on earth. [1874]

   The views of Thomas Aquinas have already received notice (p. 673). His
   statements are so positive as to admit of no doubt as to their meaning.
   In the pope resides the plenitude of power. To the Roman Church
   obedience is due as to Christ. [1875] of the Greeks written at a time
   when the second council of Lyons was impending and measures were being
   taken to heal the schism between the East and the West. The pope is
   both king and priest, and the temporal realm gets its authority from
   Peter and his successors. [1876] [1877]

   The popular opinion current among priests and monks was no doubt
   accurately expressed by Caesar of Heisterbach at the beginning of the
   thirteenth century when he compared the Church to the firmament, the
   pope to the sun, the emperor to the moon, the bishops to the stars, the
   clergy to the day, and the laity to the night.

   We stand amazed at the vastness of such claims, but there can be no
   doubt that they were sincerely believed by popes who asserted them and
   by theologians and people. The supremacy of the Roman pontiff in the
   Church and over the State was a fixed conviction. The passage, Render
   unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's and unto God the things that
   are God's, quoted to-day for the separation of the two realms, was
   quoted then but with another interpretation. The Church was defined, as
   it had been defined by Augustine, as the university of believers by
   Hugo of St. Victor, [1878] [1879] liberty of the Christian and his
   immediate responsibility to Christ, as revealed through the New
   Testament, had no hold. As a temporary expedient, the fiction of papal
   sovereignty had some advantage in binding together the disturbed and
   warring parts of European society. The dread of the decisions of the
   supreme pontiff held wild and lawless temporal rulers in check. But the
   theory, as a principle of divine appointment and permanent application,
   is untenable and pernicious. The states of Europe have long since
   outgrown it and the Protestant communions of Christendom can never be
   expected to yield obedience to one who claims to be the vicar of
   Christ, however willing they may be to show respect to any Roman bishop
   who exhibits the spirit of Christ as they did to Leo XIII.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1853] Ranke wrote, Weltgesch., VIII. 410, that at Rome the authorities
   put him on the Index because he did not regard the papacy as a divine
   institution. Nevertheless, he said, "I hold the papacy to be one of the
   mightiest of all institutions that have appeared in history, and one
   that is most worthy of inspiring us with wonder and admiration."

   [1854] See Innocent's letter in Decr. Greg., III. 8, 5, Friedberg's
   ed., II. 489.

   [1855] Sedes apost. a nemine judicatur. For Bernard, see Ep., 213; de
   consid., III. 4

   [1856] See Gee and Hardy, Doc. of Engl. Ch. Hist., p. 53.

   [1857] See Schwane, p. 531.

   [1858] Causa, XXV. I, 11, Friedberg's ed., I. 1009. Anathema apud deum,
   qui censuram Rom. pontificum violat.

   [1859] Christi vicarius in totam eccles. univ. praelationem obtinet ...
   Pontificem pertinet quae fidei sunt determinare. C. errores Graec., II.
   32, 36. Also Th. Aq., Summa, II. 2, q. I. 10.

   [1860] Brevil., VI. 12, Peltier's ed., VII. 327. Christi vicarius fons,
   origo, et regula omnium principatuum eccles., etc.

   [1861] Ep., 49. See Luard's ed., p. x.

   [1862] Ad quem plenaria de omnibus totius orbis beneficiis eccles.
   pertinet, etc. Lib. Sext., Friedberg, II. 102.

   [1863] So Thomas Aquinas in his c. errores Graec. Bernard, Epp., 187.
   341, 356, 396, etc.

   [1864] The Dictatus papae of Deusdedit. Mirbt, p. 113.

   [1865] Deus nullum excepit, nihil ab ejus potestate subtraxit. Reg.,
   IV. 2.

   [1866] Petro non solum universam eccles. sed totum reliquit seculum
   gubernandum. Ep. I. 401, Mirbt, p. 130.

   [1867] Hauck, p. 1.

   [1868] Mirbt, Quellen, pp. 99 sq.

   [1869] Reg., I. 63, Migne, 148. 569.

   [1870] Reg., II. 51.

   [1871] Bréholles, IV. 914-923.

   [1872] See Döllinger, Papstthum, pp. 67, 404. Leo X,'s bull against
   Luther reaffirmed this fiction of the transfer of the empire from the
   Greeks to the Germans by the pope. See copy of the bull in this Hist.,
   VI. 233.

   [1873] De consid., IV. 3, Migne, 82, 776. Uterque Ecclesiae et
   spiritualis gladius et materialis; sed is quidem pro Ecclesia, ille
   vero et ab Ecclesia exserendus: ille sacerdotis, is militis manu, sed
   sane ad nutum sacerdotis, et jussum imperatoris.

   [1874] Bishop Reinkens, of the old Catholic Church, in his annotated
   translation of Bernard's treatise, de consideratione, argues for the
   other view namely, that Bernard does not present the theory of the
   "Caesar-pope." He also argues, pp. vi sq., that Bernard regarded the
   bishops as receiving their authority not from the pope but directly
   from God. His edition was issued at the time of the Vatican council of
   1870 and as a protest against the dogma of papal infallibility. The
   position taken above is the position of most writers, both Protestant
   and Catholic.

   [1875] Rom. ecclesiae obediendum est tanquam domino J. Christo.
   Reusch's ed., p. 9.

   [1876] Rom. episcopus dici potest rex et sacerdos .... Sicut corpus per
   animam habet virtutem et operationem ita et temporalis jurisdictio
   principum per spiritualem Petri et successorum eius. De regim., II. 10.

   [1877] See Werner, D. hl. Thomas, I. 760 sqq., 794 sqq.; and especially
   Reusch and Leitner.

   [1878] De sacr., II. 1, 2, Migne, 176. 141, etc.

   [1879] Migne, 210. 613.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 124. The Pope and the Curia.

   Literature: For the election of a pope.--The text of the laws of
   Nicolas II. and Gregory X. is given in Mirbt: Quellen, 57 sqq., 146,
   Friedberg's ed. of Gratian, I. 78 sq.--W. C. Cartwright: The Papal
   Conclave, Edinb., 1868.--Zöpffel: D. Papstwahlen etc. vom 11-15.
   Jahrh., Götting., 1871.--T. A. Trollope: The Papal Conclaves as they
   were and as they are, Lond., 1876.--L. Lector: Le conclave, etc.,
   Paris, 1894.--Hefele-Knöpfler, IV. 800-826; VI. 146 sqq.--Schwane:
   Dogmengesch., pp. 522-589.--Friedberg: Kirchenrecht, pp. 165
   sqq.--Hergenröther, Kirchenrecht, pp. 267-302.--Artt. Papstwahl., in
   Herzog, XI. 213-217, by Hinschius and Wetzer-Welte, IX. 1442-1461.

   For the financial policy of the curia.--B. P. Woker: D. kirchl.
   Finanzwesen d. Päpste, Nördl., 1878.--Fabre: Le libre censuum de
   l'église Romaine, Paris, 1892.--*M. Tangl: D. Taxenwesen der päpstl.
   Kanzlei vom 13. bis zur Mitte des 15. Jahrh., Innsbr., 1892.--*J. P.
   Kirsch: Die Finanzverwaltung des Kardinalkollegiums im XIII. und XIV.
   Jahrh., Munster, 1895.--*P. M. Baumgarten: Untersuchungen und Urkunden
   über die Camera Collegii Cardinalium, 1295-1437, Leip., 1898.--*A.
   Gottlob: D. päpstl. Kreuzzugssteuern des 13. Jahrh., Heiligens., 1892;
   *D. Servitientaxe im 13. Jahrh., Stuttg., 1903.--*O. Jensen: D.
   englische Peterspfennig, Heidelb., 1903.--Haller: Papsttum u.
   Kirchenreform, Berlin, 1903.--Hurter: Inn. III., IV. 161 sqq.--For
   add'l lit. bearing on the financial policy of the popes, especially in
   the 14th century, see Part II. of this vol. under John XXII.

   The curia is the designation given to the cardinals and minor officials
   of the papal household. Its importance increased greatly in this period
   through the centralization of authority in Rome. The pope was forced to
   employ an army of notaries, advocates, procurators, and other officials
   to share, with him the burdens of the vast amount of business brought
   to his attention.

   In a restricted sense, the word "curia" is applied to the college of
   cardinals. This body came to sustain to the pope a relation similar to
   the relation sustained by the chapter to the bishop and a cabinet to a
   prince. At the oecumenical councils of Lyons, 1245 and 1274, its
   members were given precedence over all other ecclesiastical
   dignitaries.

   The legislation fixing the mode of choosing the pope originated in this
   period with Nicolas II., speaking through the council of Rome 1059, and
   Gregory X., speaking through the second council of Lyons, 1274. From
   the ninth century, the emperor had claimed the right to confirm or veto
   papal elections, a right set aside under the influence of Gregory VII.
   The law of Nicolas, conforming to Gregory's views, confined the right
   of election to the cardinals, and this became their primary function.
   It marks an important step in the complete independence of the papacy,
   though it was not strictly enforced till after its confirmation by
   Alexander III, at the Third Lateran, 1179. A majority of two-thirds of
   the cardinals was made necessary for an election. An important
   provision made papal elections conducted outside the city of Rome
   valid.

   More precise regulations were shown to be necessary by the long
   pontifical vacancy of nearly three years following the death of Clement
   IV. (d. 1268). The law, as perfected under Gregory X., is, with slight
   modifications, still in force. It provides that, within ten days of a
   pope's decease and in the same building where he expired, the cardinals
   shall assemble to choose a successor. The conclave, --from clavis,
   meaning key,--or room of meeting, has given its name to the assembly
   itself. During the progress of the vote, the assembled ecclesiastics
   are kept secluded from the outside world and receive food through a
   window. If after three days no conclusion has been reached, the fare is
   reduced to a single dish for supper and a single dish for dinner.
   Should eight days pass without a choice, the fare is reduced to bread
   and wine. The secular authorities are intrusted with the duty of
   guarding the conclave against interruption and violence.

   The committees, or congregations, into which the cardinals are now
   grouped is of late origin. The oldest, the Holy Office or Congregation
   of the Inquisition, was established 1542. The red hat was conferred
   upon them, as a sign of their office, by Innocent IV., 1245; the purple
   mantle, two hundred years later, by Paul II., 1464. They wear a
   sapphire ring and by the enactment of Urban VIII., 1630, are addressed
   as "Eminence." In 1586 their number was limited by Sixtus V. to
   seventy. The exact membership within this limit is dependent upon the
   pleasure of the reigning pontiff. The largest number at any time was
   under Pius IV., 1559, when there were seventy-six. In the latter half
   of the thirteenth century the number often ran very low and at one time
   was reduced to seven. Since Urban VI., 1378-1382, none but a cardinal
   has been elevated to the papal dignity. The pope's right to abdicate is
   based upon the precedents of Gregory VI., 1046, Coelestin V., 1294, and
   Gregory XII., 1415.

   The pope's coronation and enthronement were an occasion of increasing
   pomp and ostentation and were usually celebrated with a procession
   through the city from St. Peter's to the Lateran in which the nobility
   and civil authorities as well as the pope and the higher and lower
   clergy took part. The tiara, or triple crown, seems not to have been
   used till the reign of Urban V., 1362-1372. This crown is regarded as
   symbolical of the pope's rule over heaven, earth, and the lower world;
   or of his earthly power and his power to loose for time and eternity;
   or of Rome, the Western patriarchate and the whole earth.

   To this period belongs the development of the system of papal legates
   which proved to be an important instrumentality in the extention of the
   pope's jurisdiction. These officials are constantly met with from the
   pontificate of Gregory VII. Clement IV. likened them to the Roman
   proconsuls. They were appointed to represent the Apostolic see on
   special occasions, and took precedence of the bishops in the regions to
   which they were sent, presided at synods, and claimed for themselves
   the respect due to the pope himself.

   Gregory VII., in commending a legate, quoted Luke 10:16, "whosoever
   heareth you, heareth me also." [1880] [1881] nd Adrian IV. won
   distinction by his successful administration of the legatine office in
   Northern Europe. Papal legates were present at the coronation of
   William the Conqueror, 1070.

   Legates had the reputation of living like princes and depended for
   their support upon the countries to which they were despatched. Their
   encroachment upon the prerogatives of the episcopate and their demands
   for money called forth bitter complaint from one end of Europe to the
   other. Barbarossa wrote Adrian IV., refusing to receive the papal
   legates because they came to him as plunderers and not as priests.
   [1882] One, Martin, who had been sent to Dacia, returned to Italy so
   poor that he could with difficulty get to Florence and would have had
   to foot it from there to Rome but for the loan of a horse. Bernard felt
   his description would be regarded as an idle tale, a legate coming back
   from the land of gold without gold and traversing the land of silver
   without possessing silver! The other case was the legate Gaufrid of
   Aquitaine who would not accept even fish and vegetables without paying
   for them so that no one might be able to say, "we have made Abraham
   rich," Gen. 14:23. [1883]

   Salimbene, the genial Franciscan chronicler, also gives us a dark
   picture of papal legates of Northern Italy, some of whom he had known
   personally. He gives the names of twelve, four of whom he specially
   accuses of unchastity, including Ugolino, afterwards Gregory IX., and
   mentioning some of their children by name. Two of them were hard
   drinkers. He makes the general charge that legates "rob the churches
   and carry off whatsoever they can." [1884]

   As the ultimate legal tribunal of Western Europe, the papal court
   assumed an importance never dreamed of before. Innumerable cases of
   appeal were brought before it. If the contestants had money or time, no
   dispute was too trivial to be contested at Rome. Appeals poured in from
   princes and kings, chapters and bishops, convents and abbots. Burchard
   of Ursperg says [1885] o went had their hands full of gold and silver.
   There was a constant procession of litigants to the Eternal City, so
   that it once more became literally true that all roads led to Rome. The
   hours of daylight, as Bernard lamented, were not long enough for these
   disputes, and the hearings were continued into the night. [1886] er
   duties, and consumed upon the hearing of common lawsuits and personal
   complaints. The halls of the papal palace rang with the laws of
   Justinian rather than the precepts of the Lord. Bernard himself
   recognized the right of appeal as an incontestable privilege, but would
   have limited it to the complaints of widows and the poor, and excluded
   disputes over property. [1887]

   The expression ad calendas Graecas became proverbial in Rome for delays
   of justice till one party or the other was dead or, worn out by
   waiting, gave what was demanded. The following example, given by
   Bernard, will indicate the extent to which the right of appeal was
   carried. A marriage ceremony in Paris was suddenly checked by a
   complainant appearing at the altar and making appeal to Rome against
   the marriage on the ground that the bride had been promised to him. The
   priest could not proceed, and bride and bridegroom had to live apart
   until the case was argued before the curia. So great did the curia's
   power become that its decision was regarded as determining what was
   sound doctrine and what was heresy. [1888]

   In the thirteenth century, the papal exchequer gained an offensive
   notoriety through the exactions of the curia, but it was not till the
   fourteenth century, during the period of the Avignon exile, that they
   aroused a clamorous protest throughout Europe. The increased expenses
   of the papal household called for large sums, and had to be met. The
   supreme pontiff has a claim upon the entire communion over which he
   presides, and the churches recognized its justice. It was expressed by
   Pascal II. when he wrote to Anselm of Canterbury, 1101: "You know well
   our daily necessities and our want of means. The work of the Roman
   church inures to the benefit of all the churches, and every church
   which sends her gifts thereby recognizes not only that they are in debt
   to her but to the whole of Christendom as well." [1889]

   As bearing on the papal revenues early in the thirteenth century, a
   ledger account of the income of Innocent III. has come down to us,
   prepared by his chamberlain, Cencius, afterwards made a cardinal.
   [1890] money, all sorts of articles are catalogued--vegetables, wine,
   grain, fish, wood, wax, linen, yokes of oxen, horses.--Convents,
   churches, and hospitals made contributions to the pope's wants. The
   abbot of Reichenau, at his induction, sent two white horses, a
   breviary, and a book of the Gospels. A hospital in the see of Terouanne
   sent 100 herrings, St. Basil's, in Rome, two loads of fish.

   In the latter half of the thirteenth century, the administration of the
   papal finances was reduced to a system, and definite rules were adopted
   for the division of the revenues between the pope and the college of
   cardinals. We are restricted to a single tax list [1891] eresting
   ledger accounts which give the exact prices levied for papal privileges
   of all sorts. There, we have fiscal contracts drawn up between prelates
   and papal officials and receipts such as would be expected in a careful
   banking system. These lists and other sources of information enable us
   to conclude what methods were practised from 1250-1300.

   The sources from which the papal treasury drew its revenues were the
   annual tributes of feudal states, called census, payments made by
   prelates and other holders of church benefices called servitia,
   visitationes, and annates; and the occasional taxes levied upon the
   Church at large, or sections of it, for crusades and other special
   movements. To these usual sources of revenue are to be added
   assessments for all sorts of specific papal concessions and
   indulgences. [1892]

   The servitia, [1893] ments made by papal appointees of a portion of a
   year's income of benefices which the pope reserved to himself the right
   of filling, such as prebends, canonries, and other livings. The portion
   was usually one-half. The visitationes were payments made by prelates;
   that is, archbishops, bishops, and abbots on their visits in Rome.
   [1894]

   The servitia [1895] fts of money paid by archbishops, bishops, and
   abbots at their confirmation in office. They constituted a large source
   of revenue. The amounts to be paid in each case were computed upon the
   basis of a year's income. Once fixed they remained fixed and obligatory
   until new valuations were made. [1896] [1897] las III. (1277-1280), and
   probably as early as the middle of the thirteenth century. [1898]
   house. [1899]

   The census included the taxes paid by the State of the Church, the
   assessments paid by convents and churches under the special protection
   of the Apostolic see, the tributes of the vassal--states, Naples,
   Sicily, Corsica and Sardinia, and England, and the income of Peter's
   Pence. The tribute of 1000 marks, promised by John for England and
   Ireland, was over and above the amounts due from Peter's Pence. The
   tribute of Sicily in 1272, amounting to 8000 oz. of gold, was divided
   into two equal parts by Gregory X., one part going to the cardinals. In
   1307, a demand was made upon Charles II. of Naples for back payments on
   this account amounting to the enormous sum of 93,340 oz. of gold. In
   1350, the amount due was 88,852 oz. [1900]

   The custom of paying Peter's Pence, or a stipulated amount for every
   household, was in vogue in England, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Northern
   Germany, and Poland, but was never introduced into France though
   Gregory VII. attempted to collect it there but failed. [1901] 1059,
   pledged for Sicily twelve denarii for every yoke of oxen to be paid for
   all time. [1902] [1903]

   During the second half of the thirteenth century, the custom was
   developed of dividing the revenues from visitationes, servitia, and
   census between the pope and the college of cardinals. [1904] towns in
   the papal territory set aside for them by popes. To these sources of
   revenue were added during the thirteenth century livings in foreign
   lands which they administered, if administered at all, through vicars.
   A number of benefices were often held by a member of the curia, but the
   abuse of pluralities did not reach its largest proportions till the
   latter half of the fifteenth century. In 1291, Benedict Gaetani
   (Boniface VIII.) cardinal of S. Nicolas in Carcere, held, in addition
   to that living, two archdeaneries and two churches in France, three
   churches in Rome and prebend stalls in Langres, Chartres, Lyons, Paris,
   Anagni, Todi, Terouanne, and St. Peter's in Rome.

   The half portion, accruing to the cardinals, was divided equally
   between those dignitaries. In case a cardinal was suspended his portion
   was divided equally between the papal treasury and the other cardinals.
   It became customary at the close of the thirteenth century, in
   appointing a cardinal, to announce that he was entitled to a share of
   the servitia. [1905]

   During the absence of a cardinal on legatine business or for other
   reasons, he ceased to participate in the fund.

   These revenues were handled by two treasurers: a papal treasurer, or
   chamberlain, and a treasurer for the college of cardinals. [1906] e and
   turned over to the cardinals. To such a system had the finances been
   reduced that, as early as the reign of Boniface VIII., the Registers of
   preceding pontiffs were consulted. [1907] are, coin amounting to 85,431
   gold florins, a sum equal in face value to $200,000. [1908]

   To the pope's own exchequer went the additional sums accruing from
   annates as defined above, the special taxes imposed by the pope at
   will, and the gifts for special papal favors. The crusades against the
   Saracens and Frederick II. were an inviting pretext for special
   taxation. They were the cause of endless friction especially in France
   and England, where the papal mulcts were most frequent and most
   bitterly complained of. The first papal levy for revenue in France
   seems to have been in 1188. As early as 1247 such a levy upon church
   property was met by a firm protest. In 1269, Louis IX. issued the
   pragmatic sanction which forbade papal taxes being put on church
   property in France without the sovereign's consent. One of the most
   famous levies of mediaeval England was the Saladin tax, for a crusade
   against the Saracens.

   The curia was already, in the time of St. Bernard, notorious for its
   rapacity. No sums could satisfy its greed, and upon it was heaped the
   blame for the incessant demands which went out from Rome. Bernard
   presents a vivid, if perhaps overcolored, picture of this hungry horde
   of officials and exclaims: "When has Rome refused gold? Rome has been
   turned from a shrine into a place of traffic. The Germans travel to
   Rome with their pack animals laden with treasure. Silver has become as
   plentiful as hay. It is to Eugenius' credit that he has turned his face
   against such gifts. The curia is responsible. They have made Rome a
   place of buying and selling. The 'Romans,' for this was the distinctive
   name given to this body of officials, are a pack of shameless beggars
   and know not how to decline silver and gold. They are dragons and
   scorpions, not sheep." [1909]

   The English chronicler, Matthew Paris, writing a century later, has on
   almost every other page of his chronicle a complaint against the
   exactions of the papal tax gatherers. One might easily get the
   impression from his annals, that the English Church and people existed
   chiefly to fill the Roman treasury. The curia, he said, was like a gulf
   swallowing up the resources of all classes and the revenues of bishops
   and abbots. [1910] cardinals and reports the invectives of Hugh de
   Digne delivered at the council of Lyons, 1245. [1911]

   Bernard of Cluny and other poets of the time lashed the Curia for its
   simony. [1912] bitter invective against the wide-open mouths of the
   cardinals which only money could fill. In one of them, the Ruin of
   Rome, the city is compared to the waters between Scylla and Charybdis,
   more capacious of gold than of ships."

   "The meeting place of our pirates, the cardinals"


   Ibi latrat Scylla rapax et Charybdis auri capax

   Potius quam navium, ibi cursus galearum

   Et concursus piratarum, id est cardinalium.

   There, at that deep gulf, are the Syrtes and Sirens who threaten the
   whole world with shipwreck, the gulf which has the mouth of a man but
   the heart of a devil. There the cardinals sell the patrimony, wearing
   the aspect of Peter and having the heart of Nero, looking like lambs
   and having the nature of wolves. [1913] id to the lame man "silver and
   gold have I none.' " "Nor," was Thomas' reply, "has his successor the
   power now to lay his hand on the lame man and heal him."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1880] Reg., II. 44, Migne, 148. 392.

   [1881] Reg., I.7; I. 29, VIII. 10; II. 32; II. 51; II. 73; I. 70,
   Migne, 148. 290, 312, 387, 405, 423, 345.

   [1882] Hefele, V. 565. The permanent nuntiatures at Catholic courts
   were first established in the 16th century. Such are now maintained at
   Munich, Vienna, Lisbon, Madrid, and Brussels.

   [1883] De consid., IV. 5.

   [1884] Coulton, From St. Francis to Dante, pp. 252 sqq.

   [1885] See Döllinger, Papstthum, p. 76.

   [1886] Quale est istud demane ad vesperam litigare, aut litigantes
   audire? Utinam sufficeret diei malitia sua! non sunt liberae noctes.

   [1887] De consid., I. 4-6; III. 2.

   [1888] John of Salisbury, Polycrat., VI. 64, qui a doctrina vestra
   dissentit aut hereticus aut schismaticus est.

   [1889] Quoted by Jensen, p. 42.

   [1890] See Hurter, Innocent III., III. 121-149. One is amazed at the
   extent and variety of the articles and at the curious names of the
   coins derived from different countries.

   [1891] Tangl, pp. 7 sqq. The full treatment of the subject of the papal
   finances belongs to the period of the Avignon exile. It has called
   forth a distinct body of literature, beginning with the work of Woker
   and including the careful works of Tangl, Kirsch, Goeller, Gottlob,
   Baumgarten, and others.

   [1892] Monies from these sources were called "monies of the college,"
   pecuniae colegii, and were often entered into the books of the college
   of cardinals under the head of servitia, census, visitationes, and
   proventus. Kirsch, Finanzverw., p. 5, Baumgarten, p. xcvi.

   [1893] The terms servitia and annatae were used more or less
   interchangeably, but the former was usually applied to the gifts of
   prelates, the latter to the payments of the lower clerics. Gottlob,
   Servitientaxe, p.1.

   [1894] Such a visit was called a visitatio ad limina apostolorum, and
   was not limited to the city of Rome. The visits upon which a tax was
   paid were called visitationes reales in distinction from other visits
   called visitationes verbales. Kirsch, pp. 22 sq.

   [1895] For the meaning and history of the word, see Gottlob,
   Servitientaxe, pp. 14-17. They were called servitia communia in
   distinction from the servitia pro familia or servitia minuta, which
   were smaller fees given to the officials of the papal household and
   officials of the body of cardinals, called familiares. These lesser
   fees were also matter of exact regulation, and usually amounted to
   one-fourteenth or one-twentieth of the servitium commune. Up to 1298 we
   hear of only two distinct fees for the members of the papal household.
   In 1299 we hear of three, and in the fourteenth century the number of
   the servitia minuta was increased to five. Gottlob, Servitientaxe,
   pp.101 sqq.; Kirsch, pp. 12 sqq.

   [1896] Kirsch, p. 12, gives the documents in which appeals were made
   for a reduction of the tribute by the archbishops of Narbonne, 1341,
   and Cashel, 1332, and the abbot of Amiens, 1344. In the case of the
   abbot, the amount was reduced from 4000 to 2500 gold florins.

   [1897] See the cases from which Kirsch deduces the rule, p. 9.

   [1898] The case of the abbot of St. Edmundsbury seems to belong here.
   In 1248 he paid to the Roman see 800 marks. M. Paris, Luard's ed., V.
   40; Tangl, p. 6.

   [1899] The promises to pay were called obligationes. Receipts,
   quitationes, were given by the papal treasurer, or the treasurer of the
   college of cardinals, or by both. Kirsch gives original documents. He
   was the first to clear up the subject of the servitia.

   [1900] Kirsch, p. 32.

   [1901] Hurter, III. 136.

   [1902] Jensen, p. 36.

   [1903] See O'Gorman, Hist. of the Cath. Ch. in the U. S., p. 6. Nicolas
   Breakspear, Adrian IV., as cardinal legate, secured the promise of
   Peter's Pence from Norway and Sweden at the synod of Linkoping, 1152.
   Jensen, p. 12.

   [1904] Kirsch, pp. 22, 23, 25. Nicolas IV., 1288, was the first to
   establish an equal division of the census in the bull coelestis
   altitudo.

   [1905] Such a formula dating from 1296 is given by Kirsch, p. 58. The
   number of the cardinals is distinctly stated in the ledger-books and
   also the names of cardinals who had forfeited their rights by
   deposition.

   [1906] camerarius collegii dominorum cardinalium. The first treasurer
   whose name is known was William de Bray, cardinal-priest of St. Marks,
   1272-1282. For a list of his successors to 1401, see Kirsch, pp. 44-46,
   and Baumgarten, pp. xliii sqq.

   [1907] Kirsch, p. 66. Baumgarten, p. xxiii, is of a different opinion
   and puts the first systematically kept ledgers in 1295.

   [1908] For a list of the strange coins paid into this fund and a
   computation of their value in gold florins, see Kirsch, pp. 56 sq.
   Kirsch estimates the gold florin as equivalent in face value to 10
   marks or $2.50 and the mark in the 14th century as having four times
   the purchasing power of a mark to-day.

   [1909] De consid., III.1, 3. Bernard returns again and again (in his de
   consid., I. 11; IV. 4, etc., and his Letters) to the venality of the
   curia. He even suggested that Eugenius might have to leave Rome to get
   away from its corruption, De consid., IV. 3.

   [1910] Luard's ed., V. 96.

   [1911] Coulton's ed., pp. 261 sq.

   [1912] Bernard of Cluny in his de contemptu mundi has the following
   lines:-- Roma dat omnibus omnia, dantibus omnia Romae Cum pretio: quia
   jure ibi via, jus perit omne Ut rota labitur, ergo vocabitur hinc rota
   a Roma Roma nocens nocet, atque viam docet ipsa nocendi Jura
   relinquere, lucra requirere, pallia vendi

   [1913] The Latin Poems of Walter Mapes, ed. by T. Wright, London, 1841,
   p. 218.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 125. Bishops.

   Although the episcopate lost some of its ancient prestige through the
   centralization of power in the papacy, the incumbents of the great sees
   were fully as powerful as the greater secular princes. The old theory,
   that all bishops are the successors of Peter, had a waning number of
   open advocates. Bernard said [1914] . A hundred years later Grosseteste
   still held to the equal dignity of all bishops as being successors of
   Peter. [1915]

   By the law of Gregory IX., archbishops took an oath of allegiance to
   the pope, and Martin V. (1417-1431) extended it so as to include all
   bishops. Gregory IX. and other popes made this oath the ground of
   demands for military service. Long before this, in 1139, Innocent II.
   had addressed the bishops as occupying a relation to the papal see such
   as vassals occupy to their prince. They were to be known as "bishops by
   the grace of God and the Apostolic see." [1916] [1917] a fixed rule by
   Nicolas III. (1277-1280). [1918]

   After the Concordat of Worms, 1122, the appointment of bishops by
   princes and other lay patrons, in theory, ceased. Pope after pope
   declared the right of election belonged to the cathedral chapters. But,
   in fact, the elections were not free. Princes ignored the rights of the
   chapters and dictated the nominees, or had unsatisfactory elections set
   aside by appealing to Rome. In France and Spain, a royal writ was
   required before an election could be had and the royal acceptance of
   the candidate was interposed as a condition of consecration. In
   England, in spite of the settlement between Anselm and Henry I., the
   rights of the chapters were constantly set aside, and disputed
   elections were a constant recurrence. By John's charter, the election
   took place in the chapter house of the cathedral, and the king might
   exercise the right of nomination and confirmation. [1919] e rule that a
   chapter, failing to reach a conclusion in three months, forfeited the
   right of election.

   The law requiring a bishop to be at least thirty years old [1920] nted
   bishop of Lincoln before he was twenty and for six years he enjoyed the
   revenues of the see without being ordained priest. He was afterwards
   made archbishop of York. Gerlach of Nassau was made archbishop at
   twenty. We have in this period no case quite so flagrant as that of
   Hugh of Vermandois, about 930, who, after poisoning the archbishop of
   Rheims, put his own son, a child of five, into the office. Disregard of
   the age-limit reached its height in the latter half of the fifteenth
   century. The larger sees were a tempting prize to noblemen, and
   Innocent III. felt it necessary to emphasize merit as a qualification
   for the episcopal office as against noble birth.

   The important right of canonization was withdrawn from the bishops by
   Alexander III., 1181, and its exercise thenceforth restricted to the
   pope. Bishops were not popular material for sainthood. Otto of Bamberg
   is a shining exception.

   From the time of Otto the Great, German bishops had the rank of
   princes. [1921] , they were raised to the dignity of the peerage. The
   three German sees of Treves, Mainz, and Cologne probably enjoyed larger
   revenues and authority than any other sees in Western Christendom. They
   gave to the territory along the Rhine the name of the "priests' alley."
   Their three prelates were among the seven electors of the empire. In
   Northern Germany, the see of Bremen retained its relative importance.
   Lund was the metropolitan see of Denmark and Scandinavia. In France,
   the ancient archbishoprics of Lyons and Rheims perpetuated the rank and
   influence of an earlier period. In England, after the see of
   Canterbury, Lincoln was the most influential diocese.

   The cathedral and collegiate chapters grew in importance. In the
   earlier part of this period, it was still the custom for the canons
   belonging to a chapter to live under the same roof and eat at the same
   table. In the thirteenth century a great change took place. With the
   increasing wealth of the churches, the chapters threatened to assert
   the rights of distinct corporations, and to become virtually
   independent of the bishops. [1922] ork. The canons lived apart by
   themselves, supported by the revenues of their stalls and their portion
   of the cathedral income. No places were more often filled by papal
   appointment in the way of reservation and expectance. [1923]

   The archdeacon, still called as of old, "the bishop's eye," assisted
   the bishop in matters of diocesan administration, visited churches,
   made investigation of the sacred robes and vessels, adjudicated
   disputes, presided over synods, and, as provided for by the English
   Constitutions of Otho, instructed the clergy on the sacraments and
   other subjects. This official threatened to assume the rank of
   bishop-coadjutor, or even to become independent of the bishop. [1924] .
   The large dioceses employed a plurality of them. As early as the
   eleventh century, the see of Treves had five, Cologne six, and
   Halberstadt thirty. [1925] s of Lincoln, Leicester, Stow, Buckingham,
   Huntingdon, Northampton, Oxford, and Bedford. Archdeacons were often
   appointed at an early age, and it became the custom for them to go
   abroad to pursue the study of canon law before entering upon the duties
   of their office. They were inclined to allow themselves more liberties
   than other ecclesiastics, and John of Salisbury propounded the question
   whether an archdeacon could be saved. Among the better known of the
   English archdeacons were Thomas à Becket, Walter Map, archdeacon of
   Oxford, and Peter of Blois, archdeacon of London. Peter complained to
   Innocent III. that he received no financial support from the 120
   churches of London.

   A hard struggle was carried on to remove the hand of the secular power
   from church funds. Synods, local and oecumenical, threatened severest
   penalties upon any interference of this kind. In 1209, Otto IV.
   renounced the old right of spoliation--jus spolii or jus
   exuviarum,--whereby the secular prince might seize the revenues of
   vacant sees and livings, and appropriate them to himself. The Church
   was exempted by Innocent III. from all civil taxation at the hands of
   laymen, except as it was sanctioned by pope or bishop, and lay patrons
   were enjoined against withholding or seizing for their own use church
   livings to which they had the right of appointment. [1926] [1927] ter
   his estate. Priests were exempt from personal taxation. For prescribed
   taxes, free gifts so called, were substituted. Peter of Blois commended
   the piety of certain princes who declined to levy taxes upon churches
   and other ecclesiastical institutions, even for necessary expenditures,
   such as the repair of city walls; but met them, if not from their own
   resources, from booty taken from enemies. [1928]

   Besides the usual income accruing from landed endowments and tithes,
   the bishop had other sources of revenue. He might at pleasure levy
   taxes for the spiritual needs of his see, [1929] at the dedication of
   churches and altars, and the benediction of cemeteries. Abaelard speaks
   of the throngs which assembled on such festal occasions, and the large
   offerings which were, in part, payments for the relaxation of penances.
   [1930]

   As for the pastoral fidelity and morals of the bishops, there was much
   ground for complaint, and there are also records of exemplary prelates.
   As a whole, the prelates were a militant class. No pope of this age
   wore armor as did John XII., and, at a later time, Julius II., though
   there were few if any pontiffs, who did not encourage war under the
   name of religion. Bishops and abbots were often among the bravest
   warriors and led their troops into the thickest of the fight both on
   European soil and under Syrian suns. Monks and priests wore armor and
   went into battle. When the pope asked for the release of the fighting
   bishop of Beauvais, whom Richard Coeur de Lion had seized, Richard sent
   him the bishop's coat of mail clotted with blood and the words taken
   from the story of Joseph, "We found this. Is it not thy son's coat?"
   Archbishop Christian of Mainz (d. 1183) is said to have felled, with
   his own hand, nine antagonists in the Lombard war, and to have struck
   out the teeth of thirty others. Absalom and Andrew of Lund were famous
   warriors. [1931] monk's garb, to encourage bloodshed than he could have
   done in military dress.

   The chastity of the bishops was often open to just suspicion. The
   Christian, already referred to, a loyal supporter of Barbarossa, kept a
   harem. [1932] ffrey Riddel to the see of Ely was being prosecuted at
   the papal court, and Geoffrey was absent, the bishop of Orleans
   facetiously explained his absence by saying, "He hath married a wife,
   and therefore he cannot come." [1933] ce-bishop of Liége, is perhaps
   the most notorious case. He was cited before Gregory X. at the second
   council of Lyons, and forced to resign. He was an illiterate, and could
   not read the book presented to him. For thirty years he had led a
   shameless life. Two abbesses and a nun were among his concubines and he
   boasted of having had fourteen children in twenty-two months. The worst
   seems to have occurred before he was made priest. Innocent IV. had been
   his strong friend. Salimbene tells the popular tale of his day that the
   saintly Cistercian, Geoffroi de Péronne, came back from the other world
   and announced that if he had accepted the bishopric of Tournai, as the
   pope urged him to do, he would have been burning in hell. From the
   pages of this chronicler we have the pictures of many unworthy prelates
   given to wine and pleasure, but also of some who were model pastors.
   [1934]

   The prelates of Germany had no better reputation than those of Italy,
   and Caesar of Heisterbach [1935] who declared that he "could believe
   all things, but it was not possible for him to believe that any German
   bishop could be saved." When asked the reason for such a judgment, he
   replied, that the German prelates carried both swords, waged wars, and
   were more concerned about the pay of soldiers than the salvation of the
   souls committed to them.

   The other side to this picture is not so apt to be presented.
   Chroniclers are more addicted to point out the scandalous lives of
   priests than to dwell upon clerical fidelity. There were faithful and
   good bishops and abbots. The names of Anselm of Canterbury and Hugh of
   Lincoln, Bernard and Peter the Venerable only need to be mentioned to
   put us on our guard against accepting the cases of unworthy and
   profligate prelates which have been handed down as indicating a
   universal rule.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1914] De consid., II. 8; III. 4; IV. 8. After the resurrection, Peter
   went to Jesus on the lake. The lake signified the world and Peter has
   charge over the world, and each Apostle charge over his own little
   boat. James was satisfied with jurisdiction over Jerusalem and
   acknowledged Peter's authority over the entire Church.

   [1915] Letter 23, Luard's ed., principes ecclesiastici qui vicem Petri
   tenent.

   [1916] In a vigorous letter to Innocent, Bernard complained that
   bishops were deprived by the curia of the power to right wrongs in
   their own dioceses and to exercise the function of the keys. Ep., 178,
   Migne, 182. 310.

   [1917] See Döllinger, Papstthum, pp. 73, 409 sq. Innocent referred back
   to Leo I., who had written to a bishop of Thessalonica, vices enim
   nostras ita tuae credidimus charitati, ut in partem sis vocatus
   sollicitudinis, non in plenitudinem potestatis. Ep., VI. Migne, LIV.
   671.

   [1918] Lib. Sextus, I. 6, 16, Friedberg's ed., II. 954 sqq.

   [1919] Stubbs, Const. Hist., III. 303 sq., refers to "the shadowy
   freedom of election."

   [1920] Third Lat., can. 3.

   [1921] Hauck, III. 28 sqq.

   [1922] capitula clausa. Hurter, III. 355, pronounced the change a sign
   of decay.

   [1923] The prospective occupants of stalls were called canonici in
   herbis, canons on the commons; the actual incumbents, canonici in
   floribus et fructibus. The Third Lateran forbade the appointment of
   canons to stalls not yet vacant, but Alexander IV., 1254, sanctioned
   the appointment of as many as four such expectants. See Art. Kapitel,
   Herzog, X. 38.

   [1924] Third Lat., can. 6, Friedberg, pp. 188 sqq. Innocent III.
   recognized the archdeacon as the bishop's representative. Hurter, III.
   362 sq.

   [1925] Hauck, IV. 10 sqq. Metz, Toul, Mainz, etc., also employed a
   number of archdeacons.

   [1926] Third Lat., can. 19, Fourth Lat., can. 46. This principle was
   recognized by Frederick II., 1220. Also Narbonne, 1127, can. 12;
   Toulouse, 1229, can. 20 sq., etc.

   [1927] Third Lat., can. 15.

   [1928] Epp., 112, 121.

   [1929] Subsidium charitativum. Third Lateran.

   [1930] Ethica, 25, Migne, 178. 672 sq.

   [1931] See Hurter, III. 292 sqq., for a list of warrior prelates.

   [1932] Gregorovius, IV. 610.

   [1933] Stubbs' ed. of Hoveden, II.58.

   [1934] Coulton's ed., p. 264 sqq.

   [1935] Dial., II. 27, Strange's ed., I. 99.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 126. The Lower Clergy.

   The cure of souls--regimen animarum -- was pronounced by the Fourth
   Lateran, following Gregory the Great, to be the art of arts, and
   bishops were admonished to see to it that men capable in knowledge and
   of fit morals be appointed to benefices. The people were taught to
   respect the priest for the sake of his holy office and the fifth
   commandment was adduced as divine authority for submission to him.
   [1936]

   The old rule was repeated, making the canonical age for consecration to
   the priesthood twenty-five. Councils and popes laid constant stress
   upon the priest's moral obligations, such as integrity, temperance in
   the use of strong drink, [1937] [1938] yards.

   The old rules were renewed, debarring from the sacerdotal office
   persons afflicted with bodily defects, and Innocent III. complained of
   the bishop of Angoulême for ordaining a priest who had lost a thumb.
   [1939]

   Beginning with the twelfth century, the number of parishes increased
   with great rapidity both in the rural districts and in the towns. In
   German cities the division of the old parishes was encouraged by the
   citizens, as in Freiburg, Mainz, Worms, and Lübeck, and they insisted
   upon the right of choosing their pastor. [1940] [1941]

   What occurred in Germany occurred also in England. But here the
   endowment of churches and chapels by devout and wealthy laymen was more
   frequent. Such parishes, it is true, often fell to the charge of the
   orders, but also a large share of them to the charge of the cathedral
   chapters and bishops.

   Clerical incomes varied fully as much in those days as they do now, if
   not more. The poorer German priests received from one-tenth to
   one-twentieth of the incomes of more fortunate rectors and canons.
   [1942] ran made small salaries responsible for a poorly trained
   ministry.

   The clergy depended for their maintenance chiefly upon the income from
   lands and the tithe. The theory was that the tenth belonged to the
   Church, "for the earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof." The
   principle was extended to include the tithe of the fish-catch, the
   product of the chase, and the product of commerce. [1943] after death.
   Such fees became general after the twelfth century, but not without
   vigorous protests against them. The Second Lateran and other synods
   [1944] rites, and for sepulture. The ground was taken by Innocent III.
   that, while gifts for such services were proper, they should be
   spontaneous and not forced. The Fourth Lateran bade laymen see they
   were not overlooked.

   Priests receiving their benefices from laymen were likened to thieves
   who came not in by the door but climbed in some other way. The lay
   patron had the right of nomination--presentatio. To the bishop belonged
   the right of confirmation--concessio. Laymen venturing to confer a
   living without the consent of the ecclesiastical authority exposed
   themselves to the sentence of excommunication. [1945] [1946] of
   pluralities was practised in spite of the decrees of oecumenical and
   local synods. [1947]

   The ideal of a faithful priest was not a preacher but one who
   administered the sacraments and other solemn rites upon the living and
   the dead. Restricted as the education of the priest was, it greatly
   surpassed that of his lay brother, and it was not so meagre as it has
   often been represented. There were writers who held up the ignorance of
   the clergy to scorn, but it is dangerous to base wide generalizations
   on such statements. Statements of another kind can be adduced to show
   that a class of priests had literary interests as wide as the age was
   familiar with. The schools that existed were for the training of the
   clergy. Synods assumed that clerics could read and prescribed that they
   should read their breviaries even while travelling on journeys. Peter
   of Blois urged them to read the Scriptures, which he called David's
   harp, a plough working up the fallow field of the heart, and which he
   compared to drink, medicine, balsam, and a weapon. He also warned
   priests against allowing themselves "to be enticed away by the
   puerilities of heathen literature and the inventions of philosophers."
   When the universities arose, a large opportunity was offered for
   culture and the students who attended them were clerics or men who were
   looking forward to holy orders. The synod of Cologne, 1260, probably
   struck the medium in regard to the culture of the clergy, when it
   declared that it did not demand eminent learning of clerics but that
   they know how to read and properly sing the church service.

   The function of parish-preaching was not altogether neglected. Bishops
   were enjoined by the Fourth Lateran to appoint men capable of preaching
   in all cathedral and conventual churches. In the eleventh century there
   was scarcely a German parish in which there was not some preaching
   during the year, and subsequent to that time, sermons were delivered
   regularly. [1948] bound in stories and practical lessons and show more
   dependence upon the Fathers than upon the Scriptures. In England and
   other parts of Europe sermonizing was a less common practice. English
   priests were required to give expositions of the Creed, the Ten
   Commandments, the evangelical precepts, the seven works of mercy, the
   seven cardinal virtues, and the seven sacraments, and to cover these
   subjects once a quarter. Grosseteste called upon them to be diligent in
   visiting the sick night and day, to preach, and to carefully read the
   Scriptures that they might be able to give a reason for the hope that
   was in them. [1949] ant monks started out as preachers and supplied a
   popular demand. The ignorance of the priesthood at times called for
   inhibitions of preaching, as by the synod of Oxford, 1281.

   Not the least important among the priest's functions was the
   supervision of wills that the Church might come in for seemly
   remembrance. State laws in conflict with this custom were set aside.
   Abuses were recognized by synods, and the synod of Paris, 1212, ordered
   that laymen should not be compelled to make provision in their wills
   for the payment of thirty mortuary masses. The priest's signature
   insured the validity of a will, and some synods made the failure to
   call in a priest to attest the last testament a ground of
   excommunication. [1950]

   Turning to the priest as a member of society, the Church, with
   unwavering emphasis, insisted upon his independence of the secular
   tribunal. In the seventh century, Heraclius had granted to the clergy,
   even in the case of criminal offences, the right of trial in
   ecclesiastical courts. The Isidorian fiction fully stated this theory.
   These and other privileges led many to enter the minor clerical orders
   who had no intention of performing ecclesiastical functions. Council
   after council pronounced the priest's person inviolate and upon no
   other matter was Innocent III. more insistent. [1951] [1952] rom injury
   or exempt church property from spoliation. In England, Thomas à Becket
   is the most noteworthy example. A bishop of Caithness had his tongue
   cut out. A Spanish bishop received the same treatment at the hands of a
   king of Aragon. In Germany, Bishop Dietrich of Naumburg, a learned man,
   was murdered, 1123; as were also Conrad, bishop of Utrecht, 1099;
   Arnold bishop of Merseburg, 1126, and other bishops. Lawrence,
   archdeacon of York, was murdered in the vestibule of his church by a
   knight. The life of Norbert of Magdeburg was attempted twice. [1953]
   iest persisted in committing offences, he was excommunicated and, at
   last, turned over to the state for punishment. [1954] udy in Bologna.
   He declared its study was obliterating the distinction between the
   clerical and lay professions. The doctors of law called themselves
   clerks though they had not the tonsure and took to themselves wives. He
   demanded that, if clergymen and laymen were to be subjected to the same
   law, it should be the law of England for Englishmen, and of France for
   Frenchmen and not the law of Lombardy.

   Clerical manners were a constant subject of conciliar action.
   Ordination afforded no immunity from vanity and love of ostentation.
   The extravagance of bishops and other clergy in dress and ornaments
   gave rise to much scandal. The Third Lateran sought to check vain
   display by forbidding a retinue of more than 40 or 50 horse to
   archbishops, 25 to cardinals, and 20 or 30 to bishops. Archdeacons were
   reduced to the paltry number of 5 or 7 and deans to 2. There was some
   excuse for retinues in an age of violence with no provision for public
   police. The chase had its peculiar fascination and bishops were
   forbidden to take hounds or falcons with them on their journeys of
   visitation. Dogs and hunting were in localities denied to clergymen
   altogether. [1955]

   The fondness of the clergy for gay apparel was often rebuked. In
   Southern France, clergymen ventured to wear red and green colors and to
   substitute for the close-fitting garment the graceful and flowing open
   robe. They followed the fashions of the times in ornamenting themselves
   with buckles and belts of gold and silver and hid the tonsure by
   wearing their hair long. They affected the latest styles of shoes and
   paraded about in silk gloves and gilded spurs, with gilded breastbands
   on their horses and on gilded saddles. [1956]

   Full as the atmosphere of the age was of war-clamor, and many warring
   prelates as there were, the legislation of the Church was against a
   fighting clergy. The wearing of swords and dirks and of a military
   dress was repeatedly forbidden to them. Wars for the extermination of
   heresy were in a different category from feuds among Catholic
   Christians. It was in regard to the former that Peter des Roches,
   bishop of Winchester, said, "As for the enemies of Christ, we shall
   slay them and purify the face of the earth, that the whole world may be
   subject to one Catholic Church and become one fold and one shepherd."
   [1957] Priests were prohibited from attending executions, and also
   tournaments and duels, on the ground that these contests presented the
   possibility of untimely death to the contestants. In case a combatant
   received a mortal wound he was entitled to the sacrament but was denied
   ecclesiastical burial. [1958] bdeacons as well as to priests.

   The period opens with the dark picture of clerical morals by Peter
   Damiani who likened them to the morals of the Cities of the Plain.
   Bernard, a hundred years later, in condemning clergymen for the use of
   military dress, declared they had neither the courage of the soldier
   nor the virtues of the clergyman. [1959]

   Dice were played even on the altars of Notre Dame, Paris, [1960] [1961]
   According to Caesar of Heisterbach, wine often flowed at the dedication
   of churches. A Devonshire priest was accustomed to brew his beer in the
   church-building.

   The most famous passage of all is the passage in which Jacob de Vitry
   describes conditions in Paris. Fornication among clergymen, he says,
   was considered no sin. Loose women paraded the streets and, as it were
   by force, drew them to their lodgings. And if they refused, the women
   pointed the finger at them, crying "Sodomites." Things were so bad and
   the leprosy so incurable that it was considered honorable to have one
   or more concubines. In the same building, school was held upstairs and
   prostitutes lived below. In the upper story masters read and in the
   lower story loose women plied their trade. In one part of the building
   women and their procurors disputed and in another part the clergy held
   forth in their disputations. [1962]

   The Fourth Lateran arraigned bishops for spending the nights in revelry
   and wantonness. The archbishopric of Rouen was occupied for 113 years
   by three prelates of scandalous fame. Two of them were bastards of the
   ducal house and all rivalled or excelled the barons round about in
   turbulence and license. A notorious case in high places was that of the
   papal legate, Cardinal John of Crema. He held a council which forbade
   priests and the lower clergy to have wives or concubines; but, sent to
   the bishop of Durham to remonstrate with him over the debauchery which
   ruled in his palace, the cardinal himself yielded to a woman whom the
   bishop provided. The bishop regarded it as a jest when he pointed out
   the cardinal in the act of fornication.

   Marriage and concubinage continued to be practised by the clergy in
   spite of the Hildebrandian legislation. Innocent III. agreed with
   Hildebrand that a priest with a family is divided in his affections and
   cannot give to God and the Church his full allegiance in time and
   thought. [1963] hops not only violated the canons of the Church
   themselves by committing the "crime of the flesh," as Gregory VII.
   called it, but winked at their violation by priests for a
   money-compensation. A common saying among priests was, si non caste,
   caute; that is, "if not chaste, at least cautious." In this way Paul's
   words were misinterpreted when he said, "If they cannot contain, let
   them marry." Bonaventura, who knew the facts, declared "that very many
   of the clergy are notoriously unchaste, keeping concubines in their
   houses and elsewhere or notoriously sinning here and there with many
   persons." [1964]

   Conditions must have been bad indeed, if they equalled the priestly
   customs of the fourteenth century and the example set by the popes in
   the latter half of the fifteenth. Who will forget the example and
   mistresses of the first and only Scotch cardinal, Archbishop Beaton,
   who condemned Patrick Hamilton and Wishart to death! Were not the Swiss
   Reformers Bullinger and Leo Jud sons of priests, and was not Zwingli,
   in spite of his offence against the law of continence, in good standing
   so long as he remained in the papal communion!

   The violation of the ecclesiastical law of celibacy was, however, by no
   means in all cases a violation of the moral law. Without the ceremony
   of marriage, many a priest lived honorably with the woman he had
   chosen, and cared for and protected his family. The Roman pontiff's
   ordinance, setting aside an appointment of the Almighty, was one of the
   most offensive pieces of papal legislation and did unspeakable injury
   to the Church.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1936] Innocent III. Ep., II. 142. "Hundreds of times," says Harter,
   III. 388, does this pope insist upon obedience from the priest to his
   superior and says 'the evil of disobedience is the crime of idolatry,'
   inobedientiae malum est scelus idolatriae.

   [1937] Fourth Lateran, can. 15.

   [1938] The practice of usury so frequently forbidden to priests was
   also forbidden to the laity, laicis usura dampnabilis est. Gratiani
   Decr. causa, XIV. 4, 9, Friedberg's ed., I. 737.

   [1939] Ep., I. 231.

   [1940] Hauck, IV. 29 sqq.

   [1941] The Gregorian Decretals discuss chapels controlled by monks.
   Friedberg's ed., II. 607 sqq.

   [1942] Hauck, IV. 47 sq. In some dioceses priests were said to receive
   only one-sixteenth of the tithes due them, the rest being appropriated
   by the lay patron or bishop. So the synod of Mainz, Hefele, VI. 75.

   [1943] The last claim, made by the archbishop of Bergen, was rejected
   by Innocent III. Ep., I. 217.

   [1944] Piacenza, 1095; London, 1138, 1175; Oxford, 1222; Treves, 1227,
   etc. Caesar of Heisterbach, Dial., II. 7, tells of priests who for
   bribes gave burial to unchurched persons.

   [1945] First Lat., can. 9; Second Lat., can. 10; Third Lat., can. 17;
   synods of Nismes, 1096, Troyes, 1107, Rheims, 1119, etc. The Gregorian
   Decretals are full on the subject of patrons and their rights.
   Friedberg's ed., II. 609-622. Innocent III. laid down the rule, quod
   beneficia non possint conferri per saeculares. Ep., I. 64, IX. 234,
   quoted by Hurter, III. 381.

   [1946] Hurter, III. 395.

   [1947] Third Lat., can. 13; Fourth Lat., can. 29; Paris, 1212, etc.

   [1948] Hauck, IV. 40. Cruel, Deutsche Predigt, etc., expresses a less
   favorable judgment and estimates that one-half of the German clergy in
   the 13th century were uneducated and unable to preach. Coulton, p. 277,
   referring more especially to Italy, speaks "of the abyss of ignorance
   among the clergy at which we may well stagger."

   [1949] The Constitutions of Otho, 1237. Grosseteste, Letters, LII.,
   Luard's ed., p. 154 sqq.

   [1950] So the synods of Cashel, 1171, Narbonne, 1127, Rouen, 1231, etc.

   [1951] Ep., VI. 199, etc. Writing to the abp. of Pisa, he expressed
   amazement that the abp. should have declared a cleric, receiving injury
   from a layman, might submit his case to a lay tribunal. Ep., IX. 63.

   [1952] Clermont, 1095, 1130; Rheims, 1131, 1148; Second Lat., Third
   Lat., can. 12, etc.

   [1953] Innocent III. Ep., V. 79; M. Paris, IV. 578; Hauck, IV. 83 sqq.;
   M. Paris, IV. 496; vita Norberti, 18. Salembene(sic) reports the murder
   of a bishop of Mantua in a political quarrel. Coulton's ed., p. 35.

   [1954] Greg., Decret., II.1, 10, Friedberg's ed., II. 242.

   [1955] Third Lat., etc.

   [1956] Fourth Lat., can. 16; Soissons, 1079, London, 1102, 1175;
   Rheims, 1171; Paris, 1212; Montpellier, 1215, etc. Innocent III.'s
   letters also make reference to the worldly garb of the priests. See
   Hurter, III. 391.

   [1957] M. Paris, an. 1238.

   [1958] Rouen, 1083; Soissons, 1079; Clermont, 1095; Fourth Lateran;
   Treves, 1227; Rouen, 1231. The Constitutions of Otho, 1237, etc.

   [1959] De consid., III. 5. habitu milites, quaestu clericos, actu
   neutrum exhibent.

   [1960] Chart. univ. Paris, I. No. 470.

   [1961] Coulton's ed., 272 sqq.

   [1962] See text; Rashdall, Universities, II. 690.

   [1963] Ep., I. 469, VI. 103, etc., Migne, 214. 436; 215. 110.

   [1964] Libellus apologet. and Quare fratres Minores praedicant.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 127. The Councils.

   The legislation of the oecumenical and local synods of this age gives
   the most impressive evidence of the moral ideals of the Church and its
   effort to introduce moral reforms. The large number of councils, as
   compared with the period just before 1050, was a healthy sign. [1965] h
   to the empire, and the election of the pope, against simony and
   clerical marriage, upon heresy and measures for its repression, upon
   the crusades and the truce of God, on the details of clerical conduct
   and dress, and upon the rites of worship. The doctrine of
   transubstantiation, defined at the Fourth Lateran, was the only
   doctrine which was added by oecumenical authority to the list of the
   great dogmas handed down from the early Church.

   At one period one subject, and at another, another subject, was
   prominent. The character of the legislation also differed with the
   locality. The synods in Rome, during the latter half of the eleventh
   century, discussed clerical celibacy, simony, and investiture by
   laymen. The synods of Southern France and Spain, from the year 1200,
   abound in decrees upon the subject of heresy. The synods of England and
   Germany were more concerned about customs of worship and clerical
   conduct.

   A notable feature is the attendance of popes on synods held outside of
   Rome. Leo IX. attended synods in France and Germany, as well as in
   Italy. Urban II. presided at the great synod of Clermont, 1095.
   Innocent II. attended a number of synods outside of Rome. Alexander
   III. was present at the important synod of Tours, where Thomas à Becket
   sat at his right. Lucius III. presided at the council of Verona, 1184.
   Innocent IV. and Gregory X. were present at the first and second
   councils of Lyons. Such synods had double weight from the presence of
   the supreme head of Christendom. The synods may be divided into three
   classes: --

   I. Local Synods, 1050-1122.--The synods held in this, the Hildebrandian
   period, were a symptom of a new era in Church history. The chief synods
   were held in Rome and, beginning with 1049, they carried through the
   reformatory legislation, enforcing clerical celibacy and forbidding
   simony. The legislation against lay-investiture culminated in the
   Lenten synods at Rome, 1074 and 1075, presided over by Gregory VII.
   Local synods, especially in France and England, repeated this
   legislation. The method of electing a pope was settled by the Roman
   synod held by Nicolas, and confirmed by the Third Lateran, 1179. The
   doctrine of the Lord's Supper, as advocated by Berengar, d. 1088,
   called forth action at Rome and Vercelli, 1050, and again at Rome, 1059
   and 1079. The legislation bearing on the conquest of the Holy Places
   was inaugurated at Piacenza and more seriously at the synod of
   Clermont, both held in 1095.

   II. The Oecumenical Councils.--Six general councils were held within a
   period of one hundred and fifty years, 1123-1274, as against eight held
   between 325-869, or a period of five hundred years. The first four go
   by the name of the Lateran Councils, from the Lateran in Rome, where
   they assembled. The last two were held in Lyons. They were called by
   the popes, and temporal sovereigns had nothing to do in summoning them.
   [1966] uthority of the Apostolic see, we forbid," etc., -- auctoritate
   sedis apostol. prohibemus. It is true that the assent of the assembled
   prelates was assumed or, if expressly mentioned, the formula ran, "with
   the assent of the holy synod," or "the holy synod being in
   session,"--sacro approbante concilio, or sacro praesente concilio. So
   it was with the Fourth Lateran. The six oecumenical councils are:--

   1. The First Lateran, 1123, called by Calixtus II., is listed by the
   Latins as the Ninth oecumenical council. Its chief business was to
   ratify the Concordat of Worms. It was the first oecumenical council to
   forbid the marriage of priests. It renewed Urban II.'s legislation
   granting indulgences to the Crusaders.

   2. The Second Lateran, 1139, opened with an address by Innocent II.,
   consummated the close of the recent papal schism and pronounced against
   the errors of Arnold of Brescia.

   3. The Third Lateran, 1179, under the presidency of Alexander III.,
   celebrated the restoration of peace between the Church and the empire
   and, falling back on the canon of the Second Lateran, legislated
   against the Cathari and Patarenes. It ordered separate churches and
   burial-grounds for lepers. Two hundred and eighty-seven, or, according
   to other reports, three hundred or three hundred and ninety-six bishops
   attended.

   4. The Fourth Lateran or Twelfth oecumenical, 1215, marks an epoch in
   the Middle Ages. It established the Inquisition and formulated the
   doctrine of transubstantiation, the two most far-reaching decrees of
   the mediaeval Church. Innocent III. dominated the council, and its
   disciplinary and moral canons are on a high plane and would of
   themselves have made the assemblage notable. It was here that the
   matter of Raymund of Toulouse was adjudicated, and here the crusade was
   appointed for 1217 which afterwards gave Frederick II. and Innocent's
   two immediate successors so much trouble. A novel feature was the
   attendance of a number of Latin patriarchs from the East, possessing
   meagre authority, but venerable titles. The decisions of the council
   were quoted as authoritative by Bonaventura and Thomas Aquinas. [1967]

   5. The First council of Lyons, 1245, presided over by Innocent IV., has
   its fame from the prosecution and deposition of the emperor Frederick
   II. It also took up the distressed condition of Jerusalem and the
   menace of the Tartars to Eastern Europe.

   6. The Second council of Lyons or the Fourteenth oecumenical, 1274, was
   summoned by Gregory X., and attended by five hundred bishops and one
   thousand other ecclesiastics. Gregory opened the sessions with an
   address as Innocent III. had opened the Fourth Lateran and Innocent IV.
   the First council of Lyons. The first of its thirty-one canons
   reaffirmed the doctrine of the procession of the Holy Spirit from the
   Son. It repeated the legislation of the Fourth Lateran, prohibiting the
   institution of new monastic orders. The council's chief significance
   was the attempt to reunite the churches of the West and the East, the
   latter being represented by an imposing delegation.

   These oecumenical assemblages have their importance from the questions
   they discussed and the personalities they brought together. They had an
   important influence in uniting all parts of Western Christendom and in
   developing the attachment to the Apostolic see, as the norm of Church
   unity.

   III. Local Synods, 1122-1294.--Some of the local synods of the twelfth
   and thirteenth centuries are of even more importance than some of the
   oecumenical councils of the same period. If they were to be
   characterized for a single subject of legislation, it would be the
   repression of heresy. Some of them had far more than a local
   significance, as, for example, the synod of Tours, 1163, when Spain,
   Sicily, Italy, England, Scotland, and Ireland were represented as well
   as France. Alexander III. and seventeen cardinals were present. The
   synod legislated against heresy.

   The synod of Verona, 1184, passed a lengthy and notable decree
   concerning the trial and punishment of heretics. It heard the plea of
   the Waldenses, but declined to grant it.

   The synod of Treves, 1227, passed important canons bearing on the
   administration of the sacraments.

   The synod of Toulouse, 1229, presided over by the papal legate,
   celebrated the close of the Albigensian crusades and perfected the code
   of the Inquisition. It has an unenviable distinction among the great
   synods on account of its decree forbidding laymen to have the Bible in
   their possession.

   These synods were great events, enlightening the age and stirring up
   thought. Unwholesome as were their measures against ecclesiastical
   dissent and on certain other subjects, their legislation was, upon the
   whole, in the right direction of purity of morals and the rights of the
   people.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1965] Hergenröther, Kathol. Kirchenrecht, p. 342, speaks of the rarity
   of synods from 900-1050 as a sign of the laxity of Catholic discpline.

   [1966] Döllinger-Friedrich, D. Papstthum, p. 88 sqq.

   [1967] Summa, supplem., VIII. 4, Migne, IV. 946, etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 128. Church and Clergy in England.

   Literature: I. The works of William of Malmesbury, William of Newburgh,
   Henry of Huntingdon, Roger of Wendover, M. Paris, Richard of Hoveden,
   John of Salisbury, Walter Map, Giraldus Cambrensis, Ordericus Vitalis,
   Peter of Blois, Grosseteste, etc.

   II. Phillimore: The Eccles. Law of Engl., 2 vols. Lond., 1873,
   Supplem., 1870.--Stubbs: Select Charters of Engl. Const. Hist., 8th
   ed., Oxf., 1896; Constit. Hist. of Engl., 6th ed., 1897, 3 vols.--Gee
   and Hardy: Documents Illustr. of Engl. Ch. Hist., Lond., 1896.--F. W.
   Maitland: Rom. Canon Law in the Ch. of Engl., Lond., 1898.--Jessopp:
   The Coming of the Friars.--H. D. Traill: Social England, a Record of
   the Progress of the People, etc., 2 vols. Lond., 2d ed., 1894.--W. R.
   W. Stephens: A Hist. of the Engl. Church, 1066-1272, Lond., 1901.
   Freeman: The Norman Conquest and William Rufus.--Histt. of England and
   the Ch. of England, etc.--Dict. of Nat. Biogr.

   With the Norman Conquest the Roman curia began to manifest anxious
   concern for the English Church and to reach out for her revenues.
   Reverent as the Saxon kings had been towards the pope, as was shown in
   their visits to Rome and the payment of Peter's Pence, the wild
   condition of the country during the invasions of the Danes offered
   little attraction to the Church rulers of the South. Henry Of
   Huntingdon called the England of his day--the twelfth century--"Merrie
   England" [1968] with even more freedom in giving, having abundance for
   themselves and something to spare for their neighbors across the sea.
   The Romans were quick to find this out and treated the English Church
   as a rich mine to be worked. It is probable that in no other part of
   Christendom were such constant and unblushing demands made upon church
   patronage and goods. [1969] d crown.

   Among the first distinct papal encroachments upon the liberties of the
   English Church were the appointment of legates and the demand that the
   archbishop go to Rome to receive the pallium. The first legates to
   England seem to have been sent at the invitation of William the
   Conqueror, 1070, to take up the case of Stigand, the Saxon archbishop
   of Canterbury, who had espoused the cause of the antipope. It was not
   long before the appointment of foreign legates was resisted and the
   pope, after the refusal to receive several of his representatives, was
   forced to yield and made it a rule to associate the legatine authority
   with the archbishops of Canterbury and York,--a rule, however, which
   had many exceptions. The legates of English birth were called legati
   nati in distinction from the foreign appointees, called le nati a
   latere.

   The pope's right to interfere in the appointment of bishops and to fill
   benefices was asserted soon after the Conqueror's death. In such
   matters, the king showed an almost equally strong hand. Again and again
   the pope quashed the elections of chapters either upon his own motion
   or at the king's appeal. Eugenius III. set aside William, canonically
   chosen archbishop of York. Stephen Langton 1207, Edmund Rich 1234, the
   Franciscan Kilwardby 1273, Peckham 1279, and Reynolds 1313, all
   archbishops of Canterbury, were substituted for the candidates
   canonically elected. Bonaventura was substituted for William Langton,
   elected archbishop of York, 1264. Such cases were constantly recurring.
   Bishops, already consecrated, were set aside by the pope in virtue of
   his "fulness of power," as was the case when Richard de Bury, d. 1345,
   was substituted for Robert Graystanes in the see of Durham.

   This violence, done to the rights of the chapters, led to a vast amount
   of litigation. Almost every bishop had to fight a battle at Rome before
   he obtained his see. Between 1215-1264 not fewer than thirty cases of
   contested episcopal elections were carried to Rome. It was a bad day
   when the pope or the king could not find a dissident minority in a
   chapter and, through appeals, secure a hearing at Rome and finally a
   reversal of the chapter's decision. Of the four hundred and seventy
   decretals of Alexander III., accepted by Gregory IX., about one hundred
   and eighty were directed to England. [1970]

   The regular appointment to benefices was also invalidated by the
   pernicious custom of papal reservations which threatened even in this
   period to include every high office in the English Church. A little
   later, in 1317, the supreme pontiff reserved for his own appointment
   the sees of Worcester, Hereford, Durham, and Rochester; in 1320 Lincoln
   and Winchester; in 1322, 1323 Lichfield and Winchester; 1325 Carlisle
   and Norwich; 1327 Worcester, Exeter, and Hereford. [1971]

   Another way by which the pope asserted his overlordship in the English
   Church was the translation of a bishop from one see to another. This,
   said Matthew Paris (V. 228), "became custom so that one church seemed
   to be the paramour of the other."

   The English clergy and the barons looked upon these practices with
   disfavor, and, as at the Mad Parliament, 1258, demanded the freedom of
   capitular elections. The Constitutions of Clarendon, 1164, clearly
   expressed the national opposition, but the pope continued to go his own
   way.

   The convents, for the most part, escaped papal interference in the
   election of their abbots. The reason is to be sought in the support
   which the orders gave to the pope in his struggle to reduce the
   episcopate to subjection. Nor did the crown venture to interfere,
   repelled, no doubt, by the compact organization of the monastic orders,
   the order rising to the defence of an attacked abbey.

   The participation of the English bishops in the House of Lords was
   based originally upon the tax of scutage. From this followed their
   equal right to deliberate upon public affairs with the barons. At a
   time when this body contained less than forty lay peers, it included
   twenty bishops and twenty-six abbots. Most of the bishops and abbots,
   it would seem, had houses in London, which had taken the place of
   Winchester as the centre of national life. [1972] ux, d. 1097, was the
   brother of William the Conqueror. Two of Stephen's nephews were made
   respectively bishop of Durham and archbishop of York. Ethelmar, brother
   of Henry III., received the see of Winchester, 1250, [1973] as provided
   for Henry's uncle, Boniface. Geoffrey, son of Henry II., was made
   bishop of Lincoln when a lad, and afterwards transferred to York. Among
   the men of humble birth who rose to highest ecclesiastical rank were
   Edmund Rich and Robert Kilwardby.

   The honors of canonization were reached by Hugh of Lincoln, Rich of
   Canterbury, and Richard of Wyche, bishop of Chichester, not to speak of
   Anselm and Thomas à Becket. The cases of proud and warring prelates
   were numerous, and the custom whereby bishops held the chief offices at
   the court was not adapted to develope the religious virtues. Richard
   Flambard, bishop of Durham under William Rufus, Hugh, bishop of
   Lichfield, 1188-1195, and Peter des Roches of Winchester, 1205-1238,
   supporter of John, are among the more flagrant examples of prelates who
   brought no virtues to their office and learned none. William Longchamp,
   bishop of Ely and favorite of Richard I., was followed by a retinue of
   1000 men. [1974] egate, Otho, reminded the bishops of their duty to
   "sow the word of life in the field of the Lord." And, lest they should
   forget their responsibilities, they were to listen twice a year to the
   reading of their oath of consecration.

   The English chapters were divided almost equally between the two
   classes of clergy, monks and seculars. To the former class belonged
   Canterbury, Winchester, Durham, Norwich, Coventry, Rochester,
   Worcester, Ely, and Bath. The chapters of York, London, Exeter,
   Lichfield, Wells, Hereford, Lincoln, Salisbury, Llandaff, St. Asaph,
   St. David's, and Chichester were made up of secular clergy. As the
   chapters asserted the rights of distinct corporations, their estates
   were treated as distinct from those of the bishop. It not infrequently
   happened that the bishop lost all influence in his chapter. The dean,
   in case the canons were seculars, and the prior, in case they were
   monks, actually supplanted the bishop in the control of the cathedral
   when the bishop and canons were hostile to each other. The Fourth
   Lateran, however, recognized the superior right of the bishop to enter
   the church and conduct the service. The Third Lateran ordered questions
   in the chapter settled by a majority vote, no matter what the
   traditional customs had been.

   The pope and the English sovereign vied with one another in
   appropriating the revenues of the English Church, though it is probable
   the pope outdid the king. In William Rufus' reign, a high ecclesiastic
   was no sooner dead than a royal clerk took inventory of his goods and
   rents, and appropriated them for the crown. The evil was so great in
   Stephen's reign that the saying ran that "Christ and his saints slept."
   Sees were kept vacant that the crown might sequester their revenues.
   The principle of taxing ecclesiastical property cannot awaken just
   criticism. Levies for military equipment on the basis of scutage go
   back into the Saxon period. In the latter half of the twelfth century a
   new system came into vogue, and a sum of money was substituted. The
   first levy on the moveables of the clergy including tithes and
   offerings, called the spiritualia, seems to have been made in 1188 by
   Henry II. This was the famous Saladin tax intended for use against the
   Turks. [1975] d books of the clergy were taxed. Under John the taxation
   was on an elaborate scale, but it became even more exacting under Henry
   III., 1216-1272. In 1294 Edward I. threatened to outlaw the clergy if
   they refused to grant him a half of their revenues for his war with
   France. The dean of St. Paul's remonstrated with the king for this
   unheard-of demand, and fell dead from the shock which the exhibition of
   the king's wrath made upon him. Unwilling as the clergy may have been
   to pay these levies, it is said they seldom refused a tenth when
   parliament voted its just share. The taxes for crusades were made
   directly by the popes, and also through the sovereign. As late as 1288,
   Nicolas IV. granted Edward I. a tenth for six years for a crusade.
   [1976]

   The papal receipts from England came from three sources--Peter's Pence,
   the tribute of John, and special taxations. Peter's Pence, which seems
   to have started with Offa II., king of Mercia, in the eighth century
   and was the first monetary tribute of the English people to Rome, was
   originally a free gift but subsequently was treated as a debt. [1977]
   reminded them that not one half of the "gift" had been paid to St.
   Peter. Innocent III. gave his legate sharp orders to collect it and
   complained that the bishops kept back part of the tax for their own
   use. The tax of a penny for each household was compounded for £201.7s.;
   but, in 1306, William de Testa, the papal legate, was commanded to
   ignore the change and to revert to the original levy. Beginning with
   the thirteenth century, the matter of collection was taken out of the
   hands of the bishops and placed in the hands of the papal legate. By
   the law of Gregory X. two subcollectors were assigned to each see with
   wages of 3 soldi a day, the wages being afterwards increased to 5 and 8
   soldi. Peter's Pence, with other tributes to Rome, was abolished by
   Henry VIII.'s law of 1534.

   The tribute of one thousand marks, promised by John, was paid with
   great unwillingness by the nation or not paid at all. In 1275, as John
   XXI. reminded the English king, the payments were behind seven years.
   By 1301 the arrearage amounted to twelve thousand marks. It would seem
   as if the tax was discontinued after 1334 and, in 1366, parliament
   forbade its further payment and struck off all arrearages since 1334.
   [1978] part or in whole.

   The special taxes levied by popes were for the crusades in the East and
   against Frederick II. and for the expenses of the papal household.
   Gregory IX., 1229, with the king's sanction, levied a tax of a tenth
   for himself. The extraordinary demand, made by Innocent IV., 1246, of a
   third of all clerical revenues for three years and a half, was refused
   by a notable gathering of bishops and abbots at Reading and appeal was
   made to a general council. [1979]

   The most fruitful method which Rome employed for draining the revenues
   of the English Church was by requisition upon her benefices and special
   taxation of bishops and other dignitaries for their offices. The
   rapacity of the Roman proconsuls seemed to be revived. The first formal
   demand was made by Honorius III., 1226, and required that two prebends
   in each cathedral and two positions in each monastery be placed at the
   pope's disposal. Italians were already in possession of English
   livings.

   In 1231, Gregory IX. forbade the English bishops conferring any more
   prebends until positions were provided for five Romans. In 1240, the
   same pontiff made the cool requisition upon the archbishop of
   Canterbury and the bishops of Lincoln and Salisbury of places for three
   hundred Italians. [1980] omplaint that Italian succeeded Italian. And
   the bitter indignation was expressed in words such as Shakespeare used
   in his King John (Act III., Sc. 1):


   "that no Italian priest

   Shall tithe or toil in our dominions."

   Innocent IV. was the most unblushing offender. He appointed boys to
   prebends, as at Salisbury, and Grosseteste spoke of some of his
   appointees as children, parvuli. A protest, directed to him, complained
   that "an endless number of Italians "held appointments in England and
   that they took out of the kingdom 60,000 marks yearly or more than half
   the amount realized by the king from the realm. [1981]

   As early as 1256, the pope claimed the first-fruits of bishoprics, the
   claim to be in force for five years. Later they were made a fixed rule.
   [1982] pal legates could not be expected to fall behind their
   unscrupulous or complaisant masters. When Martin arrived in 1244, he
   asked for 30,000 marks and seized benefices worth more than 3000 marks
   a year. These officials were freely denominated indefatigable
   extortioners, bloodsuckers, and "wolves, whose bloody jaws were
   consuming the English clergy." [1983] [1984] work of a harlot, vulgar
   and shameless, venally offering herself to all, and bent upon staining
   the purity of the English Church. The people, he says, were estranged
   in body, though not in heart, from the pope who acted in the spirit of
   a stepfather and from the Roman Church who treated England like a
   stepmother. [1985] shrift by the barons to get out of the kingdom. When
   he applied to the king for safe conduct, the king replied, "The devil
   give you safe conduct to hell and all the way through it."

   The Norman Conquest exerted a wholesome, influence upon the Church in
   England, and introduced a new era of church building and the erection
   of monasteries and the regular and canonical observance of the church's
   ritual. The thirteenth century was a notable period of church
   extension. The system of endowed vicarages was developed.

   Hugh de Wells created several hundred vicarages and Grosseteste
   continued the policy and provided for their maintenance out of the
   revenues of the older churches. Chantries were endowed where mass was
   said for the repose of the souls of the dead, and in time these were
   often united to constitute independent vicarages or parishes. The synod
   of Westminster, 1102, provided for a more just treatment of the
   ill-paid vicars. The Constitutions of Otho forbade the tearing down of
   old historic buildings and the erection of new ones without the consent
   of the bishop.

   The Normans also introduced a new era of clerical education. Before
   their arrival, so William of Malmesbury says, [1986] the words of the
   sacraments. A satisfactory idea of the extent and dispersion of
   learning among the clergy it is difficult, if not impossible, to
   obtain. A high authority, Dr. Stubbs, [1987] orders must have been able
   to read and write. It happened, however, that bishops were rejected for
   failing in their examinations and others were admitted to their sees
   though they were unable to read. [1988] l priest in the Middle Ages was
   probably a rare thing. There were at all times some men of literary
   ability among the English clergy as is attested by the chronicles that
   have come down to us, by such writers as John of Salisbury, Walter Map,
   and Peter of Blois (who was imported from France), and by the Schoolmen
   who filled the chairs at Oxford in its early history.

   In spite of the measures of Anselm and other prelates, clerical
   marriage and concubinage continued in England. Writing to Anselm,
   Pascal II. spoke of the majority of the English priests as married.
   Laws were enacted forbidding the people to attend mass said by an
   offending priest; and women who did not quit priestly houses were to be
   treated as adulteresses and denied burial in sacred ground. An English
   priest in the time of Adrian IV. named his daughter Hadriana, a
   reminder to the pope that he himself was the son of a priest. [1989]
   adopted in the single English cathedral of Carlisle and in a few Scotch
   cathedrals. The records of the courts leave no doubt of the coarse vice
   which prevailed in clerical groups. Even after the twelfth century,
   many of the bishops were married or had semi-legitimated families.
   According to Matthew Paris, Grosseteste was on the point of resigning
   his see on account of the low morals of his clergy.

   The attempt to introduce the law of Gratian into England was never
   wholly successful. Archbishop Arundel might declare that "in all cases
   the canons and laws were authoritative which proceeded from the porter
   of eternal life and death, who sits in the seat of God Himself, and to
   whom God has committed the laws of the divine realm." [1990] liament of
   Merton, 1236, resisted the foreign claim. William the Conqueror
   provided for ecclesiastical courts, under the charge of bishops and
   archdeacons, which took the place of the hundred court.

   Suits, however, touching the temporalities of the clergy were tried in
   the secular courts, [1991] vitable, however, that there should be a
   clash of jurisdiction, and, in fact, endless disputes arose in the
   settlement of matters pertaining to advowsons, tithes, and other such
   cases. The relative leniency of the penalties meted out to clerics led
   many to enter at least the lower orders, and enroll themselves as
   clerks who never had any idea of performing clerical functions.

   The more important acts pertaining to the Church in England in this
   period were, in addition to William's mandates for dividing the civil
   and church courts, the canons of the council of London, 1108, the
   Clarendon Constitutions, 1164, John's brief surrendering his kingdom,
   1213, the Constitutions of Otho, 1237, and the Mortmain Act of 1279.
   The Mortmain Act, which was one of the most important English
   parliamentary acts of the Middle Ages, forbade the alienation of lands
   to the Church so as to exempt them from the payment of taxation to the
   state.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1968] Anglia plena jocis. William Fitzstephen (quoted by Traill, I.
   377 sq.) dwells upon the Englishman's love of sports that
   day,--football, boating, archery, etc.

   [1969] Haller, Papsttum, p. 27.

   [1970] Maitland, p. 123; Jessopp gives many cases of these appeals.

   [1971] Stubbs, III. 322 sq.

   [1972] Fitzstephen, as quoted by Traill, I. 383.

   [1973] The king entered the chapter and forced the election. The pope
   yielded, but to prove "he had not sown on a barren coast without
   reaping benefit of harvest, at once made a demand of 5000 marks for a
   favorite." M. Paris, V. 179 sqq.

   [1974] Hurter, III. 331 sqq., speaks of the English bishops in the time
   of Innocent III. as most corrupt. Stubbs, III. 327 sq., finds it to the
   credit of the bishops that there were so few instances of "removal from
   their sees for any penal reason."

   [1975] Stubbs, II. 180.

   [1976] Upon the valuation of 1291, the clerical tax should have
   amounted to £20,000. Stubbs, III. 360.

   [1977] Jensen, D. englische Peterspfennig, Heidelb., 1903, and
   Liebermann, The Peter's Pence and the Population of Engl. about 1164,
   in Engl. Hist. Rev., 1896. The Saxon designations of Peter's Pence were
   romfeoh and heordpfennig. The Normans called it romascot, and the popes
   usually referred to it as denarius, census, or res beati Petri, and
   "gift," eleemosyna.

   [1978] Jensen, pp. 60-64, with elaborate list of authorities.

   [1979] M. Paris, IV. 580.

   [1980] M. Paris, IV. 32. This chronicler says that Edmund, archbishop
   of Canterbury, was so harassed by these demands that in despair he
   exiled himself from the kingdom.

   [1981] M. Paris, IV. 285, 443.

   [1982] Stubbs, III. 348.

   [1983] M. Paris, II. 229, IV. 60, 100, 136, 160, 284, 626, etc.

   [1984] M. Paris, II. 210, IV. 610, says of Geoffrey, bishop of
   Bethlehem, legate to Scotland, that it was hoped that as "adamant
   attracts iron, so he would draw to himself the much coveted monies of
   Scotland."

   [1985] V. 233.

   [1986] III. 245.

   [1987] III. 283.

   [1988] M. Paris, III. 170. See Stubbs, III. 383, note.

   [1989] John of Salisbury, Ep. 27, Migne, 199. 18.

   [1990] See Maitland, p. 18.

   [1991] Stubbs, I. 306 sq., III. 353 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 129. Two English Bishops.

   For Hugh of Lincoln: The magna vita, by his chaplain, Adam, ed. by
   Dimock, Lond., 1864;--a metrical Life, ed. by Dimock, Lond., 1860,--G.
   G. Perry: St. Hugh of Avalon, Lond., 1879.--H. Thurston (Rom. Cath.):
   St Hugh of Lincoln, Lond., 1898, transl. from the French, with copious
   additions.--J. A. Froude: A Bishop of the Twelfth Century, in Short
   Studies on Great Subjects, 2d series, pp. 54-86.

   For Grosseteste: His Epistolae, ed. by Luard, Lond., 1861; Monumenta
   Franc., ed. by Brewer.--M. Paris, Luard's ed.--Lives of Grosseteste, by
   Pegge, Lond., 1793.--Lechler, in his Life of Wiclif, transl. by
   Lorimer, pp. 20-40.--G. G. Perry, Lond., 1871.--Felten, Freib.,
   1887.--F. S. Stevenson, Lond., 1899.--M. Creighton: in Hist. Lectt. and
   Addresses, Lond., 1903.--C. Bigg, in Wayside Sketches in Eccles. Hist.,
   Lond., 1906. -- Dict. of Nat'l Biog.

   Most prominent among the English ecclesiastics of the period, as
   faithful administrators of their sees, are Hugh and Robert Grosseteste,
   both bishops of Lincoln. [1992]

   Hugh of Lincoln, or Hugh of Avalon, as he is also called, 1140-1200,
   was pronounced by Ruskin the most attractive sacerdotal figure known to
   him in history; [1993] clay, whose story should be familiar to every
   English boy."

   Born near Grenoble, France, he was taken in his ninth year, on his
   mother's death, to a convent; afterwards he entered the Grande
   Chartreuse, and followed an invitation from Henry II., about 1180, to
   take charge of the Carthusian monastery of St. Witham, which the king
   had founded a few years before. In 1186 he was chosen bishop of
   Lincoln, the most extensive diocese in England. [1994]

   Hugh's friendship with Henry did not prevent him from resisting the
   king's interference in the affairs of his diocese. When the king
   attempted to force a courtier into one of the prebends of Lincoln, the
   bishop sent the reply, "Tell the king that hereafter ecclesiastical
   benefices are to be bestowed not upon courtiers but upon
   ecclesiastics." He excommunicated the grand forester for encroaching
   upon the rights of the people. The king was enraged, but the bishop
   remained firm. The forests were strictly guarded so as to protect the
   game, and also, as is probable, to prevent Saxons from taking refuge in
   their recesses. The foresters and rangers were hated officials. The
   loss of the eyes and other brutal mutilations were the penalties for
   encroachment.

   Towards Richard and John, Hugh showed the same independent spirit as
   towards Henry. At the council of Oxford, 1197, he dared to refuse
   consent to Richard's demands for money, an almost unheard-of thing.
   [1995] is castle on the rock of Andely. This was the famous castle
   built in a single year, of which Philip said, "I would take it if it
   were iron." To which Richard replied, "I would hold it if it were
   butter." Upon Hugh's departure, Richard is reported to have said, "If
   all prelates were like the bishop of Lincoln, not a prince among us
   could lift his head against them."

   Hugh's enlightened treatment of the Jews has already been referred to.
   He showed his interest in the lepers, built them a house, cared for
   them with his own hands, and called them "the flowers of Paradise, and
   jewels in the crown of heaven." The Third Lateran had ordered separate
   churches and burial grounds for lepers. His treatment of the tomb of
   Fair Rosamonde was more in consonance with the canons of that age than
   agreeable to the spirit of our own. When, on a visit to Gadstow, he
   found her buried in the convent church, with lamps kept constantly
   burning over her body, he ordered the body removed, saying that her
   life was scandalous, and that such treatment would be a lesson to
   others to lead chaste lives. In his last moments Hugh was laid on a
   cross of ashes. John, who was holding a council at Lincoln, helped to
   carry the body to its resting-place. The archbishop of Canterbury and
   many bishops took part in the burial ceremonies. The Jews shed tears.
   Hugh was canonized in 1220, and his shrine became a place of
   pilgrimage.

   One of the striking stories told of Hugh, the story of the swan, is
   attested by his chaplain and by Giraldus Cambrensis, who witnessed the
   swan's movements. The swan, which had its nest at Stow, one of the
   bishop's manors, was savage and unmanageable till Hugh first saw it.
   The bird at once became docile, and learned to follow the bishop's
   voice, eat from his hand, and to put his bill up his sleeve. It seemed
   to know instinctively when the bishop was coming on a visit, and for
   several days before would fly up and down the lake flapping its wings.
   It kept guard over him when he slept.

   Robert Grosseteste, 1175-1253, had a wider range of influence than
   Hugh, and was probably the most noteworthy Englishman of his
   generation. [1996] r of abuses, and a forerunner of Wyclif in his use
   of the Scriptures. Roger Bacon, his ardent admirer, said that no one
   really knew the sciences but Robert of Lincoln. [1997] as
   Lincolniensis, "he of Lincoln."

   Born in England, and of humble origin, a fact which was made by the
   monks of Lincoln an occasion of derision, he pursued his studies in
   Oxford and Paris, and subsequently became chancellor of Oxford. He was
   acquainted with Greek, and knew some Hebrew. He was a prolific writer,
   and was closely associated with Adam Marsh. [1998]

   No one welcomed the advent of the Mendicant Friars to England with more
   enthusiasm than did Grosseteste. He regarded their coming as the dawn
   of a new era, and delivered the first lectures in their school at
   Oxford, and left. them his, library, though he never took the gray cowl
   himself, as did Adam Marsh.

   On being raised to the see of Lincoln, 1235, Grosseteste set out in the
   work of reforming monastic and clerical abuses, which brought him
   uninterrupted trouble till the close of his career. He set himself
   against drinking bouts, games in the churches and churchyards, and
   parish parades at episcopal visitations. The thoroughness of his
   episcopal oversight was a novelty. He came down like a hammer upon the
   monks, reports Matthew Paris, and the first year be removed seven
   abbots and four priors. At Ramsey he examined the very beds, and broke
   open the monks' coffers like "a burglar," destroying their silver
   utensils and ornaments. [1999] e? Has he the requisite experience? Is
   he willing to take them into fitting pastures in the morning, to defend
   them against thieves and wild beasts, to watch over them at night? And
   are not your souls of more value than many swine?"

   The most protracted contest of his life was with his dean and chapter
   over the right of episcopal visitation. [2000] er's flocks. He was
   finally sustained by the pope.

   In no way did the great bishop win a more sure place in history than by
   his vigorous resistance to the appointment of unworthy Italians to
   English livings and to other papal measures. In 1252, he opposed the
   collection of a tenth for a crusade which had the pope's sanction. He
   declined to execute the king's mandate legitimatizing children born
   before wedlock. His most famous refusal to instal an Italian, was the
   case of the pope's nephew, Frederick of Lavagna. The pope issued a
   letter threatening with excommunication any one who might venture to
   oppose the young man's induction. Grosseteste, then seventy-five years
   old, replied, declaring, "I disobey, resist, and rebel." [2001] ing to
   describe the scene in the papal household when the letter was received,
   relates that Innocent IV., raved away at the deaf and foolish dotard
   who had so audaciously dared to sit in judgment upon his actions."
   Notwithstanding this attitude to the appointment of unworthy Italians,
   the bishop recognized the principle that to the pope belongs the right
   of appointing to all the benefices of the church. [2002]

   On his visit to Lyons, 1250, Grosseteste's memorandum against the
   abuses of the clergy was read in the pope's presence. "Not in
   dispensing the mass but in teaching the living truth" does the work of
   the pastor consist, so it declared. "The lives of the clergy are the
   book of the laity." Adam Marsh, who was standing by, compared the
   arraignment to the arraignments of Elijah, John the Baptist, Paul,
   Athanasius, and Augustine of Hippo.

   According to Matthew Paris, on the night of Grosseteste's death strange
   bells were heard. Miracles were reported performed at his tomb, and the
   rumor ran that, when Innocent was proposing to have the bishop's body
   removed from its resting-place in the cathedral, Grosseteste appeared
   to the pope in a dream, gave him a sound reprimand, and left him half
   dead. The popular veneration was shown in the legend that on the night
   of Innocent IV's death the bishop appeared to him with the words,
   "Aryse, wretch, and come to thy dome."

   In the earlier part of his life, Grosseteste preached in Latin; in the
   latter he often used the vernacular. He was the greatest English
   preacher of his age. He was not above the superstitions of his time,
   and one of his famous sermons was preached before Henry III. at the
   reception of the reputed blood of Christ. [2003] Scriptures at the
   university, and the dedication of the morning hours to it, and
   emphasized their authority. [2004] [2005]

   Of Grosseteste's writings the best known was probably his de cessatione
   legalium, the End of the Law, a book intended to convince the Jews.
   With the aid of John of Basingstoke, he translated the Testament of the
   Twelve Patriarchs, which Basingstoke had found in Constantinople.
   [2006] scribed, as penance, a cupfull of the best wine. After the
   medicine had been taken, Grosseteste said, "Dear brother, if you would
   frequently do such penance, you would have a better ordered
   conscience." [2007]

   Matthew Paris (V. 407) summed up the bishop's career in these words:--

   "He was an open confuter of both popes and kings, the corrector of
   monks, the director of priests, the instructor of clerks, the supporter
   of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of the incontinent,
   the unwearied student of the Scriptures, a crusher and despiser of the
   Romans. At the table of bodily meat, he was hospitable, eloquent,
   courteous, and affable; at the spiritual table, devout, tearful, and
   contrite. In the episcopal office he was sedulous, dignified, and
   indefatigable."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1992] Stubbs, Const. Hist., II.313, in pronouncing the thirteenth
   century "the golden age of English churchmanship," has reference more
   particularly to the influence the bishops had upon the formation of the
   English constitution.

   [1993] Praeterita III. 1.

   [1994] Cencio's register gave the number of households owing Peter's
   Pence, as 10,080 for Lincoln, 4160 for Winchester, 3960 for London, and
   1896 for Canterbury.

   [1995] Stubbs, ed. of Hoveden, IV. p. xcii, calls this a "landmark of
   English constitutional history, the first clear case of a refusal of a
   money grant demanded directly by the crown."

   [1996] His name is spelt Grossetete, Grosthead, Greathead, etc. The
   Latin forms, Grossum Caput and Capito, were also used. Fuller, with
   more quaintness than authority, says he got his name from the bigness
   of his head, "having large stowage to receive and store of brains to
   fill it." Stevenson, p. 337, adduces three lines along which
   Grosseteste did conspicuous service; namely, as an ecclesiastical
   reformer, a friend of learning, and a statesman.

   [1997] Solus ... novit scientias. Bridges' ed., I. 67. Gower, in his
   confessio amantis, praises the "grete clerke Grosseteste."

   [1998] The Mon. Francisc. gives sixty of Marsh's letters to
   Grosseteste.

   [1999] M. Paris, V. 226. The methods the bishop resorted to for
   determining the fidelity of the nuns to their vows is also recorded by
   M. Paris.

   [2000] Letter 127. See Luard's Introd., p. 114.

   [2001] Ep. 128. Adam Marsh referred to the letter "as that fearless
   answer written with so much prudence, eloquence, and vigor, which will,
   with God's aid, benefit all ages to come." See Stevenson, p. 312. M.
   Paris, V. 257, states that Grosseteste declared he would be acting like
   the devil if he were to deliver the cure of souls over to the Romans,
   "whom he hated like poison."

   [2002] De omnibus beneficiis eccles. libere potest ordinare. Ep., 49,
   Luard's ed., p. 145.

   [2003] M. Paris, IV. 643 sqq., VI. 138-144.

   [2004] ·Ep. 2. auctoritas irrefragabilis scripturae.

   [2005] Bishop Hall quoted Grosseteste for his scriptural views, and
   Field, Of the Church, IV. 384 sqq., quoted him against the pope's claim
   to supreme authority, but wrongly.

   [2006] Pegge devotes twenty-five closely filled pages with the list of
   the bishop's books.

   [2007] Mon. Franc., p. 64.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER XVI.

   POPULAR WORSHIP AND SUPERSTITION.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 130. The Worship of Mary.

   Literature: The Works of the Schoolmen, especially, Damiani: de bono
   suffragiorum et variis miraculis, praesertim B. Virginis, Migne, 145.
   559 sqq., 586 sqq., etc.--Anselm: Orationes et meditationes, de
   conceptu virginis, Migne, vol. 158.--Guibert of Nogent: de laudibus S.
   Mariae, Migne, 166. 537-579.--Honorius of Autun: Sigillum b. Mariae,
   Migne, 172. 495-518.--Bernard: de laudibus virginis matris, Migne, 183.
   55 sqq., 70 sqq., 415 sqq., etc.--P. Lombardus: Sent., III. 3 sqq. Hugo
   de St. Victor: de Mariae virginitate, Migne, 176. 857-875, etc.--Alb.
   Magnus: de laudibus b. Mariae virginis, Borgnet's ed., 36.
   1-841.--Bonaventura: In Sent., III. 3, Peltier's ed., IV. 53 sqq., 105
   sqq., 202 sqq., etc.; de corona b. Mariae V., Speculum b. M. V., Laus
   b. M. V., Psalterium minus et majus b. M. V., etc., all in Peltier's
   ed., XIV. 179-293.--Th. Aquinas: Summa, III. 27-35, Migne, IV.
   245-319.--Analecta Hymnica medii aevi, ed. by G. M. Dreves, 49 Parts,
   Leipz., 1886-1906.--Popular writers as Caesar of Heisterbach, De
   Bourbon, Thomas à. Chantimpré, and De Voragine: Legenda aurea,
   Englished by William Caxton, Kelmscott Press ed., 1892; Temple classics
   ed., 7 vols.

   F. Margott: D. Mariologie d. hl. Th. v. Aquino, Freiburg, 1878.--B.
   Häusler: de Mariae plenitudine gratiae secundum S. Bernardum, Freiburg,
   1901.--H. von Eicken: Gesch. und System d. mittelalt. Weltanschauung,
   Stuttg., 1887, p. 476 sqq.--K. Benrath: Zur Gesch. der Marienverehrung,
   Gotha, 1886.--The Histt. of Doctr. of Schwane, pp. 413-428, Harnack,
   II. 568-562, Seeberg, Sheldon, etc.--Schaff: Creeds of Christendom, I.
   108-128. The artt. in Wetzer-Welte, Empfängniss, IV. 454-474, Maria,
   Marienlegenden, Marienfeste, vol. VIII., Ave Maria, Rosenkranz, and the
   art. Maria, by Zöckler in Herzog.--Mrs. Jamieson: Legends of the
   Monastic Orders.--Baring-Gould: Lives of the Saints, Curious Myths of
   the M. Ages.--Butler: Legends of the Saints.


   Ave coeleste lilium, Ave rosa speciosa

   Ave mater humilium, Superis imperiosa,

   Deitatis triclinium; hac in valle lacrymarum

   Da robur, fer auxilium, O excrusatrix culparum.

   Bonaventura, Laus Beatae Virginis Mariae. [2008]

   The worship of the Virgin Mary entered into the very soul of mediaeval
   piety and reached its height in the doctrine of her immaculate
   conception. Solemn theologians in their dogmatic treatises, ardent
   hymn-writers and minnesingers, zealous preachers and popular
   prose-writers unite in dilating upon her purity and graces on earth and
   her beauty and intercessory power in heaven. In her devotion, chivalry
   and religion united. A pious gallantry invested her with all the charms
   of womanhood also the highest beatitude of the heavenly estate. The
   austerities of the convent were softened by the recollection of her
   advocacy and tender guardianship, and monks, who otherwise shrank from
   the company of women, dwelt upon the marital tie which bound them to
   her. To them her miraculous help was being continually extended to
   counteract the ills brought by Satan. The Schoolmen, in their treatment
   of the immaculate conception, used over and over again delicate terms
   [2009]

   Monastic orders were dedicated to Mary, such as the Carthusian,
   Cistercian, and Carmelite, as were also some of the most imposing
   churches of Christendom, as the cathedrals at Milan and Notre Dame, in
   Paris.

   The titles given to Mary were far more numerous than the titles given
   to Christ and every one of them is extra-biblical except the word
   "virgin." An exuberant fancy allegorized references to her out of all
   sorts of texts, never dreamed of by their writers. She was found
   referred to in almost every figurative expression of the Old Testament
   which could be applied to a pure, human being. To all the Schoolmen,
   Mary is the mother of God, the queen of heaven, the clement queen, the
   queen of the world, the empress of the world, the mediatrix, the queen
   of the ages, the queen of angels, men and demons, [2010] [2011]

   Monks, theologians, and poets strain the Latin language to express
   their admiration of her beauty and benignity, her chastity and heavenly
   glory. Her motherhood and virginity are alike subjects of eulogy. The
   conception of physical grace, as expressed when the older Notker of St.
   Gall called her "the most beautiful of all virgins," filled the thought
   of the Schoolmen and the peasant. Albertus Magnus devotes a whole
   chapter of more than thirty pages of two columns each to the praise of
   her corporal beauty. In his exposition of Canticles 1:15, "Behold thou
   art fair, my love," he comments upon the beauty of her hair, her
   shoulders, her lips, her nose, her feet, and other parts of her body.
   Bonaventura's hymns in her praise abound in tropical expressions, such
   as "she is more ruddy than the rose and whiter than the lily." Wernher
   of Tegernsee about 1178 sang: [2012]


   Her face was so virtuous, her eyes so Bright,

   Her manner so pure, that, among all women,

   None could with her compare.

   In a remarkable passage, Bernard represents her in the celestial places
   drawing attention to herself by her form and beauty so that she
   attracted the King himself to desire her. [2013]


   I saw the virgin smile, whose rapture shot

   Joy through the eyes of all that blessed throng:

   And even did the words that I possess

   Equal imagination, I should not

   Dare, the attempt her faintest charms to express.

   Paradiso, Canto XXXI.

   The Canticles was regarded as an inspired anthology of Mary's
   excellences of body and soul. Damiani represents God as inflamed with
   love for her and singing its lines in her praise. She was the golden
   bed on which God, weary in His labor for men and angels, lay down for
   repose. The later interpretation was that the book is a bridal song for
   the nuptials between the Holy Spirit and the Virgin. Bernard's homilies
   on this portion of Scripture are the most famous collection of the
   Middle Ages. Alanus ab Insulis, who calls Mary the "tabernacle of God,
   the palace of the celestial King," says that it refers to the Church,
   but in an especial and most spiritual way to the glorious virgin.
   [2014] ent. An abbess represented the Virgin as singing to the Spirit:
   [2015]

   To Mary was given a place of dignity equal or superior to Christ as the
   friend of the sinful and unfortunate and the guide of souls to heaven.
   Damiani called her "the door of heaven," the window of paradise. Anselm
   spoke of her as "the vestibule of universal propitiation, the cause of
   universal reconciliation, the vase and temple of life and salvation for
   the world." [2016] Prov. iii. 8. Albertus Magnus, in the large volume
   he devotes to Mary's virtues, gives no less than forty reasons why she
   should be worshipped, authority being found for each one in a text of
   Scripture. The first reason was that the Son of God honors Mary. This
   accords with the fifth commandment, and Christ himself said of his
   mother, "I will glorify the house of my glory," Isa. lx. 7; house,
   according to the Schoolman, being intended to mean Mary. The Bible
   teems with open and concealed references to her. Albertus ascribed to
   her thirty-five virtues, on all of which he elaborates at length, such
   as humility, sincerity, benignity, omnipotence, and modesty. He finds
   eighty-one biblical names indicative of her functions and graces.
   Twelve of these are taken from things in the heavens. She is a sun, a
   moon, a light, a cloud, a horizon, an aurora. Eight are taken from
   things terrestrial. Mary is a field, a mountain, a hill, a stone.
   Twenty-one are represented by things pertaining to water. She is a
   river, a fountain, a lake, a fish-pond, a cistern, a torrent, a shell.
   Thirty-one are taken from biblical figures. Mary is an ark, a chair, a
   house, a bed, a nest, a furnace, a library. Nine are taken from
   military and married life. Mary is a castle, a tower, a wall. It may be
   interesting to know how Mary fulfilled the office of a library. In her,
   said the ingenious Schoolman, were found all the books of the Old
   Testament, of all of which she had plenary knowledge as is shown in the
   words of her song which run, "as was spoken by our fathers." She also
   had plenary knowledge of the Gospels as is evident from Luke ii. 19:
   "Mary kept all these sayings in her heart." But especially do Mary's
   qualities lie concealed under the figure of the garden employed so
   frequently in the Song of Solomon. To the elaboration of this
   comparison Albertus devotes two hundred and forty pages, introducing it
   with the words, "a garden shut up is my sister, my bride " Cant. iv:12.
   [2017]

   Bonaventura equals Albertus in ransacking the heavens and the earth and
   the waters for figures to express Mary's glories and there is a tender
   chord of mysticism running through his expositions which is adapted to
   move all hearts and to carry the reader, not on his guard, away from
   the simple biblical statements. The devout Franciscan frequently
   returns to this theme and makes Mary the subject of his verse and
   sermons. [2018] of Balaam, the pot of manna, Gideon's horn, and other
   objects of Hebrew history. To each of these his Praise of the Blessed
   Virgin Mary devotes poetic treatment extending in cases to more than
   one hundred lines and carrying the reader away by their affluence of
   imagination and the sweetness of the rhythm.

   Imitating the Book of Psalms, Bonaventura wrote two psalteries, each
   consisting of one hundred and fifty parts. Each part of the Minor
   Psaltery consists of four lines, its opening lines being "Hail Virgin,
   tree of life; Hail Virgin, door of liberty; Hail Virgin, dear to God;
   Hail Virgin, light of the world; Hail Virgin, harbor of life; Hail
   Virgin, most beautiful." In the Greater Psaltery, Bonaventura
   paraphrases the one hundred and fifty psalms and introduces into each
   one Mary's name and her attributes, revelling in ascriptions of her
   preeminence over men and angels. Here are several selections, but no
   selection can give any adequate idea of the liberty taken with
   Scripture. The first Psalm is made to run, "Blessed is the man who
   loves thee, O Virgin Mary. Thy grace will comfort his soul." The
   Twenty-third runs, "The Lord directs me, O Virgin mother of
   God--genetrix dei -- because thou hast turned towards me His loving
   countenance." The first verse of Psalm 121 reads, "I have lifted up my
   eyes to thee, O Mother of Christ, from whom solace comes to all flesh."

   Tender as are Bernard's descriptions of Christ and his work, he
   nevertheless assigns to Mary the place of mediator between the soul and
   the Saviour. In Mary there is nothing severe, nothing to be dreaded.
   She is tender to all, offering milk and wool. If you are terrified at
   the thunders of the Father, go to Jesus, and if you fear to go to
   Jesus, then run to Mary. Besought by the sinner, she shows her breasts
   and bosom to the Son, as the Son showed his wounds to the Father. Let
   her not depart from thine heart. Following her, you will not go astray;
   beseeching her, you will not despair; thinking of her, you will not
   err. [2019]

   So also Bonaventura pronounces Mary the mediator between us and Christ.
   [2020] his wrath and winning favors which otherwise would not be
   secured.

   Anselm, whom we are inclined to think of as a sober theologian above
   his fellows, was no less firm as an advocate of Mary's mediatorial
   powers. Prayer after prayer does he offer to her, all aflame with
   devotion. "Help me by thy death and by thine assumption into heaven,"
   he prays. "Come to my aid," he cries, "and intercede for me, O mother
   of God, to thy sweet Son, for me a sinner." [2021]

   The veneration for Mary found a no less remarkable expression in the
   poetry of the Middle Ages. The vast collection, Analecta hymnica,
   published by Dreves and up to this time filling fifteen volumes, gives
   hundreds and thousands of sacred songs dwelling upon the merits and
   glories of the Virgin. The plaintive and tender key in which they are
   written is adapted to move the hardest heart, even though they are full
   of descriptions which have nothing in the Scriptures to justify them.
   Here are two verses taken at random from the thousands:--


   Ave Maria, Angelorum dia Coeli rectrix, Virgo Maria

   Ave maris stella, Lucens miseris Deitatis cella, Porta principis.
   [2022]

   Hail, Mary, Mother of God, Ruler of heaven, O Virgin Mary ... Hail,
   Star of the Sea, Lighting the wretched Cell of the Deity, Gate of the
   king.

   Where the thinkers and singers of the age were so ardent in their
   worship of Mary, what could be expected from the mass of monks and from
   the people! A few citations will suffice to show the implicit faith
   placed in Mary's intercession and her power to work miracles.

   Peter Damiani tells of a woman who, after being dead a year, appeared
   in one of the churches of Rome and related how she and many others had
   been delivered from purgatory by Mary in answer to their prayers. He
   also tells how she had a good beating given a bishop for deposing a
   cleric who had been careful never to pass her image without saluting
   it. [2023]

   Caesar of Heisterbach abounds in stories of the gracious offices Mary
   performed inside the convent and outside of it. She frequently was seen
   going about the monastic spaces, even while the monks were in bed. On
   such occasions her beauty was always noted. Now and then she turned and
   gave a severe look to a careless monk, not lying in bed in the approved
   way. Of one such case the narrator says he did not know whether the
   severity was due to the offender's having laid aside his girdle or
   having taken off his sandals. Mary stood by to receive the souls of
   dying monks, gave them seats at her feet in heaven, sometimes helped
   sleepy friars out by taking up their prayers when they began to doze,
   sometimes in her journeys through the choir aroused the drowsy,
   sometimes stretched out her arm from her altar and boxed the ears of
   dull worshippers, and sometimes gave the staff to favored monks before
   they were chosen abbots. She sometimes undid a former act, as when she
   saw to it that Dietrich was deposed whom she had aided in being elected
   to the archbishopric of Cologne. [2024]

   To pious Knights, according to Caesar of Heisterbach, Mary was scarcely
   less gracious than she was to the inmates of the convent. She even took
   the place of contestants in the tournament. Thus it was in the case of
   Walter of Birbach who was listed and failed to get to the tournament
   field at the appointed hour for tarrying in a chapel in the worship of
   Mary. But the spectators were not aware of his absence. The tournament
   began, was contested to a close, and, as it was thought, Walter gained
   the day. But as it happened, Mary herself had taken the Knight's place
   and fought in his stead, and, when the Knight arrived, he was amazed to
   find every one speaking in praise of the victory he had won. [2025]
   [2026] confess. A priest, passing by, ordered the head joined to the
   body. Then the robber confessed to the priest and told him that, as a
   young man, he had fasted in honor of the Virgin every Wednesday and
   Saturday under the promise that she would give him opportunity to make
   confession before passing into the next world.

   All these collections of tales set forth how Mary often met the devil
   and took upon herself to soundly rebuke and punish him. According to
   Jacob of Voragine [2027] promised the devil his wife. On their way to
   the spot, where she was to be delivered up, the wife, suspecting some
   dark deed, turned aside to a chapel and implored Mary's aid. Mary put
   the worshipper to sleep and herself mercifully took the wife's place at
   the husband's side and rode with him, he not noticing the change. When
   they met the devil, the "mother of God" after some sound words of
   reprimand sent him back howling to hell.

   Mary's compassion and her ability to move her austere Son are brought
   out in the Miracle Plays. In the play of the Wise and Foolish Virgins,
   the foolish virgins, after having in vain besought God for mercy,
   turned to the Virgin with these words:--


   Since God our suit hath now denied

   We Mary pray, the gentle maid,

   The Mother of Compassion,

   To pity our great agony

   And for us, sinners poor, to pray

   Mercy from her beloved Son. [2028]

   The Church never officially put its stamp of commendation upon the
   popular belief that the Son is austere. Nevertheless, even down to the
   very eve of the Reformation, the belief prevailed that Christ's
   austerity had to be appeased by Mary's compassion.

   The Virgin Birth of Christ.--The literary criticism of the Bible of
   recent years was as much undreamed of in this period of the Middle Ages
   as were steamboats or telephones. Schoolman and priest seem never to
   have doubted when they repeated the article of the Creed, "Conceived by
   the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary." Homily and theological
   treatise lingered over the words of Isa. vii. 14: "Behold a virgin
   shall conceive," and over the words of the angelic annunciation: "Hail,
   thou that art highly favored. The Lord is with thee. Blessed art thou
   among women .... The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee and the power of
   the Highest shall overshadow thee." They discussed the conception and
   virginal birth in every possible aspect, as to the part the Holy Spirit
   had in the event and the part of Mary herself. Here are some of the
   questions propounded by Thomas Aquinas: Was there true matrimony
   between Joseph and Mary? Was it necessary that the angel should appear
   in bodily form? Was Christ's flesh taken from Adam or from David? Was
   it formed from the purest bloods of Mary? Was the Holy Spirit the
   primary agent in the conception of Christ? Was Christ's body animated
   with a soul at the instant of conception?

   None of the Schoolmen goes more thoroughly than Hugo of St. Victor into
   the question of the part played by the Holy Spirit in the conception of
   Jesus. He was at pains to show that, while the Spirit influenced the
   Virgin in conception, he was not the father of Jesus. The Spirit did
   not impart to Mary seed from his own substance, but by his power and
   love developed substance in her through the agency of her own flesh.
   [2029]

   According to Anselm, God can make a human being in four ways, by the
   co-operation of a man and woman; without either as in the case of Adam;
   with the sole co-operation of the man as in the case of Eve; or from a
   woman without a man. Having produced men in the first three ways, it
   was most fitting God should resort to the fourth method in the case of
   Jesus. In another work he compares God's creation of the first man from
   clay and the second man from a woman without the co-operation of a man.
   [2030]

   Thomas Aquinas is very elaborate in his treatment of Mary's virginity.
   "As a virgin she conceived, as a virgin gave birth, and she remains a
   virgin forevermore." The assumption that she had other children
   derogates from her sanctity, for, as the mother of God, she would have
   been most ungrateful if she had not been content with such a Son. And
   it would have been highest presumption for Joseph to have polluted her
   who had received the annunciation of the angel. He taught that, in the
   conception of Christ's body, the whole Trinity was active and Mary is
   to be called "rightly, truly, and piously, genetrix Dei," the mother of
   God. [2031]

   The mediaeval estimate of Mary found its loftiest expression in the
   doctrine of the immaculate conception, the doctrine that Mary herself
   was conceived without sin. The Schoolmen were agreed that she was
   exempt from all actual transgression. They separated on the question
   whether she was conceived without sin and so was immaculate from the
   instant of conception or whether she was also tainted with original sin
   from which, however, she was delivered while she was yet in her
   mother's womb. The latter view was taken by Anselm, Hugo of St. Victor,
   Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, and even Bonaventura. [2032] r having
   introduced the festival of the immaculate conception, which he said
   lacked the approval of the Church, of reason and tradition. If Mary was
   conceived without sin, then why might not sinless conception be
   affirmed of Mary's parents and grandparents and her ancestors to
   remotest antiquity. However, Bernard expressed his willingness to yield
   if the Church should appoint a festival of the immaculate conception.
   [2033]

   Bonaventura gave three reasons against the doctrine exempting Mary from
   original sin; namely, from common consent, from reason, and from
   prudence. [2034] y precedes its animation, the word "animation" being
   used by the Schoolmen for the first association of the soul with the
   body. In the conception of the body there is always concupiscence. The
   third argument relied upon the Fathers who agreed that Christ was the
   only being on earth exempt from sin. Bonaventura did not fix the time
   when Mary was made immaculate except to say, that it probably occurred
   soon after her conception and at that moment passion or flame of sin --
   fomes peccati -- was extinguished.

   Thomas Aquinas emphatically took this position and declared it was
   sufficient to confess that the blessed virgin committed no actual sin,
   either mortal or venial. "Thou art all fair, my love, and no spot is in
   thee," Cant. iv:7. [2035]

   Nowhere else is Duns Scotus more subtle and sophistical than in his
   argument for Mary's spotless conception whereby she was untainted by
   hereditary sin, and no doctrine has become more closely attached with
   his name. This argument is a chain of conjectures. Mary's sinless
   conception, he said, was only a matter of probability, but at the same
   time seeming and congruous. The threefold argument is as follows: 1.
   God's grace would be enhanced by releasing one individual from all
   taint of original sin from the very beginning. 2. By conferring this
   benefit Christ would bind Mary to himself by the strongest ties. 3. The
   vacancy left in heaven by the fallen angels could be best filled by
   her, if she were preserved immaculate from the beginning. As the second
   Adam was preserved immaculate, so it was fitting the second Eve should
   be. Duns' conclusion was expressed in these words: "If the thing does
   not contradict the Church and the Scriptures, its reality seems
   probable, because it is more excellent to affirm of Mary that she was
   not conceived in sin." [2036]

   The warm controversy between the Thomists and Scotists over the
   immaculate conception has been referred to in another place. Saints
   also joined in it. St. Brigitta of Sweden learned through a vision that
   Mary was conceived immaculate. On the other hand the Dominican, St.
   Catherine of Siena, prophesied Mary had not been sanctified till the
   third hour after her conception. The synod of Paris, 1387, decided in
   favor of the Scotist position, but Sixtus IV., 1483, threatened with
   excommunication either party denouncing the other. Finally, Duns Scotus
   triumphed, and in 1854, Pius IX. made it a dogma of the Church that
   Mary in the very instant of her conception was kept immune from all
   stain of original sin. [2037]

   The festival of the immaculate conception, observed Dec. 8, was taken
   up by the Franciscans at their general chapter, held in Pisa, 1263, and
   its celebration made obligatory in their churches.

   One more possible glorification of Mary, the humble mother of our Lord,
   has not yet been turned into dogma by the Roman Church, her assumption
   into heaven, her body not having seen corruption. This is held as a
   pious opinion and preachers like St. Bernard, Honorius of Autun,
   Gottfried of Admont, and Werner of St. Blasius preached sermon after
   sermon on Mary's assumption. The belief is based upon the story, told
   by Juvenal of Jerusalem to the emperor Marcian at the council of
   Chalcedon, 451, that three days after Mary's burial in Jerusalem, her
   coffin but not her body was found by the Apostles. Juvenal afterwards
   sent the coffin to the emperor. [2038] [2039] ulouse, 1229, included
   the festival among the other church festivals at the side of Christmas
   and Easter. Thomas Aquinas spoke of it as being tolerated by the
   Church, not commanded.

   The Ave Maria, "Hail Mary, thou that art highly favored, the Lord is
   with thee. Blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy
   womb" made up of the words of the angelic salutation and the words of
   Elizabeth, Luke i. 28, 42, was used as a prayer in the time of Peter
   Damiani, [2040] [2041] The so-called Ave, or Angelus, bell was ordered
   rung by John XXII. (d. 1334) three times a day. When it peals, the
   woman in the home and the workman in the field are expected to bow
   their heads in prayer to Mary.

   In few respects are the worship and teaching of the Middle Ages so
   different from those of the Protestant churches as in the claims made
   for Mary and the regard paid to her. If we are to judge by the
   utterances and example of Pius IX. and Leo XIII., the mediaeval cult
   still goes on in the Roman communion. And more recently Pius X. shows
   that he follows his predecessors closely. In his encyclical of Jan. 15,
   1907, addressed to the French bishops, he says, "In full confidence
   that the Virgin Immaculate, daughter of our Father, mother of the Word,
   spouse of the Holy Ghost, will obtain for you from the most holy and
   adorable Trinity better days, we give you our Apostolic Benediction."
   It was the misfortune of the mediaeval theologians to fall heir to the
   eulogies passed upon Mary by Jerome and other early Fathers of the
   early Church and the veneration in which she was held. They blindly
   followed having inherited also the allegorical mode of interpretation
   from the past. In part they were actuated by a sincere purpose to exalt
   the glory and divinity of Christ when they ascribed to Mary exemption
   from sin. On the other hand it was a Pagan, though chivalric,
   superstition to exalt her to a position of a goddess who stands between
   Christ and the sinner and mitigates by her intercession the austerity
   which marks his attitude towards them. This was the response the
   mediaeval Church gave to the exclamation of St. Bernard, "Who is this
   virgin so worthy of honor as to be saluted by the angel and so lowly as
   to have been espoused to a carpenter?" [2042] piety of the Middle Ages
   went out to her and is expressed in such hymns as the Mater dolorosa
   and the companion piece, Mater speciosa. But this piety, while it no
   doubt contributed to the exaltation of womanhood, also involved a
   relaxation of penitence, for in the worship of Mary tears of sympathy
   are substituted for resolutions of repentance.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2008] Peltier's ed., XIV. 181. A free translation runs, "Hail,
   heavenly lily, Hail most graceful rose, Hail mother of the lowly,
   Reigning on high, Couch of deity; Give to us in this valley of tears
   strength, Lend aid O thou palliator of sins."

   [2009] 2 sinus, bosom; pectus, breast; viscera bowels; ubera, breasts;
   uterus, etc.

   [2010] Bonaventura, Speculum, III. Peltier's ed., XIV. 240.

   [2011] Migne, 145. 566

   [2012] Ir antlutze war so tugentliche, Ir ougen also kunchliche, Ir
   gebaerde also reine, Das sich ze ir glichte deheine, Under allen den
   frouen, quoted by von Eicken, p. 477.

   [2013] The word used is concupiscentia, the usual word for lust. Migne,
   183. 62.

   [2014] Specialissime et spiritualissime. Migne, 210. 53.

   [2015] See von Eicken, p. 481. In a song to Mary written by the
   Dominican, Eberhard of Saxony, in the thirteenth century, occur the
   lines:-- Got in sinem hohen trone hat begehrt diner schone Da er wil, o
   wiber Krone mit gelüste dich ansehen. "God on His throne desired thy
   beauty and wanted, O crown of womanhood, to look on thee with passion."

   [2016] Orationes, LII., Migne, 158. 954.

   [2017] De laud. Mariae, Borgnet's ed., XXXVI. 600-840.

   [2018] These works may not all be genuine. They belong, at least, to
   Bonaventura's age.

   [2019] De assump., Migne, 183. 430; De nativ. Mariae, Migne, 183. 441;
   Supermissus III., Migne, 183. 70

   [2020] In Sent., III. 1, 2, Peltier's ed., IV. 63.

   [2021] Orat., LVIII, LX. Migne, 158. 964, 966.

   [2022] Dreves, Analecta, I. 48 sqq.

   [2023] De variis mirac., Migne, 145. 586 sq.; De bono suffr., Migne,
   145. 564

   [2024] Dial., VII. 13, 19, XI. 12, VII. 12, 39, 40, 51, etc.

   [2025] Dial., VII. 38.

   [2026] II. 264.

   [2027] The Assumption of Mary. Temple Classics, IV. 249.

   [2028] Hase, Miracle Plays, 31.

   [2029] De Mariae virg., Migne, 173. 872. Bernard even uses the word
   "impregnate," impregnare to indicate the Spirit's influence. Migne,
   183. 59.

   [2030] Cur Deus homo, II. 8; De concept. virg., Migne, 158. 445.

   [2031] Summa III. 28, 1, etc., Migne, IV. 258, 262, 294, 298, etc.

   [2032] In Sent., III. 5, IV. 3, 1, PeItier's ed., IV. 53 sqq., V. 59.

   [2033] Ep., 174, Migne, 332-336.

   [2034] Sententia communior, rationabilior et securior. Peltier's ed.,
   IV. 67.

   [2035] Summa, III. 27, 4, Migne, IV. 252.

   [2036] Si auctoritati eccles. vel scripturae non repugnet videtur
   probabile quod excellentius est attribuere Mariae videlicet quod non
   sit inoriginali peccato concepta. Sent., III. 3 Paris ed., XIV. 165.
   See Seeberg, p. 247 sq., and Schwane, p. 424 sqq.

   [2037] Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, II. 211.

   [2038] Addis and Arnold, Cath. Dict., 6th ed., commend the tradition as
   inherently probable as no relics of Mary's body have ever been found.

   [2039] Damiani, De Mirac., Migne, 146. 586.

   [2040] De bono suffr. Migne, 145. 564.

   [2041] According to Caesar of Heisterbach, the Ave Maria took the place
   of sugar and honey in the mouths of nuns who repeated it on their knees
   daily fifty times and it tasted like honey. A priest who tried it
   found, after six weeks, that his spittle had turned to honey. Sermons,
   as quoted by Cruel, Gesch. d. Deutschen Predigt, p. 284.

   [2042] De laude virginis. Migne, 183. 58.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 131. The Worship of Relics.

   Literature: See Lit., p. 268 sq. Guibert of Nogent, d. 1124: de
   pignoribus sanctorum, Migne, vol. 156, 607-679.--Guntherus: Hist.
   Constantinopol., Migne, vol. 212.--Peter the Venerable: de miraculis,
   Migne, vol. 189.--Caesar of Heisterbach, Jacob of Voragine, Salimbene,
   etc.--P. Vignon: The Shroud of Christ, Engl. trans., N. Y., 1903.

   The worship of relics was based by Thomas Aquinas upon the regard
   nature prompts us to pay to the bodies of our deceased friends and the
   things they held most sacred. The bodies of the saints are to be
   reverenced because they were in a special manner the temples of the
   Holy Ghost. The worship to be paid to them is the lowest form of
   worship, dulia. Hyperdulia, a higher form of worship, is to be rendered
   to the true cross on which Christ hung. In this case the worship is
   rendered not to the wood but to him who hung upon the cross. Latreia,
   the highest form of worship, belongs to God alone. [2043] image itself.
   It is rendered to the prototype, or that for which the image stands.
   [2044]

   In the earlier years of the Middle Ages, Italy was the most prolific
   source of relics. With the opening of the Crusades the eyes of the
   Church were turned to the East, and the search of relic-hunters was
   abundantly rewarded. With open-mouthed credulity the West received the
   holy objects which Crusaders allowed to be imposed upon them. The rich
   mine opened up at the sack of Constantinople has already been referred
   to. Theft was sanctified which recovered a fragment from a saint's body
   or belongings. The monk, Gunther, does not hesitate to enumerate the
   articles which the abbot, Martin, and his accomplices stole from the
   reliquary in one of the churches of the Byzantine city. Salimbene
   [2045]

   The Holy Lance was disclosed at a critical moment in the siege of
   Antioch. The Holy Grail was found in Caesarea in 1101. The bones of the
   three kings, Caspar, Melchior, and Belthazar, reputed to have been the
   magi who presented their gifts at the manger, were removed from Milan
   to Cologne, where they still repose. In the same city of Cologne were
   found, in 1156, the remains of Ursula and the virgin martyrs, put to
   death by the Huns, the genuineness of the discovery being attested by a
   vision to Elizabeth of Schönau. Among the endless number of objects
   transmitted to Western Europe from the East were Noah's beard, the
   horns of Moses, the stone on which Jacob slept at Bethel, the branch
   from which Absalom hung, our Lord's foreskin, his navel cord, his coat,
   tears he shed at the grave of Lazarus, milk from Mary's breasts, the
   table on which the Last Supper was eaten, the stone of Christ's
   sepulchre, Paul's stake in the flesh, a tooth belonging to St.
   Lawrence. Christ's tooth, which the monks of St. Medard professed to
   have in their possession, was attacked by Guibert of Nogent on the
   ground that when Christ rose from the dead he was in possession of all
   the parts of his body. He also attacked the genuineness of the
   umbilical cord. [2046] .

   The holy coat, the blood of Christ, and his cross have perhaps played
   the largest part in the literature of relics. Christ's holy coat is
   claimed by Treves and Argenteuil as well as other localities. It was
   the seamless garment--tunica inconsutilis -- woven by Mary, which grew
   as Christ grew was worn on the cross. [2047] city. On the eve of the
   Reformation it was solemnly shown to Maximilian I. and assembled German
   princes. At different dates, vast bodies of pilgrims have gone to look
   at it; the largest number in 1891, when 1,925,130 people passed through
   the cathedral for this purpose. Many miracles were believed to have
   been performed. [2048]

   The arrival of some of Christ's blood in England, Oct. 13, 1247, was
   solemnized by royalty and furnishes one of the strange and picturesque
   religious scenes of English mediaeval history. The detailed description
   of Matthew Paris speaks of it as "a holy benefit from heaven." [2049]
   prelates of the Holy Land. After fasting and keeping watch the night
   before, the king, Henry III., accompanied by the priests of London in
   full canonicals and with tapers burning, carried the vase containing
   the holy liquid from St. Paul's to Westminster, and made a circuit of
   the church, the palace, and the king's own apartments. The king
   proceeded on foot, holding the sacred vessel above his head. The bishop
   of Norwich preached a sermon on the occasion and, at a later date,
   Robert Grosseteste preached another in which he defended the
   genuineness of the relic, giving a memorable exhibition of scholastic
   ingenuity. [2050]

   The true cross was found more than once and fragments of it were
   numerous, so numerous that the fiction had to be invented that the true
   cross had the singular property of multiplying itself indefinitely. A
   choice must be made between the stories. The first Crusaders beheld the
   cross in Jerusalem. Richard I., during the Third Crusade, was directed
   to a piece of it by an aged man, the abbot of St. Elie, who had buried
   it in the ground and refused to deliver it up to Saladin, even though
   that prince put him in bonds to force him to do so. Richard and the
   army kissed it with pious devotion. [2051] Constantinople were a piece
   of the true cross and a drop of the Lord's blood. The true cross,
   however, was still entire, and in 1241 it reached Paris. It had
   originally been bought by the Venetians from the king of Jerusalem for
   £20,000 and was purchased from the Emperor Baldwin by Louis IX. The
   relic was received with great ceremony and carried into the French
   capital by the king, with feet and head bare, and accompanied by his
   mother, Blanche, the queen, the king's brothers, and a great concourse
   of nobles and clergy. [2052] e sponge offered to him on the cross,
   together with other relics.

   The English chronicler's enthusiasm for this event seems not to have
   been in the least dampened by the fact that the English abbey of
   Bromholm also possessed the true cross. It reached England in 1247,
   through a monk who had found it among the effects of the Emperor
   Baldwin, after he had fallen in battle. The monk appeared at the
   convent door with his two children, and carrying the sacred relic under
   his cloak. Heed was given to his story and he was taken in. Miracles at
   once began to be performed, even to the cleansing of lepers and the
   raising of the dead. [2053]

   Some idea of the popular estimate of the value of relics may be had
   from the story which Caesar of Heisterbach relates of a certain Bernard
   who belonged to Caesar's convent. [2054] uming a proper mental state,
   the thumping stopped, but as soon as he renewed the unseemly thoughts
   the thumping began again. Bernard took the hint and finally desisted
   altogether. Caesar had the satisfaction of knowing that when Bernard
   had these experiences, he was not yet a monk.

   The resentment of relics at being mistreated frequently came within the
   range of Caesar's experience. One of St. Nicolas' teeth, kept at
   Brauweiler, on one occasion jumped out of the glass box which contained
   it, to show the saint's disgust at the irreverence of the people who
   were looking at it. Another case was of the relics of two virgins which
   had been hid in time of war and were left behind when other relics were
   restored to the reliquary. They were not willing to be neglected and
   struck so hard against the chest which held them that the noise was
   heard all through the convent, and continued to be heard till they were
   released. [2055]

   An organized traffic in relics was carried on by unscrupulous venders
   who imposed them upon the credulity of the pious. The Fourth Lateran
   sought to put a stop to it by forbidding the veneration of novelties
   without the papal sanction. According to Guibert of Nogent, [2056] whom
   he wished to worship, did not thereby lose any benefit that might
   accrue from such worship. All the saints, he said, are one body in
   Christ (John 17:22), and in worshipping one reverence is done to the
   whole corporation.

   The devil, on occasion, had a hand in attesting the genuineness of
   relics. By his courtesy a nail in the reliquiary of Cologne, of whose
   origin no one knew anything, was discovered to be nothing less than one
   of the nails of the cross. [2057] ch kind services, no doubt, were
   rare. The court-preacher of Weimar, Irenaeus, 1566-1570, visiting
   Treves in company with the Duchess of Weimar, found one of the devil's
   claws in one of the churches. The story ran, that at the erection of a
   new altar, the devil was more than usually enraged, and kicked so hard
   against the altar that he left a claw sticking in the wood. [2058]

   The attitude of the Protestant churches to relics was expressed by
   Luther in his Larger Catechism when he said, "es ist alles tot Ding das
   niemand heiligen kann." They are lifeless, dead things, that can make
   no man holy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2043] Th. Aq., Summa, III. 25, 6, Migne, IV. 240 sq.; Bonavent.,
   Peltier's ed., IV. 206 sq., VIII. 196. Thornas accords a single brief
   chapter to relics and quotes Augustine but not Scripture in favor of
   their vvorship.

   [2044] Bonavent., III. 27, 2, Peltier's ed., IV. 619.

   [2045] Coulton's ed., p 253.

   [2046] De pignoribus. Migne, 156. 649 sqq.

   [2047] Among the legends of its discovery is the following: Herod gave
   the coat to a Jew because the drops of blood would not come out. The
   Jew threw it into the sea. A whale swallowed it. Orendel, son of the
   king of Treves, on his way to Jerusalem caught the fish and rescued the
   garment. It is described as five feet one inch long, and of the color
   of a sponge.

   [2048] See Wetzer-Welte, Der hl. Rock, X. 1229 sqq.

   [2049] Luard's ed., IV. 641-643.

   [2050] Luard, Vl. 138-144. See Stevenson's Grosseteste, p. 263.

   [2051] De Vinsauf, Chronicle of Richard's Crusade, LIV.

   [2052] Luard's M. Paris, IV. 90 sq.; De Voragine, VII. 210.

   [2053] Luard's ed., III. 30 sq.

   [2054] Dial., VIII 67, Strange's ed., II. 138.

   [2055] Dial., VIII. 68, 85.

   [2056] Migne, 156. 627.

   [2057] Hauck, IV. 74.

   [2058] Treves, Cologne, and Aachen were distinguished by the number of
   their reliquiary possessions. Gelenius, a Cologne priest, in his de
   admiranda sacra et civili magnitudine Coloniae, 1645, enumerated a
   great number of relics to be found In Cologne, such as pieces of the
   true cross, the manger, some of the earth on which Mary stood when she
   received the angelic announcement, one of John the Baptist's teeth, a
   piece of his garment, hairs from the head of Bartholomew, and remains
   of the children of Bethlehem. As recently as Nov. 30, 1898, the
   archbishop of Cologne announced that one of St. Andrew's arms would be
   shown after having lain in repose for one hundred years. It was found
   in a chest with other relics which had been packed away during the
   French Revolution.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 132. The Sermon.

   Literature: A. Nebe: Charakterbilder d. bedeutendsten Kanzelredner,
   Vol. I. Origen to Tauler, 1879. --J. M. Neale: Med. Preachers, Lond.,
   1853, new ed., 1873. --J. A. Broadus: The Hist. of Preaching, N. Y.,
   1876. A bare sketch.--H. Hering: Gesch. d. Predigt. (pp. 55-68),
   Berlin, 1905. --E. C. Dargan: Hist. of Preaching, from 70 to 1570, N.
   Y., 1906.

   For the French Pulpit: *Lecoy de la Marche: La chaire franc. au moyen
   âge speciallement au XIIIe siècle, Paris, 1868, new ed., 1886.--L.
   Bourgain: La chaire franc. au XIIme siècle d'après les Mss., Paris,
   1879. --J. von Walter: D. ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs, 2 parts,
   Leip., 1903, 1906.

   For the German Pulpit: W. Wackernagel: Altdeutsche Predigten und
   Gebete, Basel, 1876.--*R Cruel: Gesch. d. Deutschen Predigt im MtA.,
   Detmold, 1879.--*A. Linsenmayer (Rom. Cath.): Gesch. der Predigt in
   Deutschland von Karl dem Grossen bis zum Ausgange d. 14ten
   Jahrhunderts, Munich, 1886.--Hauck: Kirchengesch.--Collections of med.
   Ger. sermons.--H. Leyser: Deutsche Predigten d. 13ten und 14ten
   Jahrhunderts, 1838.--K. Roth: Deutsche Predigten des XlI. und XIII.
   Jahrhunderts, 1839.--F. E. Grieshaber: Deutsche Predigt. d. XIII.
   Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. Stuttg., 1844.--*A. E. Schönbach: Altdeutsche
   Predigten, 3 vols. Graz, 1886-1891; Studien zur Gesch. d. Altdeutschen
   Predigt. (on Berthold of Regensburg), 3 parts, Vienna, 1904-1906. --A.
   Franz: Drei Minoritenprediger aus d. XIII. u. XIV. Jahrh., Freib.,
   1907.

   For the English Pulpit: R. Morris: Old Engl. Homilies of the Twelfth
   and Thirteenth Centuries, 2 vols. Lond., 1868-1873.--See T. F. Crane:
   Introd. to the Exempla of Jacob de Vitry, Folklore Soc., Lond.,
   1890.--Richardson: Voragine as a Preacher, Presb. Rev., July, 1904.

   Although the office of the preacher in the Middle Ages was overshadowed
   by the function of the priest, the art of preaching was not altogether
   neglected. The twelfth and the thirteenth centuries have each
   contributed at least one pulpit orator of the first magnitude: St.
   Bernard, whom we think of as the preacher in the convent and the
   preacher of the Crusades, and Berthold of Regensburg, the Whitefield of
   his age, who moved vast popular assemblies with practical discourses.

   Two movements aroused the dormant energies of the pulpit: the Crusades,
   in the twelfth century, and the rise of the Mendicant orders in the
   thirteenth century. The example of the heretical sects preaching on the
   street and the roadside also acted as a powerful spur upon the
   established Church.

   Ambrose had pronounced the bishop's chief function to be preaching. The
   nearest approach made to that definition by a formal pronouncement of
   these centuries is found in the tenth canon of the Fourth Lateran.
   After emphasizing the paramount necessity of knowing the Word of God,
   the council commended the practice whereby bishops, in case of their
   incapacity, appointed apt men to take their place in preaching. Pope
   Innocent III. himself preached, and fifty-eight of his sermons are
   preserved. [2059] from a writer on homiletics or a preacher in favor of
   frequent preaching. So Honorius of Autun, in an address to priests,
   declared that, if they lived a good life and did not publicly teach or
   preach, they were like the "watchmen without knowledge" and as dumb
   dogs (Isa. 56:9), and, if they preached and lived ill, they were as
   blind leaders of the blind. [2060] to another order, replied: "I do not
   read that Jesus Christ was either a black or a white monk, but that he
   was a poor preacher. I will follow in his steps."

   It is impossible to determine with precision the frequency with which
   sermons were preached in parishes. Probably one-half of the priests in
   Germany in the twelfth century did not preach. [2061] efice fifty years
   without ever having preached a sermon. There were few pulpits in those
   days in English churches. [2062]

   In the thirteenth century a notable change took place, through the
   example of the friars. They were preachers and went among the people.
   Vast audiences gathered in the fields and streets to listen to an
   occasional popular orator, like Anthony of Padua and Berthold of
   Regensburg. At the beginning of the fourteenth century, the Franciscans
   received formal permission from Clement V., "to preach on the streets
   the Word of God."

   Nor was the preaching confined to men in orders. Laymen among the
   heretics and also among the orthodox groups and the Flagellants
   exercised their gifts. [2063] egory IX., 1235, condemned the
   unauthorized preaching of laymen. There were also boy preachers in
   those days. [2064]

   The vernacular was used at the side of the Latin. [2065] rs of his life
   followed his example. Bishop Hermann of Prague, d. 1122, preached in
   Bohemian. [2066]

   Congregations were affected much as congregations are to-day. Caesar of
   Heisterbach, who himself was a preacher, tells of a congregation that
   went to sleep and snored during a sermon. The preacher, suddenly
   turning from the line of his discourse, exclaimed: "Hear, my brethren,
   I will tell you something new and strange. There was once a king called
   Artus." The sleepers awoke and the preacher continued, "See, brethren,
   when I spoke about God, you slept, but when I began to tell a trivial
   story, you pricked up your ears to hear." [2067] casion.

   The accounts of contemporaries leave no room to doubt that
   extraordinary impressions were made upon great audiences. [2068] l
   instruction, doctrinal inference, and moral application. It was well
   understood that the personality of the preacher has much to do with the
   effectiveness of a discourse. Although the people along the Rhine did
   not understand the language of St. Bernard, they were moved to the very
   depths by his sermons. When his language was interpreted, they lost
   their power.

   Four treatises have come down to us from this period on homiletics and
   the pulpit, by Guibert of Nogent, Alanus ab Insulis, Humbert de
   Romanis, and Hugo de St. Cher. [2069] [2070] nd cultivating the habit
   of turning everything he sees into a symbol of religious truth. He sets
   forth the different motives by which preachers were actuated, from a
   desire of display by ventriloquism to an honest purpose to instruct and
   make plain the Scriptures.

   In his Art of Preaching, [2071] what is being talked about. He advises
   the use of quotations from Gentile authors, following Paul's example.
   After giving other counsels, Alanus in forty-seven chapters presents
   illustrations of the treatment of different themes, such as the
   contempt of the world, luxury, gluttony, godly sorrow, joy, patience,
   faith. He then furnishes specimens of exhortations to different classes
   of hearers: princes, lawyers, monks, the married, widows, virgins, the
   somnolent.

   Humbert de Romanis, general of the order of the Dominicans, d. 1277, in
   a much more elaborate work, [2072] for Christ celebrated the mass only
   once, but was constantly engaged in preaching. He urged the necessity
   of study, and counselled high thought rather than graceful and
   well-turned sentences, comparing the former to food and the latter to
   the dishes on which it is served.

   To these homiletical rules and hints must be added the notices
   scattered through the sermons of preachers like Honorius of Autun and
   Caesar of Heisterbach. Caesar said, [2073] like an arrow, sharp to
   pierce the hearts of the hearers; straight, that is, without any false
   doctrine; and feathered, that is, easy to be understood. The bow is the
   Word of God.

   Among the prominent preachers from 1050 to 1200, whose sermons have
   been preserved, were Peter Damiani, d. 1072, Ivo of Chartres, d. 1116,
   Hildebert of Tours, d. 1133, Abaelard d. 1142, St. Bernard, d. 1153,
   and Maurice, archbishop of Paris, d. 1196. Of the eloquence of Arnold
   of Brescia, Norbert, the founder of the Premonstrant order, and Fulke
   of Neuilly, the fiery preacher of the Fourth Crusade, no specimens are
   preserved. Another class of preachers were the itinerant preachers,
   some of whom were commissioned by popes, as were Robert of Abrissel and
   Bernard of Thiron who went about clad in coarse garments and with
   flowing beards, preaching to large concourses of people. They preached
   repentance and sharply rebuked the clergy for their worldliness,
   themselves wept and brought their hearers to tears.

   Bernard enjoys the reputation of being, up to his time, the most
   brilliant luminary of the pulpit after the days of Gregory the Great.
   Luther held his sermons in high regard and called him "the golden
   preacher"--der gueldene Prediger. Among the preachers of France he is
   placed at the side of Bourdaloue and Bossuet. He has left more than two
   hundred and fifty discourses on special texts and themes in addition to
   the eighty-six homilies on the Song of Solomon. [2074]

   The subjects of the former range from the five pebbles which David
   picked up from the brook to the most solemn mysteries of Christ's life
   and work. The sermons were not written out, but delivered from notes or
   improvised after meditation in the convent garden. For moral
   earnestness, flights of imagination, pious soliloquy, and passionate
   devotion to religious themes, they have a place in the first rank of
   pulpit productions. "The constant shadow of things eternal is over them
   all," said Dr. Storrs, himself one of the loftiest figures in the
   American pulpit of the last century. One of the leading authorities on
   his life, Deutsch, has said that Bernard combined in himself all the
   qualities of a great preacher, a vivid apprehension of the grace of
   God, a profound desire to help his hearers, a thorough knowledge of the
   human heart, familiarity with the Scriptures, opulence of thought, and
   a faculty of magnetic description. [2075]

   Fulke of Neuilly, pastor in Neuilly near Paris, was a man of different
   mould from Bernard, but, like him, his eloquence is associated with the
   Crusades. [2076] a born orator. His sermons on repentance in Notre Dame
   and on the streets of Paris were accompanied with remarkable
   demonstrations, the people throwing themselves on the ground, weeping
   and scourging themselves. Usurers "whom the devil alone was able to
   make, "fallen women, and other offenders turned from their evil ways.
   Called forth by Innocent III. to proclaim the Fourth Crusade, Fulke
   influenced, as he himself estimated, no less than two million to take
   the cross. He did not live to hear of the capture of Constantinople, to
   which event unintentionally he made so large a contribution.

   The great preachers of the thirteenth century were the product of the
   mendicant orders or, like Grosseteste, sympathized with their aims and
   methods. The Schoolmen who belonged to these orders seem all to have
   been preachers, and their sermons, or collations, delivered in the
   convents, many of which are preserved, received the highest praise from
   contemporaries, but partook of the scholastic method. Albertus Magnus,
   Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventura were preachers, Bonaventura [2077]

   To the mendicant orders belonged also the eminent popular preachers,
   Anthony of Padua, John of Vicenza, and Berthold of Regensburg. Anthony
   of Padua, 1195-1231, born at Lisbon, entered the Franciscan order and
   made Northern Italy the scene of his labors. He differed from Francis
   in being a well-schooled man. He joined himself to the conventual
   party, at whose head stood Elias of Cortona. Like Francis he was a
   lover of nature and preached to the fishes. He preached in the fields
   and the open squares. As many as thirty thousand are reported to have
   flocked to hear him. He denied having the power of working miracles,
   but legend has associated miracles with his touch and his tomb. The
   fragments of his sermons, which are preserved, are mere sketches and,
   like Whitefield's printed discourses, give no clew to the power of the
   preacher. Anthony was canonized the year after his death by Gregory IX.
   His remains were deposited, in 1263, in the church in Padua reared to
   his memory. Bonaventura was present. The body was found to have wholly
   dissolved except the tongue. [2078]

   Berthold of Regensburg, d. 1272, had for his teacher David of Augsburg,
   d. 127l, also a preacher of renown. A member of the Franciscan order,
   Berthold itinerated from Thuringia to Bohemia, and from Spires to the
   upper Rhine regions as far as the Swiss canton of the Grisons. He was
   familiarly known as rusticanus, "the field preacher." According to
   contemporaries, he was listened to by sixty thousand at a time. His
   sermons were taken down by others and, to correct mistakes, he was
   obliged to edit an edition with his own hand. [2079]

   This celebrated preacher's style is exceedingly pictorial. He drew
   illustrations from the stars and the fields, the forests and the
   waters. The most secret motives of the heart seemed to he open before
   him. Cruel, the historian of the mediaeval German pulpit, gives as the
   three elements of his power: his popular speech easily understood by
   the laity, his personality which he never hid behind a quoted
   authority, and his burning love for God and man. He preached
   unsparingly against the vices of his age: usury, avarice, unchastity,
   drunkenness, the dance, and the tournament, and everything adapted to
   destroy the sanctity of the home.

   He urged as motives the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man.
   But especially did he appeal to the fear of perdition and its torments.
   If your whole body, he said, was glowing iron and the whole world on
   fire, yet are the pains of the lost many times greater, and when the
   soul is reunited with the body in hell, then it will be as passing from
   dew to a burning mountain. The sermons are enlivened by vivacious
   dialogues in which the devil is a leading figure. Berthold demanded
   penitence as well as works of penance. But he was a child of his time,
   was hard on heretics, and did not oppose any of the accepted dogmas.

   A considerable number of sermons, many of them anonymous, are preserved
   from the mediaeval pulpit of Germany, where preaching seemed to be most
   in vogue. [2080] achers were Gottfried, abbot of Admont, d. 1165,
   Honorius of Autun, d. 1152, and Werner of St. Blasius in the Black
   Forest, d. 1126. Gottfried's sermons, of which about two hundred are
   preserved, occupy more than a thousand columns in Migne (174. 21-1133),
   and are as full of exegetical and edifying material as any other
   discourses of the Middle Ages.

   Honorius and Werner both prepared homiliaria, or collections of sermons
   which were meant to be a homiletical arsenal for preachers. Honorius'
   collection, the Mirror of the Church--Speculurn ecclesiae [2081] one of
   them he addresses himself to one class after another, calling them by
   name. One of the interesting things about these model discourses is the
   homiletical hints that are thrown in here and there. The following two
   show that it was necessary, even in those good old times, to adapt the
   length of the sermon to the patience of the hearers. "You may finish
   here if you choose, or if time permits, you may add the following
   things." "For the sake of brevity you must sometimes shorten this
   sermon and at other times you may prolong it."

   Werner's collection, the Deflorationes sanctorum patrum, or Flowers
   from the Fathers, fills more than five hundred columns in Migne (151.
   734-1294), and joins, with discourses from patristic times, other
   sermons, some of them probably by Werner himself. Thirteen are taken
   from Honorius of Autun. It would be interesting, if there were space,
   to give specimens of the sermonic literature contained in these
   collections.

   Of the pulpit in England there is not much to be said. It had no
   preachers equal in fame to the preachers of Germany and Italy. The
   chief source of our information are the two volumes of Old English
   Homilies by Morris, which contain an English translation at the side of
   the Saxon original. The names of the preachers are lost. The sermons
   are brief expositions of texts of Scripture, the Creed, the Lord's
   Prayer, and on Mary and the Apostles, and are adapted to the wants and
   temptations of everyday life. In a sermon on the Creed [2082] on is
   such as might be made by a wise preacher to-day: "Three things there
   are that each man must have who will lead a Christian life, a right
   belief, baptism, and a fair life, for he is not fully a Christian who
   is wanting in any of these." One of the sermons quaintly treats of the
   traps set by the devil in four pits: play, and the trap idleness;
   drink, and the trap wrongdoing; the market, and the trap cheating; and
   the Church, and the trap pride. In the last trap the clergy are
   ensnared as when the priest neglects to perform the service or to speak
   what he ought to, or sings so as to catch the ears of women. [2083]

   A general conclusion to be drawn from the sermons of this period of the
   Middle Ages is that human passions and the tendency to shirk religious
   duties or to substitute the appearance for the reality were about the
   same as they are to-day. Another conclusion is that the modes of appeal
   employed were about the same as the earnest preacher employs in this
   age, except that in those days much more emphasis was laid upon the
   pains of future punishment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2059] See Hurter's judgment of Innocent as a preacher, II. 729 sqq.

   [2060] Spec. eccles., Migne, 172. 862.

   [2061] Cruel, pp. 210, 262.

   [2062] Jessopp, Coming of the Friars, p. 86.

   [2063] Linsenmayer, p. 125 sqq.

   [2064] Salimbene, Coulton's ed., p. 305.

   [2065] Hurter, IV. 507; Cruel, p. 217.

   [2066] His homiliarium was ed. by Hecht, 1863,

   [2067] Dial., IV. 36.

   [2068] Dargan, p. 229, says that "probably the largest audiences ever
   gathered to hear preaching" were gathered in the thirteenth century.

   [2069] Speculum ecclesiae, Lyons, 1554.

   [2070] Quo ordine sermo fieri debeat, Migne, 157. 20-34.

   [2071] Summa de arte praedicatoria, Migne, 210. 111-198.

   [2072] De eruditione praedicatorum.

   [2073] Quoted by Cruel, p. 249.

   [2074] See Vacandard, S. Bernard, I. 474 sqq., and Storrs, St. Bernard,
   pp. 355-427, Migne, 183. 73-747, 784-1105.

   [2075] Art. Bernard, in Herzog, II. 634.

   [2076] A. Charasson, Un curé plébéien au XIIe siècle Foulques, curé de
   Veuilly, Paris, 1905.

   [2077] Peltier's ed., XIII. 1-636, etc. For Thomas' sermons, see
   Bourin, La prédication en France et les sermons de Thomas, Paris, 1882.
   Vaughan is fulsome in praise of Thomas as a preacher. Life, etc., I.
   459 sq., II. 104 sqq., 112-117.

   [2078] The writer in Wetzer-Welte, I. 995, declarcs that the tongue
   remains whole to this day. See Lempp, Leben d. hl. Antonius v. Padua.

   [2079] The works and collections of Berthold's sermons are numerous.
   Cruel, pp. 307-322; Linsenmayer, pp. 333-354; E. Bernhardt, Bruder
   Berthold von Regensb., etc., Erf., 1905. Ed. of his sermons by Kling,
   Berlin, 1824; Pfeiffer, Vienna, 1862; J. Strobel, 2 vols. Vienna, 1880;
   Gobel, 2 vols. Schaffh., 1850; 4th ed., Regensb., 1905; alsoPredigten
   a. d. Sonn und Festtagen, 2 vols. 1884; G. Jacob, D. Iatein. Reden d.
   Berthold, etc., Regensb., 1880.

   [2080] See Cruel, 146-208; Linsenmayer, 191-320.

   [2081] Migne, vol. 172. See Rocholl, in Herzog, VIII. 327-331; Endres,
   Honor. August., Leip., 1903. Honorius called himself Augustoduniensis,
   but it is doubtful whether Autun or Strassburg is meant.

   [2082] Old Engl. Hom., II. 14.

   [2083] II, 209 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 133. Hymns and Sacred Poetry.

   Latin Hymns: H. A. Daniel: Thesaurus Hymnol., 5 vols. Halle and
   Leipzig, 1855-1856. --F, J. Mone: Latein. Hymnen d. Mittelalters, 3
   vols. Freib., 1853-1855. --R. C. Trench: Sacr. Lat. Poetry with Notes,
   Lond., 1849, 3d ed., 1874. --G. A. Königsfeld: Latein. Hymnen und
   Gesänge d. MtA., 2 vols. Bonn, 1847-1863 with transll.--J. M. Neale:
   Med. Hymns and Sequences, Lond., 1851, 3d ed., 1867; Hymns chiefly Med.
   on the Joys and Glories of Paradise, Lond., 1862, 4th ed., by S. G.
   Hatherley, 1882.--W. J. Loftie: Lat. Hymns, 3 vols. Lond.,
   1873-1877.--F. W. E. Roth: Lat. Hymnen d. MtA., Augsb., 1888.--*G. M.
   Dreves and C. Blume: Analecta hymnica medii aevi, Leipz., 1886-1906, 49
   parts in 16 vols.--U. Chevalier: Repertorium hymnol. Cat. des chants,
   hymnes, proses, sequences, tropes, etc., 2 vols. Louvaine, 1892-1897;
   Poésie liturg. du moyen âge, Paris, 1893.--S. G. Pirmont: Les hymnes du
   Bréviare rom., 3 vols. Paris, 1874-1884.--Ed. Caswall: Lyra Catholica
   (197 transll.), Lond., 1849.--R. Mant: Anc. Hymns from the Rom. Brev.,
   new ed., Lond., 1871.--F. A. March: Lat. Hymns with Engl. Notes, N. Y.,
   1874.--D. T. Morgan: Hymns and other Poems of the Lat. Ch., Oxf.,
   1880.--W. H. Frere: The Winchester Tropar from MSS. of the 10th and
   11th centt., Lond., 1894. --H. Mills: The Hymn of Hildebert and the Ode
   of Xavier, with Engl. transll., Auburn, 1844.--W. C. Prime: The Seven
   Great Hymns of the Med. Ch., N. Y., 1865. --E. C. Benedict: The Hymn of
   Hildebert and other Med. Hymns, with transll., N. Y., 1867, 2d ed.,
   1869. --A. Coles: Dies Irae and other Lat. Poems, N. Y., 1868. --D. S.
   Wrangham: The Liturg. Poetry of Adam de St. Victor, with Engl.
   transll., 3 vols. Lond., 1881.--Ozanam: Les Poètes Franciscains en
   Italie au XIIIe siècle, Paris, 1852, 3d ed. 1869.--L. Gautier: Oeuvres
   poet. d' Adam de St. Victor, Paris, 1858, 2d ed., 1887; Hist. de la
   poésie liturg. au moyen âge. Paris, 1886.--P. Schaff: Christ in Song, a
   Collection of Hymns, Engl. and trans. with notes, N. Y. and Lond.,
   1869. --Schaff and Gilman: Libr. of Rel. Poetry, N. Y., 1881.--Schaff:
   Lit. and Poetry, N. Y., 1890. Contains essays of St. Bernard as a
   Hymnist, the Dies irae, Stabat mater, etc.--S. W. Duffield: Lat. Hymn
   Writers and their Hymns, N. Y., 1889.

   For German Hymns, etc.: C. E. P. Wackernagel: D. Deutsche Kirchenlied
   von d. ältesten Zeit bis zum 1600, 5 vols. Leip., 1864-1877.--Ed. E.
   Koch: Gesch. des Kirchenlieds und Kirchengesangs, 2 vols. 1847, 3d ed.,
   by Lauxmann, 8 vols. 1866-1876.--Artt., Hymnus and Kirchenlied in
   Wetzer-Welte, VI. 519-551, VII. 600-606; Kirchenlied, in Herzog, by
   Drews, X. 409-419, and Lat. and Ger. Hymnody in Julian's Dicty. of
   hymnology.

   Note. The collection of Latin hymns by Dreves and Blume, members of the
   Society of Jesus, is a monument of persevering industry and
   scholarship. It is with few exceptions made up of hitherto unpublished
   poems. The collection is meant to be exhaustive and one is fairly
   amazed at the extent of mediaeval sacred poetry. There are about seven
   hundred pages and an average of eleven hundred poems to each volume.
   Monasteries and breviaries of every locality in Western Europe were
   searched for hymnological treasures. In cases, an entire number, or
   Heft (for the volumes have appeared in numbers), is given up to the
   poems of a single convent, as No. Vll., pp. 282, to the proses of St.
   Martial in Limoges. No. XL. contains sequences taken from English MSS.,
   such as the missals of Salisbury, York, Canterbury, and Winchester, and
   is edited by H. M. Bannister, 1902. Among the more curious parts is No.
   XXVII., pp. 287, containing the religious poems of the Mozarabic, or
   Gothic liturgy. If Dreves adds a printed edition of the mediaeval Latin
   poetry found in Mone, Daniel, and other standard collections, his
   collection will supersede all the collections of his predecessors.

   The mediaeval sermon is, at best, the object of curious search by an
   occasional student. It is otherwise with some of the mediaeval hymns.
   They shine in the cluster of the great hymns of all the ages. They have
   entered into the worship of all the churches of the West and continue
   to exercise a sanctifying mission. They are not adapted to the
   adherents of one confession or age alone, but to Christian believers of
   every age.

   The Latin sacred poems of the Middle Ages, of which thousands have been
   preserved, were written, for the most part, in the shadow of cloistral
   walls, notably St. Gall, St. Martial in Limoges, Cluny, Clairvaux, and
   St. Victor near Paris. Few of them passed into public use in the church
   service, or were rendered by the voice. They served the purpose of
   devotional reading. The rhyme is universal after 1150.

   These poems include liturgical proses, hymns, sequences, tropes,
   psalteries, and rhymed prayers to the rosary, called rosaria. The
   psalteries, psalteria rhythmica, in imitation of the Psalms, are
   divided into one hundred and fifty parts, and are addressed to the
   Trinity, to Jesus and to Mary, the larger number of them to Mary.
   [2084] [2085] and were joined on to the Gloria, the Hosanna, and other
   parts. They started in France and were most popular there and in
   England. [2086]

   The authorship of the Latin mediaeval poetry belongs chiefly to France
   and Germany. England produced only a limited number of religious poems,
   and no one of the first rank. The best is Archbishop Peckham's (d.
   1292) rhymed office to the Trinity, from which three hymns were taken.
   [2087]


   Adesto, sancta trinitas

   Par splendor, una deitas,

   Qui exstas rerum omnium

   Sine fine principium.


   Come near, O holy Trinity,

   In splender equal, in deity one

   Of all things that exist

   The beginning, and without end.

   The number of mediaeval hymns in German is also large. The custom of
   blending German and Latin lines in the same hymn was also very common,
   especially in the next period. The number of Saxon hymns, that is hymns
   produced in England, was very limited. [2088]

   Although the liturgical service was chanted by the priests, singing was
   also in vogue among the people, especially in Northern Italy and in
   Germany. The Flagellants sang. Gerhoh of Reichersberg (d. 1169) said
   that all the people poured forth praises to the Saviour in hymns.
   [2089]


   Christ der du geboren bist.

   St. Bernard, when he left Germany, spoke of missing the German songs of
   his companions. At popular religious services the people also to some
   extent joined in song. The songs were called Leisen and Berthold of
   Regensburg was accustomed, at the close of his sermons, to call upon
   the congregation to sing. [2090] Autun gives directions for the people
   to join in the singing, such as the following: "Now lift high your
   voices," or "Lift up your song, Let us praise the Son of God."

   As compared with the hymns of the Ambrosian group and of Prudentius,
   the mediaeval sacred poems are lacking in their strong and triumphant
   tone. They are written in the minor key, and give expression to the
   softer feelings of the heart, and its fears and forebodings. They
   linger at the cross and over the mystery of the Lord's Supper,
   passionately supplicate the intercession of Mary or dwell on her
   perfections, and also depict the awful solemnities of the judgment and
   the entrancing glories of paradise. Where we are unable to follow the
   poet in his theology, we cannot help but be moved by his soft cadences
   and the tenderness of his devotion.

   Among the poets of the earlier part of the period are Peter Damiani,
   some of whose hymns were received into the Breviaries, [2091] debert's
   lines were used by Longfellow in his "Golden Legend." Abaelard also
   wrote hymns, one of which, on the creation, was translated by Trench.
   [2092]

   Bernard of Clairvaux, according to Abaelard's pupil, Berengar,
   cultivated poetic composition from his youth. [2093] [2094]


   Jesus, the very thought of thee.

   Jesus, King most wonderful.

   O Jesus, thou the beauty art.


   Jesu, dulcis memoria.

   Jesu, rex admirabilis.

   Jesus, decus angelicum.

   The first of these hymns has been called by Dr. Philip Schaff, "the
   sweetest and most evangelical hymn of the Middle Ages."

   The free version of some of the verses by Ray Palmer is the most
   popular form of Bernard's poem as used in the American churches.


   Jesus, thou Joy of loving hearts,

   Thou Fount of life, thou Light of men,

   From the best bliss that earth imparts

   We turn unfilled to thee again.

   The poem to the Members of Christ's body on the Cross--Rhythmica oratio
   ad unum quodlibet membrorum Christi patientis -- is a series of
   devotional poems addressed to the crucified Saviour's feet, knees,
   hands, side, breast, heart, and face. From the poem addressed to our
   Lord's face--Salve caput cruentatum -- John Gerhardt, 1656, took his


   O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden.


   O sacred head, now wounded,

   With grief and shame weighed down.

   Much as Bernard influenced his own age in other ways, he continues to
   influence our own effectively and chiefly by his hymns.

   Bernard of Cluny, d. about 1150, has an enduring name as the author of
   the most beautiful and widely sung hymn on heaven, "Jerusalem the
   Golden." He was an inmate of the convent of Cluny when Peter the
   Venerable was its abbot, 1122-1156. From his probable place of birth,
   Morlaix, Brittany, he is sometimes called Bernard of Morlaix. Of his
   career nothing is known. He lives in his poem, "The Contempt of the
   World"--de contemptu mundi -- from which the hymns are taken which go
   by his name. [2095] ons of heaven, which are repetitions, it contains a
   satire on the follies of the age and the greed of the Roman court.
   [2096]

   The most prolific of the mediaeval Latin poets is Adam of St. Victor,
   d. about 1180. He was one of the men who made the convent of St. Victor
   famous. He wrote in the departments of exegesis and psychology, but it
   is as a poet he has enduring fame. Gautier, Neale and Trench have
   agreed in pronouncing him the "foremost among the sacred Latin poets of
   the Middle Ages"; but none of his hymns are equal to Bernard's hymns,
   [2097] A deep vein of piety runs through them all. [2098]

   Hymns of a high order and full of devotion we owe to the two eminent
   theologians, Bonaventura and Thomas Aquinas. Of Bonaventura's sacred
   poems the one which has gone into many collections of hymns begins, --


   Recordare sanctae crucis

   qui perfectam viam ducis.


   Jesus, holy Cross, and dying.

   Three of Thomas Aquinas' hymns have found a place in the Roman
   Breviary. For six hundred years two of these have formed a part of the
   ritual of Corpus Christi: namely, --


   Pange, lingua, gloriosi corporis mysterium,


   Sing, my tongue, the mystery telling,

   And


   Lauda, Zion, salvatorem.


   Zion, to thy Saviour singing. [2099]

   In both of these fine poems, the doctrine of transubstantiation finds
   full expression.

   No other two hymns of ancient or mediaeval times have received so much
   attention as the Dies irae and the Stabat mater. They were the product
   of the extraordinary religious fervor which marked the Franciscan order
   in its earlier period, and have never been excelled, the one by its
   solemn grandeur, and the other by its tender and moving pathos.

   Thomas of Celano, the author of Dies irae, [2100] r Naples, and became
   one of the earliest companions of Francis d'Assisi. In 1221 he
   accompanied Caesar of Spires to Germany, and a few years later was made
   guardian, custos of the Franciscan convents of Worms, Spires, Mainz,
   and Cologne. Returning to Assisi, he wrote, by commission of Gregory
   IX., his first Life of St. Francis, and later, by command of the
   general of his order, he wrote the second Life.

   The Dies irae opens with the lines, --


   Dies irae, dies illa

   solvet saeclum in favilla,

   teste David cum sibylla.

   In the most familiar of the versions, Sir Walter Scott freely
   reproduced the first lines thus:--


   That day of wrath, that dreadful day,

   When heaven and earth shall pass away,

   What power shall be the sinner's stay?

   How shall he meet that dreadful day?

   This solemn poem depicts the dissolution of the world and the trembling
   fear of the sinner as he looks forward to the awful scene of the last
   day and appeals for mercy. It has been characterized by Dr. Philip
   Schaff, [2101] "as the acknowledged masterpiece of Latin Church poetry
   and the greatest judgment hymn of all ages." The poet is the single
   actor. He realizes the coming judgment of the world, he hears the
   trumpet of the archangel through the open sepulchre, he expresses this
   sense of guilt and dismay, and ends with a prayer for the same mercy
   which the Saviour showed to Mary Magdalene and to the thief on the
   cross. The stanzas sound like the peals of an organ; now crashing like
   a clap of thunder, now stealing softly and tremulously like a whisper
   through the vacant cathedral spaces. The first words are taken from
   Zephaniah 1:15. Like the Fathers and Michael Angelo and the painters of
   the Renaissance, the author unites the prediction of the heathen Sibyl
   with the prophecies of the Old Testament.

   The hymn is used on All Souls Day, Nov. 2. Mozart introduced it into
   his requiem mass. It has been translated more frequently than any other
   Latin poem. [2102] t into the Lay of the Last Minstrel, and Goethe made
   Gretchen tremble in dismay on hearing it in the cathedral.

   The most tender hymn of the Middle Ages is the Stabat mater dolorosa.
   The first verse runs:--


   Stabat mater dolorosa

   juxta crucem lachrymosa

   dum pendebat filius;

   cujus animam gementem

   contristatam ac dolentem

   pertransivit gladius.


   At the cross her station keeping,

   Stood the mournful mother weeping,

   Close to Jesus to the last;

   Through her heart, His sorrow sharing,

   All His bitter anguish bearing,

   Now at length the sword had passed. [2103]

   This hymn occupies the leading place among the many mediaeval hymns
   devoted to Mary and, in spite of its mariolatry, it appeals to the
   deepest emotions of the human heart. Its passion has been transfused
   into the compositions of Palestrina, Astorga, Pergolesi, Haydn,
   Bellini, Rossini, and other musical composers.

   The poem depicts the agony of Mary at the sight of her dying Son. The
   first line is taken from John 19:25. The poet prays to Mary to be
   joined with her in her sorrow and to be defended by her on the day of
   judgment and taken into glory. The hymn passed into all the missals and
   was sung by the Flagellants in Italy at the close of the fourteenth
   century. [2104]

   Jacopone da Todi, the author of these hymns, called also Jacobus de
   Benedictis (d. 1306), was converted from a wild career by the sudden
   death of his wife through the falling of a gallery in a theatre. He
   gave up the law, both degrees of which he had received from Bologna,
   and was admitted to the Franciscan order. [2105] r of poems in the
   vulgar tongue, exposing the vices of his age and arraigning Boniface
   VIII. for avarice. He espoused the cause of the Colonna against that
   pope. Boniface had him thrown into prison and the story went that when
   the pope asked him, when he expected to get out, Jacopone replied,
   "when you get in." Not until Boniface's death, in 1303, was the poet
   released. He spent his last years in the convent of Collazone. His
   comfort in his last hours was his own hymn, Giesu nostra fidanza --
   Jesus our trust and confidence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2084] In No. XXXV., 254-270, Dreves gives two psalteries, ascribed to
   Anselm.

   [2085] Anal. Hymn., XLVII. 11 sq.

   [2086] Blume has collected hundreds of tropes in Anal. Hymn. They
   extended from two or three to as many as fifty lines. Gautier was the
   first to call the attention of modern students to this forgotten form
   of med. poetry.

   [2087] They are found in prose renderings in the Primer of Sarum of
   about 1400 (ed. by Maskell, Mon. ritualia, Vol. III.). Daniel gives all
   three, I. 276, etc. Dreves gives the adesto and thefesti laudes, No.
   IV., 14, and calls the former, "a hymn in the strict sense of the
   word." See No. XXIII., 5, 6, where Dreves pronounces Peckham as, beyond
   dispute, their author.

   [2088] Two addressed to Mary and one to God are given by Morris, Old
   Engl. Hom., II. 255 sqq.

   [2089] Hauck, IV. 60.

   [2090] Linsenmayer, Deutsche Predigt, pp. 70, 132.

   [2091] Migne, 145. 930 sqq. See Libr. of Rel. Poetry, pp. 897, 880.

   [2092] Cousin gave 97 of these poems in his ed. of Abaelard, 1849.

   [2093] Apol. pro Abaelardo, Migne, 178. 1857.

   [2094] See Herold, Bernhard's Hymnen, in Herzog, II. 649. The text of
   the hymns is found in Migne, 184. 1307 sqq., and in part in Schaff,
   Lit. and Poetry, etc. Mabillon, whose edition Migne reproduced, casts
   doubt upon the genuineness of all but two of these poems, and Vacandard
   (Vie de S. Bern., II. 103) and Haureau (Les poèms attribués à S. Bern.,
   Paris, 1890) upon all of them. But they are ascribed to Bernard by the
   oldest tradition and no one can be found so likely to be their author
   as Bernard, Herold advocates the Bernardian authorship.

   [2095] Ninety-six lines of the original were made known to English
   readers by Trench. Neale's transl. is given in the Libr. of Rel.
   Poetry, pp. 981-985; a prose transl. of the whole poem by Dr. S. M.
   Jackson, in Am. Journ. of Theol., 1906. See note in Schaff's Christ in
   Song, Lond. ed., pp. 511 sq.

   [2096] For this reason Flacius Illyricus printed the poem entire in his
   collection of poems on the corruption of the Church,--Varia doctorum
   piorumque virorum de corrupto eccles. statu poemata, Basel, 1557. I
   have a copy of this rare volume.

   [2097] Deutsch, art. Adam de S. Victor, Herzog, I. 164, Migne, vol.
   196, gives 36 of Adam's poems. Gautier, in 1858, found 106 in the
   Louvre library, whither they had been removed at the destruction of St.
   Victor during the Revolution. He regards 45 as genuine.

   [2098] Wrangham has given translations of all of Adam's hymns. March
   gives eight poems in the original. Some of these have gone into English
   Hymnals. See Julian, p. 15.

   [2099] Julian, pp. 662 sqq., 878 sqq. Also Christ in Song, Engl. ed.,
   pp. 467 sqq. Daniel gives five of Thomas' hymns, I. 251-256, II. 97.

   [2100] The first mention of his authorship is in the liber
   conformitatum, about 1380. The oldest MS. is a Dominican missal in the
   Bodleian of the same date.

   [2101] Lit. and Poetry pp. 135-186.

   [2102] Julian, pp. 299 sqq., gives a list of 133 versions, 19 of which
   are used in hymn books. The London Athenaeum, July 26, 1890, gave a
   still larger list of 87 British and 92 American translations. The first
   English version is that of Joshua Sylvester, 1621, and one of the best,
   that of W. J. Irons, 1848.

   [2103] Caswall's transl. Dr. Schaff gives a number of versions. Lit.
   and Poetry, pp. 187-218.

   [2104] The companion hymn, Stabat mater speciosa, "Stands the fair
   mother," ascribed to the same author, was discovered in 1852. See Lit.
   and Poetry, pp. 219-230.

   [2105] See Julian, pp. 1080-1084, the art. Jacopone, by Lauxmann-Lempp,
   in Herzog, VIII. 516-519, and the references to Wadding there given.
   The Florentine ed. of his works, 1490, contains 100 Italian poems; the
   Venetian ed. of 1614, 211.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 134. The Religious Drama.

   Literature: W. Hone: Anc. Mysteries, Lond., 1823.--W. Marriott: Col. Of
   Engl. Miracle Plays, Basel, 1838.--J. P. Collier: Hist. of Engl. Dram.
   Poetry, 2 vols. Lond. 1831; new ed., 1879.--Th. Wright: Engl.
   Mysteries, Lond., 1838. --F. J. Mone: Altdeutsche Schauspiele,
   Quedlinb., 1841; D. Schauspiel d. MtA., 2 vols., Karlsr., 1846.--*Karl
   Hase: D. geistliche Schauspiel, Leip. 1858, Engl. transl. by A. W.
   Jackson, Lond. 1880.--E. de Coussemaker: Drames liturg du moyen âge,
   Paris, 1861. --E. Wilken: Gesch. D. Geistl. Spiele In Deutschland,
   Götting., 2d ed., 1879.--A. W. Ward: Hist. of Engl. Dram. Lit., Lond.,
   1875.--G. Milchsack: D. Oster Und Passionsspiele, Wolfenbüttel,
   1880.--*A. W. Pollard: Engl. Miracle Plays, Moralities and Interludes
   with Introd. and Notes, Lond., 1890, 4th ed., 1904.--C. Davidson:
   Studies in the Engl. Mystery Plays, 1892, printed for Yale Univ.--W.
   Creizenach: Gesch. des neueren Dramas, 3 vols. Halle,
   1893-1903.--Heinzel: Beschreibung des geistl. Schauspiels im Deutschen
   MtA., Leip., 1898.--O'Connor: Sacred Scenes and Mysteries, Lond.,
   1899.--*E. K. Chambers: The Mediaeval Stage, 2 vols. Oxf., 1903. --Art.
   in Nineteenth Century, June, 1906, Festum stultorum by Mrs. V.
   Hemming.--J. S. Tunison: Dram. Traditions of the Dark Ages, Cincinnati,
   1907. See the large list of works in Chambers, I. xiii-xlii.

   An important aid to popular religion was furnished by the sacred drama
   which was fostered by the clergy and at first performed in churches, or
   the church precincts. It was in some measure a mediaeval substitute for
   the sermon and the Sunday-school. The old Roman drama received hard
   blows from the Christian Fathers, beginning with Tertullian, and from
   synods which condemned the vocation of the actor as inconsistent with a
   Christian profession. In part as a result of this opposition, and in
   part on account of the realistic obscenity to which it degenerated, the
   Roman stage was abandoned. According to the two codes of German law,
   the Sachsenspiegel and the Schwabenspiegel, actors had no legal rights.
   [2106]

   The mediaeval drama was an independent growth, a product of the convent
   and priesthood, and was closely associated with the public religious
   services. Its history includes two periods, roughly divided by the
   latter half of the thirteenth century. In the earlier period, the
   representations were largely under the control of the clergy. Priests
   were the actors and the intent was exclusively religious. In the later
   period, the elements of pantomime and burlesque were freely introduced
   and priests ceased to be the controlling factors. The modern drama
   begins in the sixteenth century, the age of Shakespeare.

   The names given to the mediaeval representations were ludi, plays,
   mysteries, miracle-plays, and moralities. The term "morality" is used
   for plays which introduced the virtues and vices, personified, and
   carrying on dialogues teaching wholesome lessons of daily prudence and
   religion. The term "mystery" comes from the word ministerium, meaning a
   sacred office. [2107] ters who went about on their mission of
   entertainment and instruction. Such were the troubadours of Provence
   and Northern Italy, and the joculatores and jougleurs of France who
   sang descriptive songs--chansons de geste. The minnesingers of Germany
   and the English minstrels belong to the same general group. How far
   these two movements influenced each other, it is difficult to say,--the
   one starting from the convent and having a strictly religious intent,
   the other from the people and having for its purpose amusement.

   The mediaeval drama had its first literary expression in the six short
   plays of Hroswitha, a nun belonging to the Saxon convent of
   Gandersheim, who died about 980. They were written in imitation of
   Terence and glorify martyrdom and celibate chastity. One of them
   represents a Roman governor making approaches to Christian virgins whom
   he had shut up in the scullery of his palace. Happily he was struck
   with madness and embraced the pots and kettles and covered with soot
   and dirt, was unceremoniously hustled about by the devil. It is not
   known whether these plays were acted out or not. [2108]

   Hroswitha was an isolated personality and the mediaeval play had its
   origin not with her, but in the liturgical ritual for the festivals of
   Easter, Good Friday, and Christmas. To make the impression of the
   service more vivid than the reading or chanting of the text could do,
   dramatic features were introduced which were at first little more than
   the simplest tableaux vivants. They can be traced beyond the eleventh
   century and have their ancestry in the tropes or poetical
   interpolations inserted into the liturgy for popular effect. [2109]

   The first dramatic action was associated with the services on Good
   Friday and Easter. On Good Friday the cross was hid in a cloth or in a
   recess in the walls, or in a wooden enclosure, specially put together.
   Such recesses in the walls, called "sepulchres," are still found in
   Northwold, Navenby, and other English churches. On Easter day the
   crucifix was taken out from its place of concealment with solemn
   ritual. In Davis' Ancient Rites of Durham is the following description:
   [2110]

   "Within the church of Durham upon Good Friday there was a marvellous
   solemn service in which two of the ancient monks took a goodly large
   crucifix all of gold of the picture of our Saviour Christ, nailed upon
   the cross .... The service being ended, the said two monks carried the
   cross to the Sepulchre with great reverence (which Sepulchre was set up
   that morning on the north side of the quire, nigh unto the high altar
   before the service time) and there did lay it within the said Sepulchre
   with great devotion."

   To this simple ceremony, adapted to impress the popular imagination,
   were soon added other realistic elements, such as the appearance of the
   angels and the women at the sepulchre, the race between Peter and John,
   and the conversation between Mary and the gardener. Dialogues made up
   of biblical language were introduced, one of the earliest of which is
   the conversation between the women and the angels:--


   Whom seek ye in the sepulchre, worshippers of Christ?

   Jesus of Nazareth, the crucified, O heavenly denizens.


   Quam quaeritis in sepulchro, Christocolae?

   Jesum Nazarenum, crucifixum, O coelicolae.

   On Christmas the dramatic action included the angels, the Magi, and
   other actors, and a real cradle or manger. Priests in the garb of
   shepherds, as they approached the stable, were met with the question,--


   Whom seek ye in the stable, O shepherds, say?

   Quem quaeritis in praesepe, pastores, dicite?

   To which they replied,


   The Saviour, Christ the Lord, the infant wound in swaddling clothes.

   From such beginnings, the field was easily extended so as to include
   all Scriptural subjects, from Adam's fall to the last judgment.

   The first notice of a miracle play in England is the play of St.
   Katherine, presented by the schoolboys of Dunstable abbey, soon after
   the year 1100. [2111] is day in London with the stage of pagan Rome.

   An ambitious German play of the thirteenth century represents Augustine
   seated in front of a church, Isaiah, Daniel, and other prophets at his
   right hand, and at his left the High Priest and Jews. Isaiah uttered
   his prophecy of the Messiah. The Sibyl pointed to the star. Aaron
   entered with the budding rod. Balaam and the ass then take their turn.
   An angel blocks the way. The ass speaks. Balaam recites his prediction
   of the star of Jacob. The prophetic announcements being made, the high
   priest appeared with much circumstance, and a discussion followed
   between him on the one side and the prophets and Augustine on the
   other. Another act followed and the angel announced the Saviour's
   birth. The child was born. The three kings and the shepherds come on
   the scene. The journey to Egypt followed and Egypt's king met the holy
   family. Herod is eaten by worms. And so the play went on till
   anti-Christ made his appearance. Here we have a long advance upon the
   simple dramatic ceremonies of the century before, and at the same time
   the germ of the elaborate drama which was to follow. The materials,
   however, are all religious.

   The dramatic instinct was not satisfied with a serious treatment of
   biblical themes. It demanded the introduction of the burlesque and
   farcical. These elements were furnished by Judas, the Jews, and the
   devil, who were made the butts of ridicule. Judas was paid in bad coin.
   The devil acted a double part. He tempts Eve by his flatteries, he
   holds the glass before Mary Magdalene while she makes her toilet before
   going out to dance with every comer, wheels the unfortunate into hell
   on a wheelbarrow, and receives the lost with mock ceremony into his
   realm. But he is as frequently represented as the stupid bungler. He
   was the mediaeval clown, the dupe of devices excelling his own in
   shrewdness. He sallied out from the stage, frightening little boys and
   followed with laughter and jibes by the older onlookers. His mishaps
   were the subject of infinite merriment.

   The association of plays with the church was not received with
   universal approbation. Gerhoh of Reichersperg opposed them as a
   desecration. Innocent III. in 1210, if he did not condemn them
   altogether, condemned their abuse. [2112] her synods forbade priests
   holding "theatrical plays" in the church buildings. Caesar of
   Heisterbach represents the rigoristic feeling when, hearing from a
   priest of a stage that was struck by lightning and twenty men burned to
   death, declared the burning was a proper punishment for the friends of
   frivolity and that it was a wonder the priest, who was present,
   escaped. [2113]

   By the end of the thirteenth century, the plays were no longer acted in
   the churches, but were transferred to the public squares and other open
   spaces. Gilds and companies of actors took them up and acting again
   began to be a recognized vocation. The religious element, however, was
   retained, and religious and moral subjects continued to be the basis of
   all the plays. Even after they began to be acted on the public squares,
   the plays, like a modern political gathering, were introduced with
   prayers and the Veni creator spiritus was chanted. Among the earlier
   societies, which made it their business to present them, was the
   confraternity of the Gonfalone. In its chapel, St. Maria della Pieta in
   the Colosseum, plays were given perhaps as early as 1250. In Passion
   week the roof of the chapel was turned into a stage and the passion was
   acted. [2114] confrèrie de la passion, the brotherhood of the passion."

   The Feasts of the Fools and the Ass.--In these strange festivals, which
   go back to the eleventh century, full vent was given by the clergy to
   the love of the burlesque. At first, they were intended to give relief
   to the otherwise serious occupation of the clergyman and, while they
   parodied religious institutions, they were not intended to be
   sacrilegious, but to afford innocent amusement. Later, the observance
   took on extravagant forms and received universal condemnation. But,
   already in this period, the celebration in the churches and cathedrals
   was accompanied with revels which called forth the severe rebuke of
   Bishop Grosseteste [2115] ed at Christmas tide and the early days of
   January. The descriptions are confusing, and it is difficult to get a
   perfectly clear conception of either festival.

   On the Feast of the Fools,--festum stultorum, [2116] ishop or pope and
   in drollery allowed him episcopal functions. Prescriptions for the
   boy-bishop's dress are found in the annals of St. Paul and York and
   Lincoln cathedrals, and included a white mitre and a staff. The
   ceremony was observed at Eton. The festival, however, was most popular
   in France. The boy-prelate rode on an ass at the head of a procession
   to the church amid the ringing of bells and the jangle of musical
   instruments. There he dismounted, was clad in bishop's vestments, and
   seated on a platform. A banquet and religious services followed, and in
   turn dancing and other merriment. The ceremonies differed in localities
   and a number of rituals have come down to us.

   In the feast of the Ass, --festum asinorum, --the beast that Balaam
   rode was the chief dramatis persona. The skin of the original animal
   formed a valuable possession of a convent in Verona. The aim was to
   give dramatic representation to biblical truth and perhaps to do honor
   to the venerable and long-suffering beast which from time immemorial
   has carried man and other burdens. At Rouen the celebration took place
   on Christmas day. Moses, Aaron, John the Baptist, the Sibyl, Virgil,
   the children who were thrown into the furnace, and other ancient
   characters appeared. Balaam, wearing spurs and seated on an ass, was
   the centre of attraction. A fire was started in the middle of the
   church around which stood six Jews and Gentiles. The prophets, one by
   one, made addresses attempting to convert them. The ass spoke when his
   way was barred by the angel, and Balaam uttered his prophecy of the
   star. The ass was then placed near the altar and a cope thrown over
   him. High mass followed.

   At Beauvais the festival was celebrated on the anniversary of the
   Flight of the Holy Family to Egypt, Jan. 14. The ass, bearing "a most
   beautiful maiden" with a child in her arms, was led into the church and
   stood before the altar during the performance of mass. At the close of
   the ritual, the priest instead of repeating the customary formula of
   dismissal, ite, missa est, made three sounds like the braying of an
   ass,--sacerdos tres hinhannabit, --and the people responded three
   times, hinham.

   The improprieties and revels which became connected with these
   celebrations were adapted to bring religion into disrepute and called
   forth the rebukes of Innocent III. and Innocent IV., the latter
   mentioning a boy-bishop by name and condemning the travesty upon
   serious subjects. In 1444 the theological faculty of Paris spoke of
   grave and damnable scandals connected with the celebrations, such as
   the singing of comic songs the men being dressed in women's attire and
   the eating of fat cakes at the altar. Councils, as late as 1584, joined
   in condemning them. At the close of Henry VIII,'s reign and at
   Cranmer's suggestion the festivals were forbidden in England.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2106] Eicken, p 674

   [2107] Not from mysterium. The early French word was misterre. The term
   "mystery" was not used in England. The terms in use were plays,
   miracles, and miracle-plays.

   [2108] The text is given by Migne, 137. 975-1062, together with some
   poems attributed to Hroswitha, one of which, "The Fall and Conversion
   of St. Theophilus," has often been regarded as the original of the tale
   of Faust.

   [2109] See Blume, Tropen d. Missale in Analecta hymn., XLVII. 7.

   [2110] Chambers II. 310.

   [2111] Pollard, p. xix. M. Paris calls it a "miracle,"--quem miracula
   vulgariter appellamus.

   [2112] The meaning of Innocent's brief is disputed. It may have
   reference only to the Feast of Fools. The text is in the Decretals,
   III. 1, 12, Friedberg's ed., II. 452.

   [2113] Dial., X. 28, Strange's ed., II. 238,

   [2114] Gregorovius, Hist. of the City of Rome, VI. 712.

   [2115] Luard's ed., pp. 118, 161. On these festivals, see Eselsfest, in
   Herzog, V. 497 sq., and Feste, in Wetzer-Welte, IV. 1398-1407;
   Chambers, I. 274-372.

   [2116] Called also festum hypodiaconorum, feast of the deacons, etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 135. The Flagellants.

   Literature: The Chronicles of Salimbene, Villani, etc.: Gerson: Contra
   sectam flagellantium, 1417, Du Pin's ed., Antwerp, 1706. Gerson's
   letter to Ferrer and his address to the council of Constance concerning
   the Flagellants are given by Van der Hardt: Constant. concilium,
   Frankf., 1700, III. 92-104.--J. Boileau: Hist. Flagel., Paris, 1700,
   new ed., 1770.--*E. G. Förstemann: D. christl. Geisslergesellschaften,
   Halle, 1828.--W. M. Cooper: Flagellation and the Flagellants, A Hist.
   of the Rod in all Countries, Lond., 1877; new ed., 1896.--Fredericq, in
   Corpus doc. inquis., etc. gives reports of their trials in Holland, I.
   190 sqq., etc.--*F. Neukirch: D. Leben d. P. Damiani, Gött.,
   1875.--Lea: Hist. of Inq., I. 72 sqq., II. 381 sqq.--Artt. Geissler and
   Geisselung in Wetzer-Welte by Knöpfler, IV. 1532 sqq. and in Herzog by
   Haupt, VI. 432 sqq. For the older lit., see Förstemann, pp. 291-325.

   A genuine indication of popular interest in religion within orthodox
   circles was the strange movement represented by the Flagellants.
   Gregorovius has gone so far as to pronounce their appearance "one of
   the most striking phenomena of the Middle Ages." [2117] though they
   started within the Church and are not to be classed with the mediaeval
   sectaries, the Flagellants in a later age came to be regarded with
   suspicion, were formally condemned by the council of Constance, and
   were even the object of ecclesiastical prosecution. They appeared first
   in 1259, then in 1333, 1349, 1399, and last at the time the council of
   Constance was sitting. The most notable appearance was in 1349, at the
   time the Black Death was raging in Europe.

   The movement had no compact organization, as is shown from its
   spasmodic character. It grew out of discontent with the Church and a
   longing for true penitence and amendment of life. The prophecies of
   Joachim, who set 1260 as the time for the appearance of anti-christ,
   probably had something to do with stirring up unrest; perhaps also the
   famine in Italy, of 1258, which was followed by a strange physical
   malady, characterized by numbness of the bodily organs. Salimbene
   reports that the bells were left untolled for funerals, lest the sick
   should be terrified. The enthusiasm took the form of processions,
   scourgings, and some novel and strange ceremonies. It was a species of
   evangelism, and attempted a campaign against physical and other sins,
   as the Crusades did against the Saracens of the East. It sought to make
   popular the discipline of flagellation, which was practised in the
   convent, and to secure penitential results, such as the monk was
   supposed to reach.

   The most notable adept of this conventual flagellation was Dominicus
   Loricatus (d. 1060), who got his name from the iron coat he wore next
   to his skin. He accompanied the repetition of every psalm with a
   hundred strokes with a lash on his naked back. Three thousand strokes
   were equivalent to a year's penance. But Loricatus beat all records and
   accomplished the exercise of the entire Psalter no less than twenty
   times in six days, the equivalent of a hundred years of penance. Peter
   Damiani, to whom we are indebted for our account, relates that the
   zealous ascetic, after saying nine Psalters in a single day,
   accompanying them with the required number of lashes, went to his cell
   to make sure the count was right. Then removing his iron jacket and
   taking a scourge in each hand, he kept on repeating the Psalter the
   whole night through till he had finished it the twelfth time and was
   well into the thirteenth when he stopped.

   What is your body, exclaimed Damiani, who contented himself with
   prescribing forty psalms a day for his monks,--"what is your body? Is
   it not carrion, a mass of corruption, dust, and ashes, and what thanks
   will the worms give for taking good care of it?" [2118]

   Under the appeals of preachers like Fulke of Neuilly and Anthony of
   Padua, there were abnormal physical manifestations, and hearers set to
   work flagellating themselves.

   The flagellant outbreak of 1259 started at Perugia and spread like an
   epidemic. All classes, young and old, were seized. With bodies bared to
   the waist, carrying crosses and banners and singing hymns, newly
   composed and old, they marched to and fro in the streets, scourging
   themselves. Priests and monks joined the ranks of the penitents.
   Remarkable scenes of moral reform took place. Usurers gave up their
   ill-gotten gains; murderers confessed, and, with swords pointed to
   their throats, offered themselves up to justice; enemies were
   reconciled. And as the chatty chronicler, Salimbene, goes on to say, if
   any would not scourge himself, he was held to be a limb of Satan. And
   what is more, such persons were soon overtaken with sickness or
   premature death. [2119] d marched from Modena to Bologna. At Reggio,
   Parma, and other cities, the chief officials joined them. But all were
   not so favorable, and the Cremona authorities and Manfred forbade their
   entering their territories.

   The ardor cooled off quickly in Italy, but it spread beyond the Alps.
   Twelve hundred Flagellants appeared in Strassburg and the impulse was
   felt as far as Poland and Bohemia. The German penitents continued their
   penance thirty-three days in memory of the number of the years of
   Christ's life. They chastised themselves and also sang hymns. Here also
   the enthusiasm subsided as suddenly as it was enkindled. The
   repetitions of the movement belong to the next period.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2117] Hist. of City of Rome, V. 333. They were called flagellarii,
   flagellantes, crucifratres, verberantes, cruciferi, acephali, or
   independents, from the charge that they had broken with the heretics.

   [2118] Migne, 144. 1017. Damiani says of Loricatus, lorica ferrea
   vestitur ad carnem, Migne, 145. 747. He compared the body to a timbrel
   which is to be struck in praise to God.

   [2119] Coulton, From St. Francis to Dante, pp. 192 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 136. Demonology and the Dark Arts.

   Literature: Anselm: de casu diaboli, Migne, 158. 326-362.--P.
   Lombardus: Sent., II. 7 sqq.--Alb. Magnus: In Sent., Borgnet's ed.,
   XXVII. etc.--Th. Aquinas: Summa, I. 51 sqq., II. 94-96, Migne, I. 893
   sqq., II. 718 sqq., etc. Popular statements, e.g. P. Damiani, Migne,
   144, 145. Peter the Venerable: de mirac., Migne, 189. 850-954. --John
   of Salisbury: Polycraticus, Migne, 199. 405 sqq.--Walter Map--Caesar of
   Heisterbach: Dial. mirac. Strange's ed., 2 vols. Bonn, 1851, especially
   bk. V.--Thos. A Chantimprè: Bonum universale de apibus, Germ. Reprod.
   by A. Kaufmann, Col. 1899.--Jac. De Voragine: Golden Legend, Temple
   Class. ed. --Etienne de Bourbon, especially Part IV.--*T. Wright:
   Narrative of Sorcery and Magic, 2 vols. Lond., 1851.--*G. Roskoff:
   Gesch. des Teufels, 2 vols. Leipzig, 1869.--*W. G. Soldau: Gesch. der
   Hexenprocesse, Stuttg., 1843; new ed., by Heppe, 2 vols. Stuttg.,
   1880.--*Lea: Hist. of the Inquis., III. 379-550.--Lecky: Hist. of the
   Rise and Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe, chap.
   1.--Döllinger-Friedrich: D. Papstthum, Munich, 1892.--A. D. White:
   Hist. of the Warfare of Science and Theol. in Christendom, 2 vols. N.
   Y., 1898.--*Joseph Hansen : Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprocess im
   Mittelalter und die Entstehung der grossen Hexenverfolgung, Munich,
   1900; *Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Gesch. des Hexenwahns und der
   Hexenverfolgung im MtA., Leip., 1901.--Graf von Hoensbroech: D.
   Papstthum in seiner sozialkulturellen Wirksamkeit, Leipzig, 2 vols.
   1900; 4th ed., 1901, vol. I. 207-380. For special lit. on Witchcraft,
   1300-1500, see next volume.

   At no point do the belief and experience of our own age differ so
   widely from the Middle Ages as in the activity of the devil and the
   realm of evil spirits. The subject has already been touched upon under
   monasticism and the future state, but no history of the period would be
   complete which did not give it separate treatment. For the belief that
   the satanic kingdom is let loose upon mankind was more influential than
   the spirit of monasticism, or than the spirit which carried on the
   Crusades.

   The credulity of monk and people and the theology of the Schoolmen
   peopled the earth and air with evil spirits. The writings of popular
   authors teem with tales of their personal appearances and malignant
   agency, and the scholastic definitions are nowhere more precise and
   careful than in the department of satanology. After centuries of
   Christian culture, a panic seized upon Europe in the first half of the
   thirteenth century about the fell agency of such spirits, a panic which
   continued powerfully to influence opinion far beyond the time of the
   Reformation. The persecution to which it led, was one of the most
   merciless forms of cruelty ever practised. The pursuit and execution of
   witches constitute a special chapter in the history, but it is not
   fully opened till the fifteenth century. Here belong the popular and
   scholastic conceptions of the devil and his agency before the
   witch-craze set in.

   The sources from which the Middle Ages derived their ideas of the
   demonic world were the systems of classical antiquity, the Norse
   mythology, and the Bible as interpreted by Augustine and Gregory the
   Great. In its wildest fancies on the subject, the mediaeval theology
   was only following these two greater authorities.

   The general term for the dark arts, that is, the arts which were
   supposed to be under the control of satanic agency, was maleficium, a
   term inherited from the Romans. The special names were magic, sorcery,
   necromancy, divination, and witchcraft. Astrology, after some
   hesitation, was included in the same list. [2120]

   I. The Popular Belief.--The popular belief is set forth by such writers
   as Peter Damiani, Peter the Venerable, Caesar of Heisterbach, Jacob of
   Voragine, Thomas of Chantimpré, Etienne de Bourbon, and the French
   writers of poetry. Even the English writers, Walter Map and John of
   Salisbury, both travelled men and, as we would say, men of the world
   from whom we might have expected other things, accepted, with slight
   modification, the popular views. Map treats Ceres, Bacchus, Pan, the
   satyr, the dryads, and the fauns as demons, and John discusses in six
   chapters the pestiferous familiarity of demons and men--pestifera
   familiaritas daemonum et hominum. [2121]

   Peter Damiani, the contemporary of Hildebrand, could tell of troops of
   devils he had seen in the air with his own eyes, and in all sorts of
   shapes.

   Caesar of Heisterbach furnishes a storehouse of tales which to him were
   as much realities as reports of the Dark Continent by Stanley or Speke
   would be to us. This genial writer represents an old monk setting at
   rest the doubts of a novice by assuring him that he himself had seen
   the devil in the forms of a Moor, an ox, a dog, a toad, an ape, a pig,
   and even in the garbs of a nun and a prior. Peter the Venerable
   likewise speaks of Satan as taking on the form of a bear. [2122] [2123]

   The devil made his appearance at all hours of the day and night, in the
   time of health, and at the hour of death. The monk was no more exempt
   from his personal solicitations while engaged at his devotions than at
   other times. One of the places where the evil spirits took particular
   delight in playing tricks was in the choir when the monastics were met
   for matins and other services. Here they would vex the devout by
   blowing out the lights, turning to a wrong leaf, or confusing the tune.
   [2124]

   On one occasion Herman of Marienstadt saw three who passed so near to
   him that he might easily have touched them, had he so desired. He noted
   that they did not touch the floor and that one of them had the face of
   a woman, veiled. Sometimes a troop appeared and threw one part of the
   choir into discord, and when the other part took up the chant, the
   demons hastened over to its side and threw it into the same confusion,
   so that the two wings of the choir shouted hoarsely and discordantly
   one to the other. [2125]

   On another occasion Herman, then become abbot, a monastic whom Caesar
   calls a man of marked piety, saw the devil in the form of a Moor
   sitting on one of the windows of the church. He looked as if he had
   just emerged from hell-fire, but soon took his flight. When Herman was
   praying to be delivered from such visions, the devil seizing his last
   opportunity appeared to the abbot as a bright eye as big as a fist, and
   as if to say, "Look straight at me once more for this is the last
   time." Nevertheless, the abbot saw the devil again and this time at the
   sepulture of Countess Aleidis of Freusberg. While the lady's body was
   lying in its shroud, the devil appeared, peering into all corners as if
   he was looking for something he had lost.

   It was a bad symptom of the monkish imagination that when the devil was
   seen in convents, it was often in the form of a woman and a naked woman
   at that. Sometimes monks got sick from seeing him and could neither
   eat, drink, nor sleep for days. Sometimes they lost their minds from
   the same cause and died insane. At times, however, vigilant nuns were
   able to box his ears. [2126] devil, as might have been expected, was
   fond of dice and, as in the case of a certain knight, Thieme, after
   playing with him all night carried him through the roof so
   that,--according to the testimony of the man's son, he was never seen
   again. [2127] by his own statement, cast out demons, as did Norbert and
   most of the other mediaeval saints. Norbert's biographer reports that
   the devil struck some of the Premonstrants with his tail. At other
   times he imparted to would-be monks an unusual gift to preach and
   explain the Bible, and the Premonstrants were about to receive some of
   this class into their order when the trick was revealed. On one
   occasion, when Norbert was about to cast out a demon from a boy, the
   demon took the shape of a pea and sat upon the boy's tongue and then
   impudently set to work asserting that he would not evacuate his
   dwelling-place. "You are a liar," said the ecclesiastic, "and have been
   a liar from the beginning." That truth the devil could not gainsay and
   so he came out and disappeared but not without leaving ill odors behind
   and the child sick. [2128]

   The devil, however, to the discomfiture of the wicked often told the
   truth. Thus it happened in Norbert's experience at Maestricht, that
   when he was about to heal a man possessed and a great crowd was
   gathered, the demon started to tell on bystanders tales of their
   adultery and other sins, which had not been covered by confession. No
   wonder the crowd quickly broke up and took to its heels. [2129] stakes
   so that he was easily detected. [2130] [2131] showing how the crucifix,
   the host, and holy water protected monks, insidiously attacked by "the
   children of malediction" and the old enemy of souls"--antiquus hostis.
   Sometimes resort was had to sprinkling the room and all its furniture
   with holy water,--a sort of disinfecting process--and the imps would
   disappear.

   De Voragine tells how St. Lupe, as he was praying one night, felt great
   thirst. He knew it was due to the devil and asked for water. When it
   was brought, he clapped a lid on the vessel, "shutting the devil up
   quick." The prisoner howled all night, unable to get out. [2132]

   Salimbene gives a droll case of a peasant into whom the devil entered,
   making him talk Latin. But the peasant tripped in his Latin so that
   "our Lector laughed at his mistakes." The demon spoke up, "I can speak
   Latin well enough, but the tongue of this boor is so thick that I make
   sorry work wielding it." [2133] ertain Cistercian, Richalmus, of the
   thirteenth century, in a book on the devil's wiles, said, "It seems
   incredible but it is true, it is not fleas and lice which bite us but
   what we think is their bites are the pricks of demons. For those little
   insects do not live off our blood, but from perspiration, and we often
   feel such pricks when there are no fleas." [2134]

   These incidents may be brought to a close by the following interesting
   conversation reported by Caesar of Heisterbach as having been carried
   on by two evil spirits who had possessed two women who got into a
   quarrel. "Oh, if we had only not gone over to Lucifer," said one, "and
   been cast out of heaven!" The other replied, "Hold your peace, your
   repentance comes too late, you couldn't get back if you would." "If
   there were only a column of iron," answered the first, "though it were
   furnished with the sharpest knives and saws, I would be willing to
   climb up and down it till the last judgment day, if I could only
   thereby make my way back to glory."

   These stories are records of what were believed to be real occurrences.
   The denizens of the lower world were everywhere present in visible and
   invisible form to vex and torment saint and sinner in body and soul. No
   voice is heard protesting against the belief. It is refreshing,
   however, to have at least one case of scepticism. Thus Vincent de
   Beauvais tells of a woman who assured her priest that she and other
   women were under the influence of witchcraft and had one night
   succeeded in getting into the priest's bedchamber through the keyhole.
   After in vain trying to persuade her that she was laboring under a
   delusion, the priest locked the door and putting the key into his
   pocket, gave her a good drubbing with a stick, exclaiming, "Get out
   through the keyhole now, if you can."

   II. The Theological Statement.--The wildest popular conceptions of the
   agency of evil spirits are confirmed by the theological definitions of
   Peter the Lombard, Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, Thomas Aquinas, and
   other Schoolmen. According to the mediaeval theology, the devil is at
   the head of a realm of demons who are divided into prelacies and
   hierarchies like the good angels.

   The region into which the devil and his angels were cast down was the
   tenebrous air. There, in the pits of darkness, he and his followers are
   preserved until the day of final judgment. Their full degree of torment
   will not be meted out to them till then. In the meantime, they are
   permitted to trouble and torment men. [2135]

   Albertus Magnus, who, of all the Schoolmen, might speak on such a
   subject with precision, fixed the exact location of the aery realm.
   Following the philosophers, as he said, he defined three zones in the
   superterrestrial spaces: the higher, lower, and the middle zone. [2136]
   ecause the rays of the sun permeate it for a longer time. The lower
   zone, enveloping and touching the solid earth, is made bright by the
   powerful reflection of the sun's rays. The intermediate zone is
   exceedingly cold and dark. Here the tempests are bred and the hail and
   snows generated. This is the habitation of the evil spirits, and there
   they move the clouds, start the thunders, and set a-going other natural
   terrors to frighten and hurt men. The exact distance of that sphere
   from the earth the philosophers measure, but Albertus does not choose
   to determine the measurement.

   In defining the mental power and the influence of evil spirits, Thomas
   Aquinas and the other Schoolmen follow Augustine closely, although in
   elaboration they go beyond him. The demons did not lose their
   intellectual keenness by their fall. [2137] shrewdness in observation
   and watching the stars. Their predictions, however, differ from the
   predictions of the prophets by being the product of the light of
   nature. The prophets received a divine revelation.

   The miracles which the evil spirits perform are, for the most part,
   juggleries. [2138] upon whom fire came down from heaven. They are not
   able to create out of nothing, but they have the power to accelerate
   the development of germs and hidden potencies, to destroy harvests,
   influence the weather, and produce sickness and death.

   The special influence which they exercise over human beings in sorcery
   and witchcraft they exercise by virtue of a compact entered into
   between them and men and women, Isa. 28:18: "We have made a covenant
   with death, and with sheol are we in agreement." The most fiendish and
   frequent of these operations is to disturb the harmony of the married
   relation. Men they make impotent; women sterile. The earlier fiction of
   the succubus and the incubus, inherited from pagan mythology and
   adopted by Augustine, was fully accepted in the Middle Ages. This was
   the shocking belief that demons cohabit with men, the succubus, and lie
   with women, the incubus. The Schoolmen go so far as to affirm that,
   though the demons have no direct offspring, yet after lying with men
   they suddenly transform themselves and communicate the seed they have
   received to women. [2139]

   This view which the Schoolmen formulated was common belief. The story
   of Merlin, the son of an incubus and a nun, was a popular one in the
   Middle Ages. [2140] ing of an incubus. [2141] [2142] [2143] ives many
   stories of the cohabitation of demons with priests and women. [2144]

   This malign activity upon the marital relation was made by Thomas
   Aquinas a proper ground of divorce. [2145] theologian, and as far back
   as the twelfth century the Patarenes were accused of practices, as by
   Walter Map, which were at a later period associated with witches. They
   held their meetings or synagogues behind closed doors and after the
   lights were put out the devil descended in the shape of a cat, holding
   on to a rope. Scenes of indiscriminate lust followed. Map was even
   willing to believe that the heretics kissed the cat under the tail.
   [2146]

   The mind of Europe did not become seriously exercised on the subject of
   demonic possession until after heresy made its appearance and the
   measures to blot it out were in an advanced stage. The Fourth Lateran
   did not mention the dark arts, and its failure to do so can only be
   explained on the ground that the mind of Christendom was not yet
   aroused. It was not long, however, before violent incursions of the
   powers of darkness, as they were supposed to be, rudely awakened the
   Church, and from the time of Gregory IX. the agency of evil spirits and
   heresy were closely associated. In one of his deliverances against the
   Stedinger, this pope vouched for the belief that heretics consulted
   witches, held communion with demons, and indulged in orgies with them
   and the devil who, as he said, met with them in the forms of a great
   toad and black cat. Were the stars in heaven and the elements to
   combine for the destruction of such people without reference to their
   age or sex, it would be an inadequate punishment. [2147]

   After 1250 the persecution of heretics for doctrinal error diminishes
   and the trials for sorcery, witchcraft, and other demonic iniquity
   become frequent. [2148] ring of heresy. [2149]

   At this juncture came the indorsement of Thomas Aquinas and his great
   theological contemporaries. There was nothing left for the
   ecclesiastical and civil authorities to do but to ferret out sorcerers,
   witches, and all who had habitual secret dealings with the devil. A
   craze seized upon the Church to clear the Christian world of imaginary
   armies of evil spirits, demonizing men and especially women. Pope after
   pope issued orders not to spare those who were in league with the
   devil, but to put them to torture and cast them into the flames. [2150]
   rogatories of the Inquisition on the subject date twenty-five years
   later. [2151]

   Men like Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacon were popularly charged with
   being wizards. Bacon, enlightened beyond his age, pronounced some of
   the popular beliefs delusions, but, far from denying the reality of
   sorcery and magic, he tried to explain the efficacy of spells and
   charms by their being made at seasons when the heavens were propitious.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2120] Alex. of Hales distinguished eight sorts of demonic agency
   through human instrumentalities, mantic, sortilegium, maleficium,
   augurium, prestigium, mathesis or astrology, ariolatio, and the
   interpretation of dreams.

   [2121] De nug. curalium, Wright's ed., II. 14; Polycrat., Bk. I.
   VIII.-XIII. Migne, 199. 404 sqq.

   [2122] De mir., Migne, 189. 883.

   [2123] The Roman de la Rose, 1280, is an exception and makes light of
   tail and horns, and the belief that women are transported through the
   air at night.

   [2124] Dial., V. 53, etc., Strange's ed., I. 336.

   [2125] Dial., V. 5, Strange's ed., I. 287 sqq.

   [2126] Dial., III. 11, V. 28, 45, Strange's ed., I. 123, 311, 330.

   [2127] Dial., V. 11, 26, 34.

   [2128] Vita Norb., XIII.

   [2129] Vita Norb., XIV.

   [2130] Dial., III. 6.

   [2131] Dial., III. 6, 7, 13, 14, VII, 25, etc.

   [2132] Temple ed., V. 88.

   [2133] Coulton, From St. Francis, etc., p. 298.

   [2134] Lib. revelationum de insidiis et versutiis daemonum, quoted by
   Cruel, Deutsche Predigt, p. 268.

   [2135] Daemones in hoc aere caliginoso sunt ad nostrum exercitium. Th.
   Aq., Summa, I. 64, 4. So also P. Lomb., II. 7, 6.

   [2136] Zonas, interstitia. In sent., II. 6, 5, Borgnet's ed., XXVII.
   132.

   [2137] Aquinas' treatment is found in his Summa, I. 51 sqq., II. 94-96,
   Migne, I. 893 sqq., II. 718 sqq.; P. Lombard, Sent., II. 7 sqq.

   [2138] Praestigia is the word used by Alb. Magnus, John of Salisbury,
   etc.

   [2139] This is stated at length by Thomas Aquinas, Summa, I. 51, 3,
   idem daemon qui est succubus ad virum fit incubus ad mulierem. For
   other quotations to the same effect from Bonaventura, Duns Scotus,
   etc., see Hansen, p. 186. Albertus Magnus, Borgnet's ed., XXVII. 175,
   speaks of immense cats appearing at these assignations, but the passage
   is too foul to be repeated. This Schoolman went so far as to say that
   demons preserved human seed in vessels. As an instance of ultramontane
   honesty, Hoensbroech, D. Papstthum, I. 222, cites the Dominican
   Schneider who, in his German translation of Thomas Aquinas, omits
   altogether the passage, part of which has just been quoted, though he
   makes the introductory assertion that the translation contains the
   "entire text."

   [2140] Merlin, the "prophet of Britain" as Caesar of Heisterbach calls
   him, Dial., III. 12, Strange's ed., 1. 124. The nun was seduced on a
   night when she happened to retire without making the sign of the cross.
   It was thought by some that anti-christ would be engendered in this
   way.

   [2141] an., 1249. The child in six months had a full set of teeth and
   was of the stature of a boy of 17, the mother wasted away and died.

   [2142] Dial., V. 12.

   [2143] See quotation in Kaufmann's Caesar of Heisterbach, II. 80.

   [2144] Sometimes demons took the place of loose women with whom priests
   had made assignations, Dial., III. 10. Caesar tells of a woman who had
   committed whoredom with a demon for seven years and, while confessing
   her sin to the priest, fell dead.

   [2145] He gives a full chapter to the subject. In Sent., IV. 34, 1.

   [2146] Wright's ed., p. 61. plurimi sub cauda, plerique pudenda.

   [2147] A translation of the bull dated June, 1233, Potthast, I. no.
   9230, is given by Hoensbroech, I. 215 sqq.

   [2148] Hansen dates the new treatment of sorcery by the Church with
   1230 and carries the period on to 1430, when he dates the period of
   witchcraft and its punishment by the Church.

   [2149] Hansen, Quellen, p. 1.

   [2150] Hansen gives a number of such bulls and quotes an author who
   speaks of 103 papal bulls directed against sorcery, a number Hansen
   doubts. Quellen, p. 1.

   [2151] Hansen, Quellen, pp. 43 sqq., gives it under the title forma et
   modus interrogandi augures et ydolatras, and assigns it to 1270,
   Gesch., p. 243. Douais places it a little earlier. A portion of Bernard
   Gui's Practica inquisitionis (1320) is an interrogatory of practisers
   of the occult arts, interrog. ad sortileges et divinos ei invocatores
   daemonum. See Douais' ed., Paris, 1886.
     __________________________________________________________________

   § 137. The Age passing Judgment upon Itself.

   The preceding pages have shown the remarkable character of the events
   and movements, the men and ideas which fill the centuries from
   Hildebrand's entrance into Rome with Leo IX., 1049, to the abdication
   of the simple-minded Coelestin, 1294. The present generation regards
   the events of the last half-century as most extraordinary. The same
   judgment was passed by Matthew Paris upon the half-century of which he
   was a spectator, 1200-1250. Useful inventions and discoveries, such as
   we associate with the second half of the nineteenth century, there were
   few or none in the thirteenth century, and yet those times were full of
   occurrences and measures which excited the deepest interest and the
   speculation of men. The retrospect of the fifty years, which the
   clearheaded English monk sums up in his Chronicles, furnishes one of
   the most instructive pieces of mediaeval literature.

   Here is what Matthew Paris says: There occurred in this time
   extraordinary and strange events, the like of which had never been seen
   before nor were found in any of the writings of the Fathers. The
   Tartars ravaged countries inhabited by Christians. Damietta was twice
   taken and retaken, Jerusalem twice desolated by the Infidel. St. Louis
   was captured with his brothers in the East. Wales passed under the
   domination of England. Frederick, the Wonder of the World, had lived
   his career. The Crusades had given to a great host a glorious death. As
   for natural wonders, an eclipse of the sun had occurred twice in three
   years, earthquakes had shaken England several times, and there had been
   a destructive rise of the sea such as had never been seen before. One
   night immense numbers of stars fell from the heavens, a reason for
   which could not be found in the Book of Meteors, except that Christ's
   threat was impending when he said, "There shall be signs in the
   heavens."

   Among things distinctively religious, the chronicler notes that an
   English cardinal was suffocated in his palace, as was supposed, for
   having his eye on the tiara. The figure of Christ appeared in the sky
   in Germany and was plainly seen by every one. Elizabeth of Hungary and
   St. Hildegard flourished. The ordeal of fire and water was abolished.
   Seville, Cordova, and other parts of Spain were rescued from the Moors.
   The orders of the Minorites and the Preachers arose, startling the
   world by their devotion and disgusting it by their sudden decline. Some
   of the blood of Christ and a stone, bearing his footprints, arrived in
   England.

   Such are some of the occurrences which seemed wonderful to the racy
   English historian. If he had read over the leaves of his Chronicles as
   we do, how many other events he might have singled out,--from the
   appearance of the elephant, a gift of the king of France to the king of
   England, which, as he says, was the first ever seen in England and the
   appearance of the sea-monster thrown up in Norwich, [2152]

   Life was by no means a humdrum, monotonous existence to the people who
   lived in the age of the Crusades and Innocent III. On the contrary it
   was full of surprises and attractive movements, from every turn of the
   papacy and empire, to the expeditions of the Crusaders and the travels
   of Marco Polo and Rubruquis.

   A historical period is measured by the judgment passed upon it by its
   contemporaries and by the judgment of succeeding generations. What did
   the period from 1050 to 1294 offer that seemed notable to those who
   were living then and what contribution did it make to the progress and
   well-being of mankind? The first of these questions can be answered by
   the generation which then lived; the second, best by the generations
   which have come since.

   It is the persuasion of a school of mediaeval enthusiasts that this
   period was a golden age of faith and morals and tenable systems of
   belief, an age when the laws of God were obeyed as they have not been
   since, an age when proper attention was given to the things of
   religion, an age of high ideals and spiritual repose. Is this judgment
   justified or is the older Protestant view the right one that the Middle
   Ages handed down nothing distinctive--which has been of permanent
   value; but, on the contrary, many of the superstitions and false
   doctrines now prevailing in the Church are an inheritance from the
   Middle Ages, and it would have been better if the Church had passed
   directly from the patristic age and skipped the mediaeval. [2153]

   Neither judgment is right. A more just opinion is beginning to prevail,
   and upon a modification of the extreme views of Protestants and Roman
   Catholics on the subject depends to a considerable extent the closer
   fellowship between the ecclesiastical communions of the West. Much
   chaff will be found there mixed with the wheat. On the other hand, in
   this mediaeval period were also sown the seeds of religious ideas and
   institutions which are now in their period of bloom or awaiting the
   time of full fruitage.

   The achievement of absolute power by the papacy, magnificent as it was,
   represents an ideal utterly at fault, whether we consider the teaching
   of Scripture or the prevailing judgment of the present time. Ambition,
   pride, avarice, were mingled in popes with a sincere belief that the
   Roman see inherited from the Apostle plenitude of authority in all
   realms. Europe, more enlightened, cannot accept such a claim and the
   moral degeneracy and spiritual incompetency of the popes, in the period
   following this, were an experimental proof that the theory was wrong.

   As for the priesthood and hierarchy, evidence enough has been adduced
   to show that ordination did not insure devotion to office and personal
   purity. Dante's hell contains more than one pontiff of this period. The
   nearer we approach Rome, the more numerous the scandals are. The term
   "the Romans" was synonymous with unscrupulous greed. Gregory X. in 1274
   declared that "the prelates were the ruin of Christendom." Frederick
   II., though pronounced a poor churchman, was a keen observer and no
   doubt indicated a widespread discontent with the lives the clergy were
   leading when he declared that, if they would change their mode of
   living, the world might again see miracles as in the days of old.
   [2154]

   The distinctively mediaeval ideal of a religious life has little
   attraction to-day. The seclusion of the monastery presents a striking
   contrast to the active career demanded of a Christian profession in
   this age. The example of St. Bernard and his praise of monasticism, as
   the praise of other writers, are so weighty that one cannot deny that
   the best men saw in monastic solitude the highest advantage. Monastic
   institutions had a most useful part to play as a leavening force in the
   wild and unsettled society of that time. But the discipline and ardor
   of monastic orders quickly passed away, in spite of the devotion of
   Francis d'Assisi and other monastic founders. Simplicity yielded to
   luxury, and spiritual devotion to sloth and pride. It was the ardent
   Franciscan, Bonaventura, who instances the vices which had crept into
   his order and Jacques de Vitry, cardinal-bishop, d. 1240, who said that
   a girl's virtue was safe under no Rule except the Cistercian. What can
   be said of the ideal of human life as it is set forth in the tale of
   St. Brandon, not to speak of innumerable similar tales told by Jacob de
   Voragine, archbishop of Genoa, d. 1298! What shall be thought of the
   example of the Blessed St. Angela of Foligno, admired and praised by so
   many Franciscan writers, who on her "conversion" prayed to be relieved
   of the impediments of obedience to husband, respect to mother and the
   care of children and rejoiced to have her request granted by their
   deaths!

   If we desire priestly rule, there was enough of it to satisfy any one.
   But with the rule of the priesthood came the loss of individual freedom
   and the right of the soul to determine its own destiny in the sight of
   the Creator. De Voragine [2155] rchical pride of the age when he
   exclaimed to an English king that priests are the fathers and masters
   of kings. The laity, according to Caesar of Heisterbach, as already
   quoted, were compared to the night, the clergy to the day, The preacher
   Werner of St. Blasius called the peasants the feet whose toil was
   appointed to maintain the more worthy parts of the body,--bishops,
   priests, and monks. [2156]

   The Middle Ages have been praised as a period of religious contentment
   and freedom from sectarian strife. The very contrary was the case. The
   strife between the friars and the secular clergy and, in cases, within
   the monastic orders themselves equals in bitterness any strife that has
   been maintained between branches of the Protestant Church. It was a
   question not whether there was religious unrest but, from the days of
   Arnold of Brescia on, how the established Church might crush out
   heretical revolt. There was also religious doubt among the monks, and
   there were women who denied that Eve had been tempted by an apple, as
   Caesar of Heisterbach assures us.

   The superstitions which prevailed were largely inherited from preceding
   ages. The worship of Mary clouded the merits of Christ. What can be
   said when Thomas of Chantimpré, d. about 1263, relates in all
   seriousness that a robber, whose head had been cut off, kept calling
   upon the Virgin, as the body rolled down a hill, until the parts were
   put together by a priest. The criminal then told how, as a boy, he had
   devoted Saturdays and Wednesdays to Mary and she had promised he should
   not die till opportunity was given him to make confession. So he made
   confession and died again, and, as the reader is left to believe, went
   into the other world rejoicing.

   The gruesome tales of demoniacal presence and influence indicate a
   condition of mind from which we do well to be thankful we are
   delivered. John of St. Giles, the admirable English Dominican, used to
   say, as he retired to his cell in the evening, "Now I await my
   martyrdom," meaning the buffetings of the devil. The awful story of how
   Ludwig the Iron, 1100-1172, was welcomed to hell and shown all its
   compartments and then pitched mercilessly into quenchless flames is no
   worse than the visions of Dante, but too revolting in the apparent
   callousness of it to the suffering of others not to call forth a
   shudder to-day. [2157]

   Such representations, however, do not warrant the conclusion that human
   charity was dead. St. Francis and Hugh of Lincoln kissed the hands of
   lepers. The Knights of St. Lazarus were intrusted by Louis IX. with the
   care of this class of sufferers. Houses for lepers were established in
   England by Lanfranc, Mathilda, queen of Henry, King Stephen at Burton,
   and others. Mathilda washed their feet, believing that, in so doing,
   she was washing the feet of Christ. [2158]

   On the other hand the period sets, in some respects, an example of
   great devotion, and has handed down to us the universities and the
   cathedrals, some of the most tender hymns and imposing theological
   systems which, if they cannot be accepted in important particulars, are
   yet remarkable constructions of thought and piety. And, above all, it
   has handed down to us a group of notable men who may well serve as a
   stimulus to all generations which are interested in the extension of
   Christ's kingdom.

   But in the judgment of these very men, the period was not an ideal one
   either in morals or faith. If we go to preachers, like Berthold of
   Regensburg, we find evidence of the prevalence of vice and irreligion
   among all classes. If we go to popes and Schoolmen, we hear bitter
   complaints of the evils of the age and of human lot which would fit in
   with the most pessimistic philosophy of our times. Innocent III., in
   his Disdain of the World,--De contemptu mundi,--poured out a
   lamentation, lugubrious enough for the most desolate and forsaken.
   Anselm dilates under the same title, and Hugo of St. Victor [2159] s
   coming to an end.


   Exulat justitia, cessat Christi cultus.

   The most famous of the longer poems of the period repeats Innocent's
   title, and its author, Bernard of Cluny, is most severe upon the
   corruption in church and society. The poem starts in the minor key.


   The last times, the worst times are here, watch.

   Behold the Judge, supreme, is at hand with His wrath.

   He is here, He is here. He will terminate the evils. He will reward the
   just.


   Hora novissima, tempora pessima sunt, vigilemus

   Ecce minaciter, imminet arbiter ille supremus.

   Imminet, imminet, et mala terminet, aequa coronet.

   The greater Bernard of Clairvaux exclaimed, "Oh! that I might, before
   dying, see the Church of God led back to the ideal of her early days.
   Then the nets were cast, not to catch gold and silver, but to save
   souls. The perilous times are not impending. They are here. Violence
   prevails on the earth." [2160] hese most damnable times," his diebus
   damnatissimis. [2161] [2162] ness and decay everywhere, and he agreed
   with other moralists of his day, in making the clergy chiefly
   responsible for the prevailing corruption. The whole clergy, he says,
   "is given to pride, avarice, and self-indulgence. Where clergymen are
   gathered together, as at Paris and Oxford, their quarrels and strife,
   and their vices are a scandal to laymen." [2163]

   With a similar lament Hildebrand, at the opening of the period, took up
   the duties of the papacy.

   The prophet Joachim looked for a new dispensation as the only relief.

   The real greatness of this period lies not in its relative moral and
   religious perfection, as compared with our own, but in a certain
   imposing grandeur of conception and of faith, as shown in the Crusades,
   the cathedrals, the Scholastic systems, and even the mistaken ideal of
   papal supremacy. Its institutions were not in a settled condition, and
   its religious life was not characterized by repose. A tremendous
   struggle was going on. The surface was troubled, and there was a mighty
   undercurrent of restlessness. It would be an ungracious and a foolish
   thing for this generation, the heir of twice as many centuries of
   Christian schooling as were the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, to
   boast as though Christian charity and morality and devotion to high
   aims had waited until now to manifest themselves. The Middle Ages, from
   1050 to 1300, offer a spectacle of stirring devotion to religious aims
   in thought and conduct.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2152] Luard's ed., V. 448 sq.

   [2153] For a terse description of the social, religious, and moral
   condition of mediaeval England and the prevalence of disease, see
   Jessopp, Coming of the Friars, p. 111, etc.

   [2154] M. Paris, Luard's ed., IV. 538 sq.

   [2155] Legenda, Temple Classics ed., II. 189.

   [2156] Migne, 157. 1047,

   [2157] Heisterbach, Dial., XII. 2, Strange's ed., II. 316.

   [2158] See Creighton in Traill, I. 368 sq., and Geo. Pernet, Leprosy,
   in Quart. Rev., 1903, pp. 384 sqq.

   [2159] Migne, 158. 705 sqq., 176. 703-739.

   [2160] Ep., 238, to Eugenius, Migne, 182. 430. De consid. I. 10.

   [2161] Mon. Franc., Ep. XXVI. p. 116

   [2162] Creighton, Hist. Lectures, p. 132

   [2163] Brewer's ed., pp. 399 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

                                    Indexes
     __________________________________________________________________

Subject Index

   Missions, [1]ii.xi-p2.2

   Monasticism, [2]ii.x.i-p0.1

   Mysticism, [3]ii.xiv-p2.3, [4]ii.xiv.ix-p1.1

   Sacraments, [5]ii.xvi.ii-p1.1

   Scholasticism, [6]ii.xiv-p2.2, [7]ii.xv-p2.2

   The Universities, [8]ii.xiii.iii-p1.1

   Universities, [9]ii.xiii-p2.2
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References

   Genesis

   [10]1:26   [11]14:23

   Joshua

   [12]6:26

   1 Samuel

   [13]15:23   [14]15:23

   2 Samuel

   [15]9:19

   1 Kings

   [16]16:24

   Job

   [17]2   [18]11:8   [19]17:16   [20]40:4

   Psalms

   [21]2:1-2   [22]2:8   [23]14:1   [24]24:5   [25]24:7   [26]25:15
   [27]27:1   [28]46:8   [29]69:9   [30]76:11   [31]91:13   [32]121
   [33]137:5   [34]143:10

   Proverbs

   [35]3:8   [36]9:5   [37]31:10-31

   Song of Solomon

   [38]1:2   [39]1:2   [40]1:15

   Isaiah

   [41]5   [42]6:1   [43]7:9   [44]7:14   [45]28:18   [46]56:9
   [47]60:7   [48]66:9

   Jeremiah

   [49]48:10

   Ezekiel

   [50]3:8

   Nahum

   [51]1:9

   Zephaniah

   [52]1:15

   Matthew

   [53]5:3   [54]5:10   [55]5:27-28   [56]13   [57]16:18   [58]16:18-19
   [59]16:18-19   [60]16:24-26   [61]19:11   [62]19:21

   Mark

   [63]1:25   [64]16:16

   Luke

   [65]1:28   [66]1:42   [67]2:19   [68]9:1-6   [69]10:16   [70]22
   [71]22:15   [72]24:47

   John

   [73]1:33   [74]3:3   [75]3:16   [76]4:13   [77]4:24   [78]6
   [79]6:56   [80]9:4   [81]13   [82]13:26   [83]15:6   [84]16:7
   [85]17:22   [86]19:25   [87]20:23

   Acts

   [88]1:5   [89]1:7   [90]4:32   [91]8:18   [92]10:14

   Romans

   [93]2:4   [94]3:28   [95]4:5   [96]12:19   [97]14:17

   1 Corinthians

   [98]7:9   [99]7:32   [100]10:4   [101]12   [102]13:11   [103]13:12

   2 Corinthians

   [104]4:17

   Galatians

   [105]6:2

   Ephesians

   [106]4:30   [107]5:2   [108]5:31

   Philippians

   [109]2   [110]1843   [111]1867   [112]1899

   Colossians

   [113]1:24   [114]2:14   [115]2:15   [116]1608   [117]1851   [118]1888
   [119]1899   [120]1899

   1 Thessalonians

   [121]5:19

   1 Timothy

   [122]2:14   [123]3:2   [124]4:8

   Titus

   [125]2:3

   James

   [126]4   [127]4:17   [128]5:14

   1 Peter

   [129]2:17   [130]3:19   [131]5:8

   Revelation

   [132]2:6   [133]2:15   [134]14:6

   2 Maccabees

   [135]12:40
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of German Words and Phrases

     * "Dann geendigt nach langem verderblichen Streit,: [136]1
     * --Der Graf von Hapsburg: [137]1
     * , Deutschlands, Geschichtsquellen: [138]1
     * , Die Grabmäler der Päpste: [139]1
     * Agobard von Lyon und die Judenfrage,: [140]1
     * An dem Tisch von Marmorstein,: [141]1
     * Archiv für Lit. u. K. gesch.,: [142]1
     * Archiv für Lit. und Kirchengeschichte: [143]1
     * Aus den Tagen Bonifaz VIII: [144]1
     * Bei der Ampel rothem Schein: [145]1
     * Beiträge zu den Theol. Wissenschhaften: [146]1
     * Beitrag zur Gesch. der Kirche im 12ten Jahrh: [147]1
     * Bernhardus hat den Jesus so lieb als einer sein mag: [148]1
     * Beweise fürs Dasein Gottes: [149]1
     * Bruder Berthold von Regensb: [150]1
     * Commercium: [151]1
     * D. Beweise fürs Dasein Gottes: [152]1
     * D. Kampf zwischen d. Realismus und Nominalismus im Mittelalter:
       [153]1
     * D. Univ. Wittenb. n. d. Schilderung d. Mag. Andreas Meinhardi:
       [154]1
     * D. christl. Liebesthätigkeit d. Mittelalters,: [155]1
     * D. deutsche: [156]1
     * D. englische Peterspfennig: [157]1
     * D. ontol. Gottesbeweis seit Anselm: [158]1
     * Da er wil, o wiber Krone mit gelüste dich ansehen.: [159]1
     * Das Leben Kaiser Heinrich des Vierten: [160]1
     * Das Mönchthum,: [161]1
     * Das Marienkloster auf dem Aventin, jetzt unter dem Namen des
       Priorats von Malta bekannt, bietet eine entzückende Aussicht ...
       ein hochbegabter Knabe, der hier erwuchs, musste die
       verschiedensten und mächtigsten Eindrücke erhalten, die sich kaum
       in einem anderen Gedanken zusammenschliessen konnten, als in dem
       der unvergleichlichen Hoheit des ewigen Roms.: [162]1
     * Das Papstthum: [163]1
     * Dem Papste allein ist der Ruhm zu erhalten den ihm der Einsiedler
       von Amiens bis auf unsere Tage zur grösseren Hälfte streitig
       gemacht hat.: [164]1
     * Der Heilige Bernhard,: [165]1
     * Der Kampf der Bettelorden an der Univ. Paris in der Mitte des 13ten
       Jahrh.;: [166]1
     * Der Umschwung: [167]1
     * Deus mihi dedit: [168]1
     * Deutsche Mystik: [169]1
     * Deutsche Predigt: [170]1 [171]2
     * Deutsche Predigt,: [172]1
     * Deutscher Orden, Ordo S. Mariae Theutonicorum: [173]1
     * Die Anf1nge des Minoritenordens: [174]1
     * Die Fälschungen: [175]1
     * Die Freiheit der Forschung: [176]1
     * Die Fructification ist nichts anders als ein neuer Ausdruc: [177]1
     * Die Gedanken des Abtes Joachim: [178]1
     * Die Hoffnung aus seinen Schriften ein System herzustellen ist
       vergeblich,: [179]1
     * Die Judenverfolgungen in Speier, Worms und Mainz im Jahre 1096,
       während des ersten Kreuzzuges: [180]1
     * Die Neuordnung der Papstwahl durch Nikolas II: [181]1
     * Die Publizistik zur Zeit Philipps des Schönen,: [182]1
     * Die Reform. und die aelteren Reformparteien,: [183]1
     * Die Regel des Tertiarierordens,: [184]1
     * Die Scholastik des 13ten Jahrhunderts in ihren Beziehungen zum
       Judenthum und zur judischen Lateratur: [185]1
     * Die Thätigkeit der Inquisition ist vielleicht das entsetzlichste
       was die Geschichte der Menschheit kennt: [186]1
     * Die Visionen der heiligen Elizabeth,: [187]1
     * Die Waldenser: [188]1 [189]2
     * Die Waldenser,: [190]1
     * Die Züge der Bauern: [191]1
     * Die ersten Wanderprediger: [192]1
     * Die ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs,: [193]1 [194]2 [195]3
     * Die ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs, Studien zur Gesch. des
       Mönchthums, Robert von Abrissel,: [196]1
     * Dogmengesch: [197]1 [198]2 [199]3 [200]4 [201]5 [202]6 [203]7
       [204]8 [205]9 [206]10 [207]11 [208]12
     * Dogmengesch.,: [209]1
     * Dogmengeschichte,: [210]1
     * Er besass eine Bibelerkenntniss wie wenige: [211]1
     * Ermahnung an die Herren Deutschen Ordens falsche Keuschheit zu
       meiden und zur rechten ehelichen Keuschheit zu greifen: [212]1
     * Es war ein Moment das nicht so leicht wieder kommen konnte: [213]1
     * Fronleichnamsfest: [214]1
     * Gesch. d. Deutschen Predigt: [215]1
     * Gesch. d. deutschen Mystik,: [216]1
     * Gesch. d. ersten Kreuzzuges: [217]1 [218]2 [219]3
     * Gesch. der Aufklärung im M. A.: [220]1
     * Gesch. der Logik: [221]1
     * Gesch. der deutschen Mystik,: [222]1
     * Gesch. der wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franciskanerorden bis c.:
       [223]1
     * Gesch. der wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franziskanerorden: [224]1
     * Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzuges: [225]1 [226]2 [227]3
     * Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzugs: [228]1 [229]2
     * Geschichte des Mittelalters: [230]1
     * Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit,: [231]1
     * Gesta Friderici: [232]1 [233]2
     * Ghibellini, Ghibellinen: [234]1
     * Got in sinem hohen trone hat begehrt diner schone: [235]1
     * Guelfi, Welfen: [236]1
     * Herkunft d. Inquisitionsprocesses,: [237]1
     * Hist. Zeitschrift: [238]1
     * Ir antlutze war so tugentliche, Ir ougen also kunchliche, Ir
       gebaerde also reine, Das sich ze ir glichte deheine, Under allen
       den frouen: [239]1
     * Kathol. Kirchenrecht: [240]1 [241]2
     * Kathol. Kirchenrecht, p.: [242]1
     * Kinderkommunion: [243]1
     * Kirchengesch: [244]1 [245]2 [246]3 [247]4 [248]5 [249]6 [250]7
     * Kirchengesch.: [251]1
     * Kirchengesch. Deutschlands: [252]1
     * Kirchengesch.,: [253]1 [254]2 [255]3 [256]4 [257]5 [258]6
     * Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters: [259]1
     * Kirchengeschichte,: [260]1 [261]2
     * Kirchenrecht: [262]1
     * Kirchliche Zustände Strassburgs im 14ten Jahrhundert: [263]1
     * Kleider aus, Kleider an, Essen, Trinken, Schlafengehen, ist die
       Arbeit so die Deutsche Herren han.: [264]1
     * Kreuzablass: [265]1 [266]2
     * Leben d. hl. Antonius v. Padua: [267]1
     * Lehre von d. Universalien: [268]1
     * Lib. revelationum de insidiis et versutiis daemonum: [269]1
     * Lit.-zeitung: [270]1
     * Literaturzeitung: [271]1
     * Lumpengesindel: [272]1
     * Luther und Lutherthum: [273]1 [274]2 [275]3
     * Man hatte Augustinische Formeln und gregorianische Gedanken: [276]1
     * Nach einer solchen Katastrophe war ofenbar auch bei diesen alles
       Ansehen für ihn dabei: [277]1
     * Petrus Cantor Paris. sein Leben u. Schriften: [278]1
     * Philosophie der Gesch: [279]1 [280]2
     * Praemonstratenser: [281]1
     * Praemonstratenser,: [282]1
     * Predigten a. d. Sonn und Festtagen: [283]1
     * Publizistik zur Zeit Philipp IV. und Bonifaz VIII: [284]1
     * Seine Darstellung will gar nichts anders sein als das
       wissenschaftliche Bewusstsein der kirchlichen Lehre: [285]1
     * Sentenzen und d. Bearbeitungen seiner Theologie: [286]1
     * Sie ist durch die Zeugnisse glaubwürdiger Geschichtschreiber so
       fest begründet, dass ihre Wahrheit nicht bezweifelt werden kann:
       [287]1
     * Sie sind die beiden leuchtenden Sterne am Horizont des 13ten
       Jahrhunderts.: [288]1
     * Sitzt der alte Kaiser Friedrich: [289]1
     * So war Abaelard Mönch geworden, nicht von innerem Verlangen
       getrieben: [290]1
     * Solche Verhältnisse giebt es ja zwischen Individuen beiderlei
       Geschlechtes, die sich nur auf geistigem Boden entwickeln, in
       welchen ohne sinnliche Annäherung die tiefste innere Vereinigung
       der Gesinnungen und Ueberzeugungen besteht. Die Markgräfin glaubte
       an die Wahrhaftigkeit und den geistigen Beruf des Papstes, und der
       Papst andererseits bedurfte ihrer Hülfe: [291]1
     * St. Dominikus und der Rosenkranz: [292]1
     * Staat und Kirche: [293]1
     * Studien u. Kritiken: [294]1
     * Studien u. Kritiken,: [295]1
     * Studien und Kritiken: [296]1
     * The Engl. Praemonstratensians,: [297]1
     * Theol. Lit.-zeitung,: [298]1
     * Theologie,: [299]1
     * Thomas von Aquino und Kant: [300]1 [301]2
     * Thomas war der Brunn und Grundsuppe aller Ketzerei, Irrthumb
       undVertilgung des Evangelium wie seine Bücher beweisen: [302]1
     * Thomismus und Scotismus: [303]1
     * Tief im Schoosse des Kyffhäusers: [304]1
     * Unter die eigentlichen Heretiker: [305]1
     * Unverstand: [306]1
     * Ut stellae quoque juxta Apocalypsim de coelo cadere viderentur,
       Petrus ille: [307]1
     * Waiblingen: [308]1
     * Wanderprediger Frankreichs,: [309]1
     * War die kaiserlose, die schreckliche Zeit.": [310]1
     * Welf, Wolf: [311]1
     * Weltgesch: [312]1
     * Weltgeschichte: [313]1 [314]2
     * Wilhelm von St. Thierry: [315]1
     * Zeitschrift,: [316]1
     * Zu den Anfängen des Kirchenstreites unter Heinrich IV.,: [317]1
     * Zur Biogr. Heinrichs von Ghent: [318]1
     * das ist die katholische Trias: [319]1
     * der Aufklärung,: [320]1
     * der scharfsinnigste scholastishe Denker.: [321]1
     * der werltkluge Abt von Clairvaux: [322]1
     * die Pektoraltheologie: [323]1
     * die Theorie ist völlig unannehmbar: [324]1
     * die erste Hochschule der Wissenschaft.: [325]1
     * ein verrückter Christus. KirchenGesch.: [326]1
     * eine Erdichtung die ein Meisterstück seiner Art: [327]1
     * eine tief gewurzelte Zeitidee.": [328]1
     * empoerende Graeuel: [329]1
     * er gëhort nicht so wohl zu den schaffenden als zu den ordnenden
       Geistern: [330]1
     * für den Entwicklungsgedanken: [331]1
     * fromme Meinung: [332]1
     * furchtbarer Gemetzel: [333]1
     * gewissermassen der erste Mag. palatii wurde.: [334]1
     * ist vorzugsweise Mystiker,: [335]1
     * ordensähnliche Gesellschaften: [336]1
     * the Begriff an und für sich selbst enthält das Sein also eine
       Bestimmtheit: [337]1
     * ungeheure Schwierigkeit: [338]1
     * unzaelig: [339]1
     * von zwei edlen und kräftigen Stieren, dem König und dem Primas:
       [340]1
     * war in Lothringen die führende Macht: [341]1
     * zügellose Wuth,: [342]1
     * zahllos: [343]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of French Words and Phrases

     * Études crit. sur divers textes des X: [344]1
     * , La prédication en France et les sermons de Thomas: [345]1
     * , Un curé plébéien au XIIe siècle Foulques, curé de Veuilly: [346]1
     * . Absque dubietate corporeus ignis cruciat: [347]1
     * . Ignis corporalis qui concremabit et affliget spiritus et etiam
       corpora: [348]1
     * Anfänge des Minoritenordens: [349]1 [350]2
     * Antonianae Hist. compendium: [351]1
     * Catharos, Patarenos, Speronistas, Leonistas, Arnaldistas,
       Circumcisos, Passaginos, Josephinos, Garatenses, Albanenses,
       Franziscos, Bagnarolos, Commixtos, Waldenses, Roncarolos,
       Communellos, Warinos et Ortolinos cum illis de Aqua Nigra et omnes
       haereticos utriusque sexus, quocumque nomine censeantur: [352]1
     * Chronicon Carthusianae,: [353]1
     * Consuetudines Carthusienses,: [354]1
     * Contra Judaeos: [355]1
     * De vita claustrali,: [356]1
     * Dial. inter Christum et Judaeum: [357]1
     * Examen critique de la découverte du pretendu coeur de St. Louis
       faite a la Sainte Chapelle le 15 Mai 1843,: [358]1
     * Fratres saccati, fratres de sacco, saccophori,: [359]1
     * Gehenna illa quae stagnum ignis et sulphuris dicta est, corporeus
       ignis erit et cruciabit damnatorum corpora vel hominum vel
       daemonum: [360]1
     * Histoire des révolutions d'Italie, ou Guelfes et Ghibellins: [361]1
     * Ignis est in fortissima calididate: [362]1
     * Inter se vocant Fratres seu Pauperes Christi: [363]1
     * La Bible française au moyen âge,: [364]1
     * La légende du Prêtre-Jean: [365]1
     * Le mysticisme speculatif,: [366]1
     * Les Hospitaliers,: [367]1 [368]2
     * Les Origines de l'ordo de Poenitentia: [369]1
     * Les Règles,: [370]1 [371]2
     * Les operationsfinancières des Templiers,: [372]1
     * Les poèms attribués à S. Bern: [373]1
     * Lettres de Gerbert: [374]1
     * Nouvelles Etudes d'hist. rel: [375]1
     * Preuves de la découverte du coeur de St. Louis,: [376]1
     * Profundus carcer respectu amoenitatis coeli et est aer iste
       caliginosus in quem detrusi sunt demones: [377]1
     * Putridus dens in ore: [378]1
     * Recueil des instructions sur la devotion au St. Scapulaire de Notre
       Dame de Monte Carmelo: [379]1
     * S. François,: [380]1 [381]2
     * Thos. von Chantimpré: [382]1
     * Une sorte d'examen de conscience d'un pape: [383]1
     * Vie de Foulques de Neuilly,: [384]1
     * Vie de S. Bernard,: [385]1
     * Vie de S. François: [386]1
     * Vita Greg: [387]1
     * bègue,: [388]1
     * cui nil est comparabile: [389]1
     * de Emmanuele: [390]1
     * des reliques it n'en faut point parler, car en ce jour il y en
       avait autant dans la ville que dans le reste du monde: [391]1
     * extra-ecclésiastiques.: [392]1
     * la soeur aînée de l'univ. de Paris: [393]1
     * le bon, le saint homme: [394]1
     * les croisés: [395]1
     * misterre: [396]1
     * nous croyons pouvoir persister à penser que les Amalfitans furent
       les précurseurs des Hospitaliers: [397]1
     * quem miracula vulgariter appellamus: [398]1
     * se croiser, prendre la croix, prendre le signe de la croix: [399]1
     * sed semper affliget, alios plus alios minus, secundum exigentiam
       meritorum: [400]1
     * siècles. Bulle du pape Sergius IV: [401]1
     * une des plus redoutables choses à faire qui jamais fut: [402]1
     __________________________________________________________________

            This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal
               Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org,
                   generated on demand from ThML source.

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