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EDITORIAL NOTE.
THE present volume is the first of three, which will reproduce in English the contents of Vol. III. of Harnack’s great work in the German original, third Edition. The author’s prefaces to the first and second Editions and to the third Edition are here translated. This volume deals with the epoch-making service of Augustine as a reformer of Christian piety and as a theological teacher, and with the influence he exercised down to the period of the Carlovingian Renaissance. The following volume will complete the history of the Development of Dogma by telling the story of Mediæval Theology. The concluding volume will treat of the Issues of Dogma in the period since the Reformation, and will contain a General Index for the whole work.
A. B. BRUCE.
ivvPREFACE TO FIRST AND SECOND EDITIONS.
There does not yet exist a recognised method for presenting the History of Dogma of the Mediæval and more modern period. There is no agreement either as to the extent or treatment of our material, and the greatest confusion prevails as to the goal to be aimed at. The end and aim, the method and course adopted in the present Text-Book, were clearly indicated in the introduction to the first volume. I have seen no reason to make any change in carrying out the work. But however definite may be our conception of the task involved in our branch of study, the immense theological material presented by the Middle Ages, and the uncertainty as to what was Dogma at that time, make selection in many places an experiment. I may not hope that the experiment has always been successful.
After a considerable pause, great activity has been shown in the study of our subject in the last two years. Benrath, Hauck, Bonwetsch, and Seeberg have published new editions of older Text-Books; Loofs has produced an excellent Guide to the History of Dogma; Kaftan has given a sketch of the study in his work on the Truth of the Christian Religion; Möller and Koffmane have devoted special attention to the sections dealing with it in their volumes on Ancient Church History. The study of these books, and many others which I have gratefully made use of, has shown me that my labours on this great subject have not remained isolated or been fruitless. The knowledge of this has outweighed many experiences which I pass over in silence.
This concluding volume counts, to a greater extent than its predecessors, on the indulgence of my learned colleagues; for its author is not a “specialist,” either in the history of the Mediæval Church or in the period of the Reformation. But the advantage possessed by him who comes to the Middle Ages and vithe Reformation with a thorough knowledge of ecclesiastical antiquity perhaps outweighs the defects of an account which does not everywhere rest on a complete induction. One man can really review all the sources for the history of the Ancient Church; but as regards the Middle Ages and the history of the Reformation, even one more familiar with them than the author of this Text-Book will prove his wisdom simply by the most judicious choice of the material which he studies independently. The exposition of Augustine, Anselm, Thomas, the Council of Trent, Socinianism, and Luther rests throughout on independent studies. This is also true of other parts; but sections will be found in which the study is not advanced, but only its present position is reproduced.
I have spent a great deal of time on the preparation of a Table of Contents. I trust it will assist the use of the book. But for the book itself, I wish that it may contribute to break down the power that really dictates in the theological conflicts of the present, viz., ignorance. We cannot, indeed, think too humbly of the importance of theological science for Christian piety; but we cannot rate it too highly as regards the development of the Evangelical Church, our relation to the past, and the preparation of that better future in which, as once in the second century, the Christian faith will again be the comfort of the weak and the strength of the strong.
Berlin, 24th Dec., 1889.
PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION.
Since this volume first appeared, there may have been published about fifty monographs and more extensive treatises on the Western History of Dogma, most of which have referred to it. I have tried to make use of them for the new Edition, and I also proposed to make other additions and corrections on the viioriginal form of the book, without finding myself compelled to carry out changes in essential points. I have thankfully studied the investigations, published by Dilthey in the Archiv f. Gesch. d. Philosophie, Vols. V. to VII., on the reformed system of doctrine in its relation to Humanism and the “natural system.” He has examined the reformed conceptions in connections in which they have hitherto been seldom or only superficially considered, and he has, therefore, essentially advanced a knowledge of them.
Among the many objections to the plan of this work, and the critical standards observed in it, four are especially of importance. It has been said that in this account the development of Dogma is judged by the gospel, but that we do not learn clearly what the gospel is. It has further been maintained that the History of Dogma is depicted as a pathological process. Again, the plan of Book III., headed “The threefold outcome of Dogma,” has been attacked. And, lastly, it has been declared that, although the account marks a scientific advance, it yet bears too subjective or churchly a stamp, and does not correspond to the strictest claims of historical objectivity.
As to the first objection, I believe that I have given a fuller account of my conception of the gospel than has been yet done in any text-book of the History of Dogma. But I gladly give here a brief epitome of my view. The preaching of Jesus contains three great main sections. Firstly, the message of the approaching Kingdom of God or of the future salvation; secondly, the proclamation of the actual state of things and of thoughts, such as are given in Matthew VI. 25-34; VII. 7-11; IX. 2; X. 28-33, etc. (see Vol. I., p. 74 f.); thirdly, the new righteousness (the new law). The middle section connected with Matthew XI. 25-30, and therefore also combined with the primitive Christian testimony regarding Jesus as Lord and Saviour, I hold, from strictly historical and objective grounds, to be the true main section, the gospel in the gospel, and to it I subordinate the other portions. That Christ himself expressed it under cover of Eschatology I know as well (Vol. I., p. 58) as the antiquarians who have so keen an eye for the everlasting yesterday,
As to the second objection I am at a loss. After the new viiireligion had entered the Roman Empire, and had combined with it in the form of the universal Catholic Church, the History of Dogma shows an advance and a rise in all its main features down to the Reformation. I have described it in this sense from Origen to Athanasius, Augustine, Bernard, and Francis, to mystic Scholasticism and to Luther. It is to me a mystery how far the history should nevertheless have been depicted as a “process of disease.” Of course superstitions accumulated, as in every history of religion, but within this incrustation the individual ever became stronger, the sense for the gospel more active, and the feeling for what was holy and moral more refined and pure. But as regards the development from the beginnings of the evangelic message in the Empire down to the rise of the Catholic Church, I have not permitted myself to speculate how splendid it would have been if everything had happened differently from what it did. On the other hand, I grant that I have not been able to join in praising the formation of that tradition and theology which has lowered immediate religion to one that is mediated, and has burdened faith with complicated theological and philosophical formulas. Just as little could it occur to me to extol the rise of that ecclesiastical rule that chiefly means obedience, when it speaks of faith. But in this there is no “pathology”; the formations that arose overcame Gnosticism.
My critics have not convinced me that the conception followed by me in reference to the final offshoots of the History of Dogma is unhistorical. But I readily admit that the History of Dogma can also be treated as history of ecclesiastical theology, and that in this way the account can bring it down to the present time. Little is to be gained by disputing about such questions in an either-or fashion. If we regard Protestantism as a new principle which has superseded the absolute authority of Dogmas, then, in dealing with the History of Dogma, we must disregard Protestant forms of doctrine, however closely they may approximate to ancient Dogma. But if we look upon it as a particular reform of Western Catholicism, we shall have to admit its doctrinal formations into that history. Only, even in that case, we must not forget that the Evangelical Churches, tried by the ixnotion of a church which prevailed for 1300 years, are no churches. From this the rest follows of itself.
Finally, as regards the last objection, I may apply chiefly to my account a verdict recently passed by a younger fellow-worker:—“The History of Dogma of to-day is, when regarded as science, a half thing.” Certainly it is in its beginnings, and it falls far short of perfection. It must become still more circumspect and reserved; but I should fear, lest it be so purified in the crucible of this youngest adept—who meantime, however, is still a member of the numerous company of those who only give advice—that nothing of consequence would remain, or only that hollow gospel, “religion is history,” which he professes to have derived from the teaching of four great prophets, from whom he could have learnt better. We are all alike sensible of the labours and controversies which he would evade; but it is one of the surprises that are rare even in theology, that one of our number should be trying in all seriousness to divide the child between the contending mothers, and that by a method which would necessarily once more perpetuate the dispute that preceded the division. The ecclesiastics among Protestants, although they arrogate to themselves the monopoly of “Christian” theology on the title-pages of their books, will never give up the claim to history and science; they will, therefore, always feel it their duty to come to terms with the “other” theology. Nor will scientific theology ever forget that it is the conscience of the Evangelical Church, and as such has to impose demands on the Church which it serves in freedom.
Berlin, 11th July, 1897.
ADOLF HARNACK.
xxiCONTENTS.
PART II.
DEVELOPMENT OF ECCLESIASTICAL DOGMA.
BOOK II.
Expansion and Remodelling of Dogma into a Doctrine of Sin, Grace, and Means of Grace on the basis of the Church.
Page | |||
CHAPTER I.—Historical Situation | 3-13 | ||
Augustine the standard authority till the period of the Reformation | 3 | ||
Augustine and Western Christianity | 3 | ||
Augustine as Reformer of Christian Piety | 4 | ||
Augustine as teacher of the Church | 4 | ||
Augustine and Dogma | 5 | ||
Dogma in the Middle Ages | 6 | ||
The German and Roman Peoples and Dogma | 6 | ||
Method of Mediæval History of Dogma | 9 | ||
Division into Periods | 12 | ||
CHAPTER II.—Western Christianity and Western Theologians before Augustine | 14-60 | ||
Tertullian as Founder of Western Christianity | 14 | ||
Elements of Tertullian’s Christianity as elements of Western Christianity as a whole | 14 | ||
Law (lex) | 15 | ||
Juristic element | 16 | ||
Syllogistic and Dialectical | 17 | ||
xiiPsychological | 21 | ||
Biblical and Practical | 22 | ||
Eschatology and Morality | 23 | ||
Cyprian’s importance | 24 | ||
The Roman Church | 25 | ||
Revolution under Constantine: Origen’s theology and Monachism are imported into the West | 27 | ||
Græcised Western Theology and the Old Latin type enter into Augustine | 29 | ||
The importance to Augustine of the Greek scholars Ambrose (p. 29) and Victorinus Rhetor | 33 | ||
The influence upon him of genuine Latins | 37 | ||
Of Cyprian | 38 | ||
The Donatist Controversy | 38 | ||
Optatus | 42 | ||
Ambrose as Latin | 48 | ||
Results of Pre-Augustinian development | 53 | ||
Doctrine of the Symbol | 53 | ||
Death of Christ | 54 | ||
Soteriology | 55 | ||
The Church | 59 | ||
Rome and Heathenism | 59 | ||
CHAPTER III.—Historical Position of Augustine as Reformer of Christian Piety | 61-94 | ||
General Characteristics | 61 | ||
Augustine’s new Christian self-criticism | 66 | ||
Pre-Augustinian and Augustinian Piety | 67 | ||
Sin and Grace the decisive factors in Augustine | 69 | ||
The changed tone of Piety | 72 | ||
Criticism of this Piety | 75 | ||
Four elements constituting the Catholic stamp of Piety | 77 | ||
α Authority of Church for Faith | 78 | ||
β God and Means of Grace | 83 | ||
γ Faith, Forgiveness of Sins, and Merit | 87 | ||
δ Pessimistic view of Present State | 91 | ||
Concluding remarks | 93 | ||
xiii CHAPTER IV.—Historical Position of Augustine as Teacher of the Church | 95-240 | ||
The new Dogmatic Scheme | 95 | ||
The connection with the Symbol | 95 | ||
Discord between Symbol and Holy Scripture | 98 | ||
Discord between Scripture and the principle of Salvation | 99 | ||
Discord between Religion and Philosophy | 100 | ||
Discord between Doctrine of Grace and Ecclesiasticism | 101 | ||
Contradictions within these series of conceptions | 101 | ||
Impossibility of an Augustinian system | 102 | ||
Universal influence of Augustine | 103 | ||
Method of presenting Augustinianism; Dogma and Augustine | 104 | ||
1. | Augustine’s Doctrines of the First and Last Things | l06-140 | |
Augustine’s Theology and Psychology (“Aristoteles Alter”) were born of Piety | 106 | ||
Dissolution of the ancient feeling | 108 | ||
Psychological and Neo-Platonic view of the soul | 111 | ||
The ethical views interwoven with this (God, world, soul, will, love) | 113 | ||
Influence of Christian ecclesiasticism | 124 | ||
[On reason, revelation, faith, and knowledge] | 125 | ||
Authority of Christ and Christology | 125 | ||
Final aims in the other and this world | 134 | ||
Concluding observation | 138 | ||
2. | The Donatist Controversy. The Work: De civitate Dei. Doctrine of the Church and Means of Grace | 140-168 | |
Introduction | 140 | ||
The Church as Doctrinal Authority | 143 | ||
Unity of the Church | 144 | ||
Its Holiness | 146 | ||
Catholicity | 149 | ||
Apostolicity and other attributes | 149 | ||
Church and Kingdom of God | 151 | ||
Word and Sacrament | 155 | ||
The Sacraments | 156 | ||
Lord’s Supper | 158 | ||
Baptism | 159 | ||
xivOrdination | 161 | ||
The Church as societas sacramentorum | 163 | ||
As a heavenly communion | 164 | ||
As primeval | 164 | ||
As communio fidelium | 165 | ||
As numerus electorum | 166 | ||
Closing observations | 167 | ||
3. | The Pelagian Controversy. Doctrine of Grace and Sin | 168-221 | |
Augustine’s Doctrine before the controversy | 168 | ||
General characteristics of Augustinianism and Pelagianism, as of Pelagius, Cælestius, and Julian | 168 | ||
Origin and nature of Pelagianism | 172 | ||
§ 1. The outward course of the dispute | 173 | ||
Pelagius and Cælestius in Rome and Carthage | 173 | ||
Events in Palestine | 177 | ||
Events in North Africa and Rome | 181 | ||
Condemnation in Rome; Julian of Eclanum | 186 | ||
Final Stages | 187 | ||
§ 2. The Pelagian Doctrine | 188 | ||
Agreement and differences between the leaders | 189 | ||
The chief doctrines | 191 | ||
The separate doctrines in their degree of conformity to tradition | 196 | ||
§ 3. The Augustinian doctrine | 203 | ||
The doctrine of grace, predestination, redemption, and justification | 204 | ||
Doctrine of sin, original sin, and the primitive state | 210 | ||
Criticism of Augustinianism | 217 | ||
4. | Augustine’s explanation of the Symbol (Enchiridion ad Laurentium). New system of religion | 222-240 | |
Exposition of Article I. | 223 | ||
Article II. | 225 | ||
Article III. | 228 | ||
Criticism of this exposition; old and new system of religion | 234 | ||
CHAPTER V.—History of Dogma in the West down to the beginning of the Middle Ages, A.D. 430-604 | 241-273 | ||
Historical position | 242 | ||
xv1. | Conflict between Semi-Pelagianism and Augustinianism | 245-261 | |
The monks of Hadrumetum and in South Gaul, Cassian | 246 | ||
Prosper | 249 | ||
De vocatione gentium | 250 | ||
Liber Prædestinatus | 251 | ||
Faustus of Rhegium | 252 | ||
Decree de libris recipiendis | 255 | ||
The Scythian monks, Fulgentius, Hormisdas | 255 | ||
Cæsarius of Arles, Synods of Valencia and Orange | 257 | ||
Results | 260 | ||
2. | Gregory the Great | 262-273 | |
General characteristics | 262 | ||
Superstition, Christology, Intercessions | 263 | ||
Doctrine of Sin and Grace | 266 | ||
Merits, satisfactions, saints, relics, purgatory | 267 | ||
Penance | 269 | ||
Gregory’s position between Augustine and the Middle Ages | 270 | ||
CHAPTER VI.—History of Dogma in the period of the Carlovingian Renaissance | 274-331 | ||
The importance of the Carlovingian epoch in the History of Dogma and of the Church | 274 | ||
1 a. | The Adoptian Controversy | 278-292 | |
Genesis of the problem | 278 | ||
Spanish affairs and the dispute in Spain. Teaching of Elipandus, Felix and Beatus is Augustinian | 281 | ||
Dispute before the Frankish and Roman tribunals | 287 | ||
Alcuin’s teaching. Influence of Greek conception | 289 | ||
Connection with doctrine of the Lord’s Supper | 291 | ||
Result | 292 | ||
1 b. | Controversy about Predestination | 292-302 | |
The monk Gottschalk | 293 | ||
Rabanus and Ratrainnus, his opponents | 295 | ||
Controversy among Frankish and Lothringian Bishops. Objective untruthfulness of Gottschalk’s opponents. Synod at Chiersey | 299 | ||
Synod at Valencia | 299 | ||
Synods at Savonieres and Toucy | 300 | ||
xvi The theory consonant to Church practice holds the field under Augustinian formulas | 301 | ||
2. | Dispute as to the filioque and about images | 302-308 | |
The filioque, the Franks and the Pope | 302 | ||
Attitude of the Franks to images | 305 | ||
The libri Carolini and the self-consciousness of the Frankish Church. Synod of Frankfurt | 306 | ||
Later history of images | 308 | ||
3. | Development of theory and practice of the Mass (the Dogma of the Lord’s Supper) and of Penance | 308-331 | |
The three causes of the development of theory of the Lord’s Supper in the West | 308 | ||
The controversy defartu virgins | 310 | ||
The Augustinian conception promoted by Beda checked by Alcuin | 311 | ||
Paschasius Radbertus | 312 | ||
Rabanus and Ratramnus | 318 | ||
Ideas of the Mass as part of the institution of expiation | 322 | ||
Practice of Confession: | |||
α The notion of God at its root | 323 | ||
β Development of institution of penance from Roman Church and German premises, Influence of Monachism | 324 | ||
γ Defective theory | 326 | ||
δ Growth of satisfactions and indulgences | 327 |
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