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         Title: Pseudepigrapha: An Account of Certain Apocryphal Sacred Writings
                of the Jews and Early Christians
    Creator(s): Deane, William John (1823-1895)
   Print Basis: Edinburgh: T & T Clark [n.d.]
        Rights: Public Domain
 CCEL Subjects: All; Early Church; History;
    LC Call no: BS1700
   LC Subjects:

                The Bible

                Old Testament

                Special parts of the Old Testament
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PSEUDEPIGRAPHA:

   AN ACCOUNT OF CERTAIN
   APOCRYPHAL SACRED WRITINGS OF THE JEWS
   AND EARLY CHRISTIANS.

   BY THE

Rev. WILLIAM J. DEANE, M.A.,

   RECTOR OF ASHEN, ESSEX;

   AUTHOR OF "THE BOOK OF WISDOM, WITH PROLEGOMENA AND COMMENTARY

   (OXFORD: CLARENDON PRESS), ETC. ETC.

EDINBURGH:
T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET.
1891.

   Facsimile of Title Page

   PRINTED BY MORRISON AND GIBB,
   FOR
   T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH.

   LONDON, . . . . . . HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND C0.

   DUBLIN, . . . . . . GEORGE HERBERT.

   NEW YORK, . . . . . . CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS.
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PREFACE.

   The present work consists chiefly of a reproduction of certain articles
   (with additions and corrections) contributed by me to various religious
   periodicals during the last few years. It treats of some curious
   Pseudepigraphal Jewish and Christian writings composed in the times
   immediately preceding or following the commencement of the Christian
   era, and aims at giving a succinct account of these productions for
   readers who are not familiar with the originals. The books comprised in
   our English Bibles under the name of "Apocrypha" are excluded, as they
   have been sufficiently examined of late years, and commentaries upon
   them are readily available. Some of the works treated in this volume
   are comparatively unknown to English readers, but those (like the Book
   of Enoch) which have obtained more currency among us could not be
   omitted from our survey, especially as they form an integral part of
   the literature of the period, and are often referred to and cited. The
   whole of the writings here examined have not hitherto been collected
   into one volume. The original text or versions of some of them have
   been printed in Fabricius' Codex Pseudepigraphus Veteris Testamenti;
   and in Fritzsche's Libri Apocryphi Vet. Test.; the others have been
   published by various editors at various times, as noted in the
   following accounts.
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CONTENTS.

   Introduction,                                 1
   I.   Lyrical--
        The Psalter of Solomon,                  25
   II.  Apocalyptical and Prophetical--
        The Book of Enoch,                       49
        The Assumption of Moses,                 95
        The Apocalypse of Baruch,                130
        The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, 162
   III. Legendary--
        The Book of Jubilees,                    193
        The Ascension of Isaiah,                 236
   IV.  Mixed--
        The Sibylline Oracles,                   276
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INTRODUCTION.

   In the times immediately preceding and succeeding the commencement of
   the Christian era there arose among the Jews a style of writing to
   which the name Pseudepigraphic has been given, because most of the
   works so composed appeared under the assumed name of some famous
   person. They must not be considered in the light of literary forgeries;
   they are not like Macpherson with his Ossian, or Chatterton with his
   Rowley, fraudulent attempts at imposture; but the authors, having
   something to say which they deemed worthy of the attention of
   contemporaries, put it forth under the ægis of a great name, not to
   deceive, but to conciliate favour. A writer who ventured to appropriate
   a celebrated title would take care to satisfy the expectations raised
   by his pseudonym, and readers would believe that no one would dare to
   challenge comparison with a great original who was not qualified to
   sustain the character assumed. The most familiar instance is, perhaps,
   the book known as the Wisdom of Solomon, wherein the writer assumes the
   person of the great Israelite king, certainly with no idea of deceiving
   his readers (for the language of the treatise, the date and place of
   its composition, alike forbid any notion of fraud), but with the view
   of supporting his opinions by the highest authority, and as embodying
   sentiments which are such as the son of David might have enunciated. A
   similar impersonation is familiar to us in the Book of Ecclesiastes,
   where Koheleth utters his varied experiences through the mouth of
   Solomon, "son of David, king in Jerusalem." Such a use of fiction has
   been common in all ages; it is found in classical authors. Plato and
   Cicero introduced real characters as vehicles for supporting or
   opposing their views. The Apologies of Socrates, the speeches in
   Thucydides and Livy, are never deemed to be intentional deceptions; the
   animus decipiendi is lacking; and though they utter the words of the
   writers, and not those of the persons represented, no one sees in them
   fraud and chicanery, but every one regards them as legitimate examples
   of dramatic personation. The Old Testament authors do not prefix their
   names to their works, as they write, not for self-glorification, but to
   serve far higher purposes. The only exception to this rule is found in
   the case of the prophets, whose names and credentials were necessarily
   required, in order to give weight and credibility to their
   announcements. In accordance with this practice the uninspired
   apocalyptic writers publish their visions, and lucubrations under the
   appellation of some earlier worthy, whom with transparent impersonation
   they introduce into their compositions. They might also claim the
   authority of the titles of many books in the Old Testament which are
   presented under the names of authors who certainly did not write them.
   No one supposes that Ruth or Esther composed the books which bear their
   names, and very little of the two books of Samuel are the work of that
   great prophet. The Psalmists adopted the designations of David, or
   Asaph, or the sons of Korah, because they echoed the spirit or employed
   the forms found in their prototypes. Those who followed the footsteps
   of these great predecessors, without their claim to inspiration,
   thought themselves justified in winning attention to their utterances
   by adventitious means, and boldly personated the eminent characters in
   whose spirit they wrote. [1]

   At the cessation of prophecy among the Jews, when no longer the
   utterances of inspired seers denounced abuses, pointed the right way,
   proclaimed the will of God, great attention was paid by devout men to
   the study and interpretation of canonical Scripture. In contrast with
   the heathenism of surrounding nations, the Hebrew pored over his
   Heaven-sent law, and, by attention thereto, confirmed his abhorrence of
   idolatry and his adherence to his monotheistic faith. The degradation
   of Israel under its pagan oppressors, and the temporary triumph of the
   chosen people in the Maccabean period, gave rise to the apocalyptic
   literature of which we are speaking. An unswerving zeal for the Law,
   and a glowing hope of a happy future, formed the character istics of
   this period. From the storm and tumult and confusion of their own times
   good men looked forward to a reign of peace and happiness, and strove
   to impart their own hopes to their desponding countrymen. Taking their
   tone from, and founding their views upon, the ancient prophets, and
   more especially employing the imagery and developing the annunciations
   of Daniel, these writers, under various forms, and with very different
   success, gradually put forth their notions of the future, and
   anticipate the kingdom of Messiah. Often in their treatises they enter
   on the history of the past, putting their words into the mouth of an
   ancient prophet; but all such details are preparatory to the predictive
   portion, and lead up to this important element. The grand destiny which
   awaits Israel fills their minds; they dream of an universal judgment,
   followed by the supremacy of the chosen people; they are fired with an
   enthusiasm which is not fettered by probabilities, and they boldly
   announce events as certain which they have no real claim to foretell,
   and which nothing but an imaginative and ardent zeal could have induced
   them to publish.

   The value of these writings is considerable, and this for many reasons;
   but that which chiefly concerns us is the light which they throw upon
   Jewish belief at the most important era. Those which are plainly
   antecedent to Christian times have their own special utility; while the
   later productions, which belong to the first Christian centuries, show
   the influence of new ideas even on those who retained their affection
   for the old religion. And both series are necessary for every study of
   the religious history of the Jews. It is perhaps true that this
   apocalyptic literature was regarded with little favour by the Rabbinic
   schools, and no dogmatic authority was attributed to it; but it can be
   used as indicating current thought, just as we refer to any
   contemporary document to denote popular opinion, though it be not
   stamped with the authority of a teaching body. The number of these
   writings which are still extant, and the many more of which the titles
   only have remained to our times, prove the wide prevalence of the
   feelings which are embodied in them, and the profound impression which
   such thoughts had made on the hearts of the people. Omitting the works
   which either in whole or in part have been submitted to modern
   criticism, we have notices of the existence of many other apocalyptic
   and pseudepigraphic compositions, whose titles pretty fairly explain
   their contents. Of course, very many of the works enumerated in the
   catalogues of extra-canonical writings are of Christian origin; but
   even these are framed on the same lines as the earlier, and very often
   repeat the ideas and give expression to the hopes found in the others.
   In the Fourth Book of Esdras, which is called the Second in our English
   Bibles, the sacred books are counted as ninety-four, twenty-two of
   which would be the received items of the Jewish Canon, and seventy-two
   apocryphal. These last, which in round numbers are called seventy, were
   directed to be reserved for the wise among the people; "for in them is
   the spring of understanding, the fountain of wisdom, and the stream of
   knowledge." [2] Hilgenfeld [3] reckons the number of those whose titles
   have survived at thirty-six. Many of these, however, would scarcely
   come under our view as Jewish productions, being of gnostic or
   heretical origin, and are rather to be reckoned among New Testament
   pseudepigrapha. The term applied to the books with which we are
   concerned is used by Jerome in allusion to the Wisdom of Solomon, and
   has thence come to be employed for the whole class, though not strictly
   true of them all. In his preface to the Books of Solomon, Jerome says,
   "Fertur et Panæretos Jesu filii Sirach liber, et alius pseudepigraphus,
   qui sapientia Salomonis inscribitur." Not that Jerome invented the word
   which so happily describes the leading characteristic of such
   productions. It is found in Greek authors long before his time. Thus
   Polybius (Hist. xxiv. 5. 5) calls the tricksy and unreliable Messenian,
   Deinocrates, pseudepugraphos kai rhopikos. Spuriousness of authorship
   belongs to most of the series, and is a mark of the writings which were
   produced in such luxuriance towards the time of the commencement of the
   Christian era; and a term denoting this peculiarity may well be adopted
   as their designation.

   The documents fall naturally into three classes. The first, of which
   few representatives have reached us, may be called Lyrical. There is a
   spurious production of this nature assigned to David in the Apostolical
   Constitutions, [4] but it is no longer extant. The only important
   contribution to this class is the Psalter of Solomon, a collection of
   eighteen psalms, written probably originally in Hebrew, about half a
   century before the Christian era, but known to us only in a Greek
   version. They are conceived in the spirit of Old Testament prophecy,
   and are designed to console the Jews under national calamity by
   confirming their faith in future retribution and Messianic hopes.

   The second class may be called Prophetical, and may be divided into two
   sections, composed respectively of Apocalypses and Testaments.
   Apocalyptic writings are very numerous, the most celebrated being the
   Fourth Book of Esdras and the Book of Enoch. The former of these, as it
   forms a portion of the Apocrypha in the Authorised Version of our
   English Bible, has been copiously annotated of late years; the latter
   from its length and importance demands special study. There are many
   others which are most interesting, and claim notice at our hands. The
   Assumption of Moses is the document from which, according to Origen,
   St. Jude borrowed his allusion to Michael's dispute with Satan about
   the body of Moses. It consists of an address of the great lawgiver to
   his successor Joshua, enunciating the future fate of Israel, partly
   historical down to the author's time, and partly predictive. The
   Apocalypse of Baruch is a different work from the Book of Baruch and
   the Epistle of Jeremy in our English Apocrypha. Written originally in
   Greek, it has been preserved only in Syriac and Latin versions. It
   contains a series of post facto predictions supposed to be uttered by
   Baruch about the time of the first destruction of Jerusalem, and a
   revelation of the reign and judgment of Messiah. The Ascension and
   Vision of Isaiah describe the martyrdom of the prophet by his being
   sawn asunder, an allusion to which is supposed to be made in Heb. xi.
   37, and contain an account of what he saw when rapt to heaven. The
   above are the works which have come to us in a more or less perfect
   shape. There are many others of which we know little more than the
   titles which indeed are often very similar to those of extant
   productions, but appertain to distinct works. There is a Prophecy and
   Revelation of the holy and beloved prophet Esdras, another of Baruch;
   then Elijah, Jeremiah, Zephaniah, Ezekiel, Habakkuk, Zechariah, have
   each their special Apocalypses; a spurious Daniel also is mentioned;
   and Adam, Lamech, Moses, and Abraham are not unrepresented, but
   contribute their revelations. Hermas Pastor [5] refers to a Prophecy of
   Eldad and Modat which was well known in the early Church; but this with
   many others has perished long ago; and the vague allusions to such
   works in the pages of the Fathers and in some ancient catalogues of
   Scripture do not allow us to judge of their contents and character.
   Among the productions which assume the testamentary form we have the
   titles only of some, e.g. the Diatheke of the Protoplast, of Jacob,
   Moses, Hezekiah, Adam, Noah, Solomon, Abraham; the Last Prayer and
   Blessing of Joseph, a work continually quoted by Origen as "a writing
   not to be despised," and said by him to be in circulation among the
   Hebrews. But the work of this character that is still extant is called
   the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. This is an account of the
   lives of the sons of Jacob, containing many legendary particulars not
   found in Scripture, revelations of the future, and Messianic
   predictions.

   The third class takes a historical or Haggadistic character. Its chief
   representative is the Book of Jubilees, or Micro-Genesis, an enlarged
   account of Biblical history down to the institution of the Passover,
   with the chronology reduced to Jubilee periods. Other works of which
   little is known are these: the History of Jannes and Jambres, the
   magicians who opposed Moses at the court of Pharaoh; the Conversion of
   Manasses, a different work from the Prayer of Manasses in our
   Apocrypha; the Life of Adam; the Revelation of Adam; the Repentance of
   Adam; the Daughters of Adam; the Gospel of Eve; the Story of Asenath,
   Joseph's wife, and that of Noria, the wife of Noah.

   We have omitted mention of the Sibylline Oracles, not because they are
   of less importance than other works, but because they partake of the
   nature of all three classes, and cannot be assigned specially to any
   one of them. They are lyrical, being written in measured verse, and
   very often in a highly poetical strain; they are historical, detailing
   the events in the history of various peoples down to Christian times,
   with an admixture of truth and fiction which is hard to unravel; and
   they are apocalyptic, in that they foreshadow the future of Messiah's
   kingdom and the destiny of the elect. While a large proportion of these
   poems is of post-Christian origin, there are considerable fragments of
   earlier date which are of important utility in determining prevalent
   Jewish views. Schürer happily calls them "Jewish Propaganda under a
   heathen mask," and classes them with the so-called productions of
   Hystaspes, Hecatæus, Aristæus, and Phocylides.

   Without anticipating details which belong to the special account of
   each of these works, we may here gather up some general results of the
   doctrine enunciated in them. [6]

   First, as to the divisions of time, we find throughout the books that
   two great periods are specified--the present, and the future or coming
   age. This is in conformity with the view taken in the Book of Daniel.
   The former period is one of depression and misery, when Israel is for a
   time prostrate under the heel of Gentile enemies; the latter is an
   eternity of victory and bliss, when "the saints of the Most High shall
   receive the kingdom, and possess the kingdom for ever, even for ever
   and ever." [7] The temporary and the eternal periods are strongly
   contrasted, though there is no general consent as to the moment when
   the happy age shall dawn. But it shall be preceded by a judgment which
   is to take place in the last days, the end of the transition state,
   wherein the heathen shall receive their doom. This great day is known
   only to God; but it shall be revealed in due time, and meanwhile men
   need not disquiet themselves concerning its advent; as it is said in
   the Book of Enoch, "Let not your spirit be grieved on account of the
   times, for the Holy One hath prescribed days to all. And the righteous
   shall arise from sleep, and walk in the way of righteousness, and God
   will be gracious unto them, and give them everlasting dominion." [8] In
   the Psalms of Solomon we read, [9] "Behold, O Lord, and raise up for
   them their king, the son of David, at the time which Thou, God,
   knowest." In the Fourth Book of Esdras it is said, "The Most High hath
   made, not one age, but two;" and again, "He hath made this age for the
   sake of many, but the future for the sake of few." [10] And, "This
   present age is not the end . . . but the day of judgment will be the
   end of this time, and the beginning of the immortal age that is to
   come, wherein corruption hath passed away." [11] Attempts are made to
   define the length of the first period more accurately, but the proposed
   solutions do not help much to satisfy inquiry. The Book of Enoch in one
   place allots seventy generations to the world's history, in another
   divides it into ten weeks; in the Assumption of Moses the beginning of
   the second age is placed "two hundred and fifty times," i.e. probably
   250 weeks of years (= 4250), after the death of Moses, A.M. 2500. This
   is almost the same result as is obtained in the Book of Jubilees. In
   the Fourth Book of the Sibylline Oracles the time is divided into
   eleven generations, [12] in the last of which the judgment shall take
   place. In the Fourth Book of Esdras and in the Apocalypse of Baruch the
   age consists of twelve sections, at the end of which the new era shall
   commence.

   Failing to define accurately the duration of the first age of the
   world, speculation concerned itself with the signs which should herald
   the approach of the last times. Theorists endeavoured to answer that
   question which, quite in accordance with Jewish opinion, the apostles
   put to Christ, "Tell us, when shall these things be? and what shall be
   the sign of Thy coming, and of the consummation of the age?" [13] Thus
   the Sibyl affirms that there shall be seen swords in the heaven, and
   storms of dust, and an eclipse of the sun, and armed warriors
   contending in the sky. [14] The Book of Enoch foretells great changes
   in the course of nature -- the alteration of seasons, the shortening of
   men's lives, irregularity in the course of moon and stars, and a
   repetition of the wicked practices which occasioned the Flood of old.
   [15] To the same effect the Book of Jubilees looks forward to a season
   of abnormal iniquity as the precursor of the judgment day; there shall
   be unnatural crimes among men, and strange aberrations in the order of
   nature, children rising up against parents, general barrenness in
   earth, great destruction of the lower creatures in land and sea,
   perversion of all right, and universal strife. [16] The Fourth of
   Esdras takes up the same strain. As the world grows older it becomes
   weaker and more evil, men degenerate, truth flies away, leasing is hard
   at hand. Then shall occur earthquakes, unrest and uproar among nations,
   and various prodigies in heaven and earth; the sun shall shine at
   night, the moon in day; blood shall ooze from wood; sweet water shall
   be changed to salt; women shall bring forth monsters; infants of tender
   age shall speak. [17] Many of these portents are such as one reads of
   in classical authors; some recall our Lord's predictions, or St. Paul's
   warning that "in the last days perilous times shall come" (2 Tim. iii.
   1). In the Apocalypse of Baruch the details of the wickedness and
   calamities that shall intervene are more distinctly specified, being
   divided into twelve parts, increasing to a climax of horror; and
   despair and destruction shall overtake all the world with the exception
   of the inhabitants of the holy land. [18] But throughout these books
   the advent of the second age is to be ushered in by extraordinary
   calamities consequent on excessive moral evil, and characterised by an
   universal degeneracy alike in animal and vegetable life.

   We have now to see what our books say about the Messiah. Many of them,
   indeed, seem to have no reference whatever to Him. The writer of the
   Assumption of Moses expects the appearance of some great saviour to
   prepare the way for the visible reign of Jehovah; but this deliverer is
   not the Messiah, and is, in fact, not regarded as superior to Moses in
   action or person. In the Book of Jubilees the idea of a personal
   Messiah is pointedly excluded; God, says the writer, has appointed no
   one to reign over Israel, being Himself their only Lord and Ruler, and
   purposing in due time to descend from heaven and dwell with His people.
   The writer seems purposely to have omitted the blessings which Jacob
   pronounced upon his sons, and especially all mention of the house of
   David, which would naturally have found place in the benediction on
   Judah. The Fourth Book of the Sibylline Oracles, which is marked by
   some eschatological passages, omits all reference to Messiah, while
   announcing the resurrection and the judgment. And we may remark in
   passing that the apocryphal works in our English Bible are singularly
   devoid of all Messianic references. Ecclesiasticus has no trace of the
   great hope; Wisdom is equally barren; the famous passage in ii. 10-20
   of that Book, about the treatment of the righteous man by the wicked,
   having regard to a class, and certainly not alluding to any particular
   individual. The Books of Maccabees look forward to the re-gathering of
   Israel and the appearance of a true prophet, but nothing more. In Tobit
   we find only hope of the conversion of the Gentiles and the restoration
   of Jerusalem; in Baruch and Judith, though the future judgment is
   intimated, absolute silence is maintained concerning the Messiah's part
   in that transaction. It is plain that the later conception of the
   Messiah, with all the hopes that gathered round His person and
   achievements, was not generally admitted when most of our books were
   composed, and it was only very gradually that the ideas obtained which
   we have been accustomed to associate therewith. Though it is difficult
   to fix the date of most of these works, probably the earliest which
   contains definite Messianic statements is a section of the Third Book
   of the Sibylline Verses, written about a century and a half before the
   Christian era. The passage which is, probably correctly, assumed to
   bear this interpretation is the following: [19] "Then from the sun God
   shall send a King, who shall cause all the earth to cease from wicked
   war, killing indeed some; and making faithful treaties with others. Not
   by His own counsels shall He do all these things, but in obedience to
   the good decrees of the great God." Then follows a description of the
   happy condition that is to ensue; but there is no further mention of
   this King, and the governing authority of the new kingdom established
   by God is not one great personage, but prophets, who are "judges of
   mortals and righteous kings." The subordinate position assigned to
   Messiah is very remarkable; He, indeed, prepares the way for the great
   consummation, but He is not said to bear any part in the administration
   of the future age. In another passage, [20] which critics generally
   assign to some half-century B.C., the advent of the Messiah is
   immediately expected. Thus the Sibyl writes: "But when Rome shall rule
   over Egypt also, uniting it into one, then indeed the mighty kingdom of
   the immortal King shall appear among men; and there shall come a pure
   King to hold the sceptres of all the earth for all ages as time hastens
   onward." Evidently, it is an earthly kingdom which this Monarch
   establishes, and this, it is further intimated, is to come to an end
   when the new era dawns.

   The Book of Enoch adumbrates the Messiah in symbolical language. In the
   vision of the seventy shepherds, and the sheep and wild animals, the
   Messiah appears under the figure of a white Bull. The wording of the
   passage is ambiguous, and the correct reading is disputed; hence it
   remains doubtful to, which age the Messiah belongs; though the analogy
   of other passages would place Him at the entrance of the new era. Enoch
   says: [21] "Then those three who were clothed in white raised me up and
   placed me in the midst of the sheep, before the judgment took place
   [22] . . . and I saw that a white Bullock was born, having great horns,
   and all the beasts of the field and all the birds of heaven feared him,
   and besought him continually. And I watched till all their tribes were
   changed and became white bullocks; and the first among them [was the
   Word, and the same Word] [23] was a great beast, and had great black
   horns upon his head; and the Lord of the sheep rejoiced over them and
   over all the bullocks." The personality of this "Bullock" is not very
   definite, and there is no allusion to descent from the house of David;
   but the representation evidently embraces hopes of Messiah, and looks
   forward, though vaguely, to the time of His appearing. This time is
   fixed more accurately in the Fourth of Esdras (vii. 28 ff.), where it
   is announced that Messiah and the saints with Him shall rejoice four
   hundred [24] years, and that then he and all men are to die, and
   silence reign for seven days, at the end of which time "the earth that
   yet awaketh not shall be raised up, and that which is corrupt shall
   die." So in other passages, both in Esdras and Baruch, the dominion of
   Messiah is announced as lasting till the final judgment, confined, as
   it would seem, to the first, the present age. The Messiah, according to
   Enoch, [25] is to be born at Jerusalem; meantime He is hidden till the
   hour of His revelation arrives. In the Ascension of Isaiah He passes
   through the seven heavens unrecognised, until He executes vengeance on
   the evil principalities and powers, and returns in glory to the throne
   of God. Esdras sees Him coming up from the midst of the sea, which
   denotes the mysterious and secret character of the unknown region
   wherein He sojourned, and in due time taking His stand upon Mount Zion.
   [26] "Here," says Baruch, [27] "He shall judge the last leader of His
   enemies, and put him to death, and shall protect God's people who are
   found in the place which He has chosen. And His dominion shall continue
   until the world of corruption is brought to an end, and the predicted
   times are fulfilled." Of the Messiah's descent from David and His high
   title, the Psalter of Solomon gives the clearest indications. "Behold,
   O Lord," says the Psalmist, "and raise up for them their King, the Son
   of David, at the time which Thou knowest. . . . He is the righteous
   King over them, taught of God. There shall be no injustice in His days
   among them, for they all shall be holy, and their King shall be Christ
   the Lord." [28] This last expression seems certainly to have been well
   known before Christian times. In Esdras [29] the name Christ is found
   twice at least, though in one place it has been changed by some
   Christian hand into "Jesus;" and "unctus," the Anointed, also occurs,
   corrupted in the Latin into "ventus," the "wind;" but in the other
   versions appearing with an addition, "the Anointed whom the Highest
   hath reserved to the end of the days, who shall arise out of the seed
   of David." The title Messiah is constantly used in Baruch; thus we
   read, "It shall come to pass, when that which is to be shall have been
   accomplished there, that Messiah shall begin to be revealed." [30] The
   Book of Enoch has suffered so much from glosses and interpolations that
   we cannot build much upon isolated expressions; but, as the text
   stands, the expression "Son of God," or its equivalent, is met with in
   the most ancient section once. The Lord is represented as saying (cv.
   2), "I and my Son will unite ourselves with them [the sons of earth]
   for ever and ever." Nor can much reliance be placed upon the present
   text of the Second of Esdras; otherwise the terms Messiah and Son of
   God may be observed in a few passages. [31] But although we grant that
   the name and designation of the Messiah are found in these books, there
   is very far from being any general consent as to His nature and
   attributes. The Catholic doctrine concerning the Christ was as yet not
   received, and the speculations which were rife fell far short of the
   great truth. Whether many of these writers believed in the
   pre-existence of the Messiah before His appearance on earth is
   doubtful. The author of the Ascension of Isaiah certainly did; but as
   the portion of the work containing the assertion is probably the
   composition of a Christian Jew, it cannot be quoted as affording an
   instance of purely Jewish opinion. The expression in the Third Book of
   the Sibyllines already cited, which represents the future King as
   proceeding "from the sun," might seem to imply at least a supernatural
   origin, denoting that, as the Creed says, "He came down from heaven;"
   but the words (ap eelioio) may mean merely "from the rising sun," i.e.
   from the East, which to a dweller in Egypt would be the land of mystery
   and of God's revelations. In that part of the Book of Enoch which is
   termed the Similitudes or Parables, He who is here called "Son of man"
   is seen by the seer in company with the "Ancient of Days," and is
   expressly stated to have existed before all worlds, and to live before
   God for ever; in Him all wisdom and righteousness dwell; but He is not
   God, though of godlike character. In another and more ancient division
   of the work, as we have seen above, He is figured under the
   representation of "a white Bull," born in due time, and in no way
   supernaturally distinguished from the other animals who assume the same
   appearance, though His supremacy is recognised by them in that they
   fear and pray to Him. In the Psalter of Solomon the Messiah is lauded
   in the highest terms, as mighty in word and deed, a just and powerful
   Ruler, who, living in the fear of God, shall feed the Lord's people in
   faith and righteousness; but He is not superhuman, He is only the ideal
   earthly king of David's line. The Apocalypse of Baruch speaks of the
   "revelation of Messiah and of His kingdom," [32] which seems to imply
   pre-existence; but, as Professor Drummond points out, this expression,
   and the analogous one "reserved" in Second Esdras (xii. 32, xiii. 36),
   may merely imply the belief that Messiah after His birth should be
   withdrawn into concealment, from whence He should emerge in due time;
   or such terms may be used to denote God's predestination, and the
   mystery which attached to this heavenly messenger. In fact, none of
   these works contain any clear assertion of the Divinity of the Messiah;
   and the writers, while they look upon Him as abnormal and marvellous
   and supreme, do not attribute to Him a nature different from that of
   man in its highest ideal character. We may note that our Lord's own
   disciples were very slow to realise His Divine nature, while they
   readily owned His Messiahship. Again and again Jesus had to reprove
   their dulness of apprehension and slowness of belief. Miracles often
   repeated failed to convey this truth fully to their minds; and it
   needed the Resurrection, with all its wondrous accompaniments, to
   enable them fully to realise that their Master was God Almighty. So
   difficult was it for them to rise superior to prejudice and popular
   opinion.

   Our general view of the pseudepigraphical books would not be complete
   without a brief notice of their angelology and eschatology. The
   existence of good and evil angels is fully recognised. The former are
   divided into various orders and degrees; in Enoch the names of the
   archangels are given as Michael, Gabriel, Suriel, and Uriel; Suriel
   elsewhere appears as Raphael. These four have their special spheres and
   provinces; and beside them there are myriads of inferior angels who
   stand before the Lord of Spirits, ready to do His will. They are
   archangels who reveal God's will to Enoch, and conduct him on his
   various journeys. It is the Angel of the Presence who is charged to
   transcribe the revelation in the Book of Jubilees. Angels, according to
   Baruch, execute God's wrath in the destruction of Jerusalem, having
   first committed to the earth the veil, the mercy-seat, and other sacred
   things appertaining to the temple. It is, as we have seen, from the
   Assumption of Moses that the story of the dispute between Michael and
   Satan over the body of Moses is derived. Esdras receives his seven
   visions by the intervention of Uriel. The Book of Jubilees states that
   on the first day of creation God made the ministering spirits, the
   Angel of the Presence, the Angel of Praise, and the angels that preside
   over the elements, as we find in the Revelation of St. John mention
   made of angels which have power over fire and water. [33] The angels
   bring men's sins before God, execute His vengeance on sinners, teach
   mortals useful arts and acceptable worship, and communicate God's will
   by dreams or visions or open manifestations. In the Testaments of the
   Twelve Patriarchs the heavenly hierarchy is still more systematically
   arranged, and the duties and offices of its various members are
   distinguished.

   The evil angels have their ranks and orders; they are a disciplined
   army under chieftains. At their head appears one who is variously named
   Satan, Sammael, Mastema, Azazel. Their fall, according to Enoch, was
   brought about by their connection with the daughters of men, from
   whence sprang a race of giants whose iniquity, fostered by their
   superhuman fathers, occasioned the Flood. These evil angels taught men
   war and bloodshed and every wicked work, and were punished by being
   confined in the depth of the earth till the great day of judgment, a
   certain portion of them only being allowed a limited liberty.

   Turning to the eschatological teaching of these books, we find that in
   the last days, on the appearance of Messiah, there will be a great
   mustering of enemies to oppose the establishment of the new kingdom.
   Here we have the curious myth of the return to life of Nero, who, under
   the name of Behar, is to lead the armies of Antichrist. [34] At other
   times this leader is not definitely named. In Baruch (chap. xl.) he is
   called merely "dux ultimus," who, as we have seen above, is to be
   brought to Mount Zion and there put to death by the victorious Messiah.
   But it is not always the Messiah who conducts the war; God Himself
   interposes in the Sibyl's account, [35] and Enoch predicts the great
   destruction of Israel's enemies before the advent of Messiah, and
   exults in their cruel annihilation. [36] Whether by the action of
   Messiah, or by the immediate intervention of the Lord, it is
   universally agreed that the assembled foes of Israel shall meet with
   signal overthrow, and that, at this "consummation," the kingdom of
   Messiah shall be established. This kingdom is to have its centre at
   Jerusalem, under the personal rule of Messiah, who is the vicegerent of
   God, [37] and is to extend over all nations, and to be characterised by
   righteousness, peace, and plenty. The material blessings of this reign
   are picturesquely delineated in the Sibylline Verses and elsewhere;
   [38] the earth shall be marvellously productive, men's lives shall be
   prolonged to a thousand years without disease or infirmity. The
   duration of this kingdom is considered in most of our books to be
   unlimited; Esdras alone confines its length to four hundred years, and
   Baruch says vaguely that it shall be continued until the world of
   corruption be ended. Whether the Gentiles should be converted was a
   question not answered in a uniform manner; while the writers with
   Hellenistic leanings took a merciful view, the exaggerated prejudices
   of others led them to anticipate with satisfaction the total
   annihilation of the heathen. The Sibyl looks forward to a time when the
   sight of the happiness and prosperity of the God-fearing Israelites
   will move alien nations to repentance, [39] whilst the Psalmist brings
   the heathen under the yoke of the chosen race, and holds out to them no
   hope of salvation. [40] Of the resurrection and the final judgment we
   have varying accounts, there being also a dissidence in the opinion as
   to the epochs in which these events should take place; some writers
   allotting the judgment to the time of Messiah's appearing, others
   looking for it at the close of that period, and as ushering in
   eternity. The latter view is that which most generally prevailed. The
   Book of Enoch gives copious details concerning the future life and the
   judgment. The Lord sits on a throne erected in the midst of Palestine,
   and passes judgment respectively on the fallen angels, the apostate
   Israelites, and the heathen powers. The souls of the dead have a place
   where they wait for their sentence, and are here divided into classes
   according to their earthly actions, accounts of which have been daily
   written down in the heavenly books; and now they shall receive their
   reward--unalterable punishment in the case of obstinate sinners, and
   eternal felicity in the case of the righteous. The resurrection of the
   body is nowhere expressly affirmed, though it is implied by the
   material nature of the penalties and the bliss accorded to the raised
   persons. There seems to have been no definite belief in a bodily
   resurrection, though a resurrection of some kind was universally
   expected, and blind gropings after the great Christian doctrine are
   occasionally found; but the general impression conveyed by these
   apocryphal books is that the immortality enunciated therein is
   incorporeal; and, as regards the righteous, the idea is that they shall
   be changed into angelic beings with the power of assuming any form they
   please. [41]

   The above are the chief points of interest in the Jewish
   Pseudepigraphic writings; more definite details and notices of
   incidental matters appertain more properly to the separate accounts of
   the various works which are classed under this designation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1] See Dr. Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus, i. 37 f.

   [2] 2 Esdr. xiv. 44-47. Some Latin MSS., instead of "ninety-four," give
   "nine hundred and four;" the Vulgate has "two hundred and four;" other
   versions, "ninety-four," which from what follows seems to be correct.

   [3] In Herzog's Encyklop. xii. 341 ff. (ed. 1883).

   [4] Apost. Constit. vi. 16.

   [5] Vis. ii. 3. 4.

   [6] I have in this sketch gladly availed myself of Prof. Drummond's The
   Jewish Messiah, and Mr. Stanton's The Jewish and Christian Messiah,
   though most of the articles on special pseudepigraphal works were
   originally written before I had seen those books. Since then I have had
   the pleasure of perusing Schürer's valuable treatise on The Jewish
   People in the time of Jesus Christ.

   [7] Dan. vii. 18.

   [8] Enoch xcii. 2 ff.

   [9] Ps. xvii. 23.

   [10] The former passage occurs in the fragment omitted in the old Latin
   editions and versions founded thereon, and will be found in Fritzsche's
   book as vi. 25, and in Churton's as vii. 50. In both passages the word
   rendered "age" is "sæculum," which some, however, translate "world."

   [11] vii. 42 f.

   [12] So all the MSS. Alexandre reads es dekaten, asserting that
   throughout the books the last generation is always the tenth, and he
   refers in confirmation to vers. 47 and 86. But see Drummond, p. 206.

   [13] Matt. xxiv. 3.

   [14] Lib. iii. 795 ff.

   [15] Chaps. xci., xcix.

   [16] Book of Jub. chap. xxiii.

   [17] Prof. Drummond refers to 2 Esdr. v. 1-13, 54 f., vi. 7-28, viii
   63-ix. 6, xiv. 15-17.

   [18] Apoc. Bar. chaps, xxv.-xxvii., xlviii., lxx., lxxi.

   [19] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 652 ff.

   [20] Orac. Sibyll. iii, 36-92.

   [21] Enoch xc. 31 ff.

   [22] Prof. Drummond doubts the genuineness of this clause, and Dillmann
   does not hold it as indisputable. It is certainly inconsistent with
   other statements in the same passage.

   [23] The words in brackets are regarded as spurious.

   [24] The Syriac reads: "thirty." Churton, in loc.

   [25] Enoch xc. 36 f.

   [26] 2 Esdr. xiii. 26, 35

   [27] Apoc. Bar. xl.

   [28] Ps. Solom. xvii. 23, 35, 36. The title is given in the MSS.
   without variation Christos Kurios. Professor Drummond would read
   Kuriou. But see xviii. 6, 8, and Lam. iv. 20. At the same time, as
   Ewald points out, the expression in the text may possibly be a
   mistranslation for "the Lord's Christ," as Luke ii. 26, and must not be
   taken as proving the seer's belief in the Divinity of Messiah.

   [29] 2 Esdr. vii. 28, 29, xii. 32.

   [30] Apoc. Bar. xxix. See also xxx., xxxix., xl., lxx., lxxii.

   [31] See Drummond, pp. 285 ff.

   [32] Chap. xxix. 3, xxxix. 7; Drummond, p. 293.

   [33] Rev. xiv. 18, xvi. 5.

   [34] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 63 ff., iv. 137 ff.

   [35] Ibid. iii. 669 ff.

   [36] Enoch xc., xcviii., xcix.

   [37] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 652 ff.; Psalm. Sol. xvii.; Drummond, pp. 309
   ff.

   [38] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 743 ff., 776 ff.; Enoch x. 17 ff., xi. 1.;
   Apoc. Bar. xxix.; Jubil. xxiii.

   [39] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 702 ff.; comp. Enoch x. 21, xc. 30 ff.

   [40] Psalm. Sol. xvii. 25 ff.; comp. Apoc. Bar. lxxii.

   [41] Apoc. Bar. li.
     __________________________________________________________________

I.

LYRICAL.
     __________________________________________________________________

  THE PSALTER OF SOLOMON.

   Among the apocryphal literature of the Old Testament which has been
   preserved to our time, the eighteen Psalms of Solomon, so called, are
   an interesting monument of later Judaism, giving glimpses of
   contemporary history and breathing Messianic hopes. Excluded from our
   English version of the Bible, they have been remarkably neglected in
   this country, and very few students have taken the trouble of mastering
   this important remnant of antiquity. Germany has dealt otherwise with
   them. For the last thirty years critics in that country have been
   investigating their origin, assigning their date, settling the text,
   examining the contents; so that we can enter upon the study of them
   with a critical and exegetical apparatus which a few years ago was
   unattainable. They were never included in the Canonical Scriptures of
   the Jews, though known to early authors, and occurring in several
   catalogues of Scripture. The Alexandrine Manuscript of the Greek Bible,
   indeed, inserted them at the end of the volume, a fact which probably
   proves that they were used in Divine worship in the Eastern Church; but
   where they are named, they are included among the Antilegomena, and are
   apparently debarred from the Canon by the Council of Laodicea. [42] In
   the Stichometria of Nicephorus, and in the Synopsis Athanasii, they are
   classed with the Books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Maccabees, and other
   Apocrypha; in other lists they come in the same category as Enoch, the
   Twelve Patriarchs, the Apocalypses of Moses, etc. Being thus thrust
   aside in early times, they seem to have met with little attention, and
   to have been seldom transcribed. Hence the manuscripts which exhibited
   them were very few, and modern investigation has not discovered many
   fresh sources of information about them. Most unfortunately the leaves
   of the Alexandrine Codex, now in the British Museum, which once
   contained them, have perished, so that we are forced to rely on a late
   and inferior document for the exposition and correction of the text.
   The Editio Princeps of De la Cerda was printed from a MS. brought from
   Constantinople in the year 1615, which was once in the Augsburg
   Library, but has now disappeared. Three other MSS. known to exist have
   not been used in editing the work. Indeed, the only manuscript made
   available is a cursive of the tenth century, Codex Vindobonensis, [43]
   called "V" in Fritzsche's edition, and now in the Royal Library of
   Vienna. In this our Psalms are found between the Book of Wisdom and
   Ecclesiasticus. The title prefixed to the once existing Augsburg MS.
   was PsALTERION SALOMONTOS, and at the end occurred the colophon Psalmoi
   Salomontos ie. echousin epe ,a; Telos sun Theo. But the author himself
   never claims to be the son of David, and the various headings, now
   found in the Psalter, which attribute the Psalms to Solomon, are
   without dispute the work of later hands. The writer speaks of himself
   sometimes, e.g. Ps. i. 3: "I reasoned in my heart that I was filled
   with righteousness, because I was prosperous and had become mighty in
   children;" Ps. ii. 35: "Raising me up unto glory." But even if these
   and such-like passages assumed more plainly than they do Solomonic
   authorship, they would show merely that the poet, like the writer of
   the Book of Wisdom, appropriated the name of Solomon for literary
   purposes, with no idea of deceiving his readers or causing them to give
   credence to so transparent a fallacy. Or, very possibly, the name of
   Solomon did not occur in the original title; but, as the Psalter became
   well known and used, because it could not be ascribed to David, or
   included in the canonical Psalm-Book, it was honoured with the name of
   Solomon in later times, and reached the early Christian writers under
   that designation. The fact that in 1 Kings iv. 32 Solomon is said to
   have composed "a thousand and five songs" (odai pentakischiliai,
   Sept.), gave a colouring to the assumed authorship, and in uncritical
   times, when historical allusions were little investigated or weighed,
   the name gained an unquestioned currency.

   The references to the Book in early writers are few and uncertain. In
   the Stichometria of Nicephorus it is named, as we have said, among the
   Antilegomena of the Old Testament: to the same category it is relegated
   in the Synopsis Sacræ Scripturæ appended to the works of St.
   Athanasius, the date of which is doubtful, and which may possibly be
   founded upon the Catalogue of Nicephorus. [44] Schürer thinks it was
   included under the category of Antilegornena simply owing to its
   absence from the Hebrew Canon, position in that list being the
   criterion which guided the formal reception of writings; while in the
   Christian Church it was regarded in some quarters with greater favour.
   Five Odes of Solomon are quoted in the curious Gnostic book of the
   third century A.D., Pistis Sophia; [45] and St. Jerome writing against
   Vigilantius (cap. vi.) may possibly refer to the Psalter when he says:
   "Nam in commentariolo tuo quasi pro te faciens de Salomone sumis
   testimonium, quod Salomon omnino non scripsit, ut, qui habes alterum
   Esdram, habeas et Salomonem alterum." The "Second Esdras" means a
   passage in the Fourth Book of Esdras (vi. 81, ap. Fritz.) [46] implying
   the inexpediency of certain prayers for the dead; the "Second Solomon"
   may perhaps indicate the following words: "Therefore this is their
   inheritance, Hades, and darkness, and destruction; and they shall not
   be found in the day of the mercy of the righteous" (Ps. xiv. 6); "for
   their iniquities shall make the houses of sinners desolate, and sinners
   shall perish in the day of the Lord's judgment for ever and ever" (xv.
   13). Lactantius [47] more than once quotes passages from Solomon which
   do not occur in the Canonical Scriptures, and are supposed to have been
   once comprehended among these Psalms, though no longer extant in our
   copies.

   The Fourth Book of Esdras, which appears to have been written towards
   the end of the first Christian century, contains many passages which
   are possibly derived from the Psalter. Some of these have been
   collected by Hilgenfeld in his edition of our Book, and are
   sufficiently apposite. Ps. viii. 34: "Gather together the dispersion of
   Israel with mercy and kindness." Ibid. xi. 3: "Stand on high,
   Jerusalem, and see thy children gathered once from the east and west by
   the Lord. They come from the north in the joy of their God; from the
   isles afar off God gathered them together." 4 Esdr. i. 38: "See thy
   people coming from the east." Ibid. xiii. 39: "Thou hast seen Him
   gathering to Himself another multitude in peace."--Ps. ix. 18: "Thou, O
   Lord, hast put Thy name upon us." 4 Esdr. iv. 25: "What wilt Thou do to
   Thy name which is invoked upon us?" Ibid. x. 22: "Thy name which is
   invoked upon us hath been profaned."--Ps. xvii. 19: "They wandered in
   deserts to save their souls from evil." 4 Esdr. xiii. 41 f.: "They
   determined to leave the multitude of nations, and to go to a distant
   region, there to observe their own laws."--Ps. xvii. 36: "Their king
   shall be Christ the Lord." 4 Esdr. vii. 28: "My son Jesus shall be
   revealed with those who are with him."--Ps. xvii. 37: "He shall not
   trust in horse and rider and bow, nor shall he multiply to himself gold
   and silver for war, nor put his hopes in arms hoplois, Fr.) for the day
   of battle." 4 Esdr. xiii. 9: "Lo, when he saw the onset of the host
   coming against him, he raised not his hand, nor held the shield, nor
   any weapon of war."--Ps. xviii. 4: "Thy chastisement shall be upon us
   as a first-born only-begotten son." 4 Esdr. vi. 58: "We Thy people,
   whom Thou hast called Thy first-born only-begotten son."

   There is one passage of the Psalter (xvii. 5) which is found in the
   Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, that curious production of early
   Jewish Christianity. It occurs in the Testament of Judah, § 22: "For
   the Lord sware with an oath unto me that my crown shall not fail from
   my seed, all the days, for ever." In the Psalter: "Thou swarest to him
   concerning his seed for ever, that his crown should not fail before
   thee." [48] In the New Testament no certain intimation occurs that the
   work was known to the inspired writers. The only passage which bears a
   close likeness to a verse in the gospel is in Ps. v. 4: "One cannot
   take spoils from a strong man," which is parallel to Mark xii. 29: "How
   can one enter into a strong man's house, and spoil his goods?"

   On the other hand, founded as it is on the model of the Old Testament,
   the Psalter is replete with references to and citations from the
   Canonical Scriptures. To rehearse these would be to transcribe a large
   portion of the whole work. But it is noteworthy that what we call
   Apocryphal Books are not unknown to our author. And this is the more
   remarkable in the case of a work written, as is justly supposed, in
   Palestine and in the Hebrew language; since it shows how widely
   extended was the influence of that literature which grew up after the
   close of the Canon of the Old Testament. There are reminiscences of, if
   not quotations from, the Book of Wisdom in the Psalter. Thus in Ps.
   xvi. 8 the epithet "unprofitable" (anophelous) applied to sin seems to
   recall the word in Wisd. i. 11: "Beware of unprofitable murmuring." In
   Ps. viii. 11 and in Wisd. i. 16 the making a compact (sunethento
   sunthekas) with sin and death is common to both. "The right hand of the
   Lord sheltered (eskepase) me . . . the arm of the Lord saved us," says
   the Psalter (xiii. 1). "With His right hand shall He shelter (skepasei)
   them, and with His arm shall He protect them," says Wisd. v. 16. "God
   is a righteous judge, and will not reverence persons (zaumasei
   prosopon)," Ps. ii. 19. "The Lord of all will not cower before persons
   (huposteleitai prosopon)," Wisd. vi. 8. The use of the very uncommon
   word eustatheia in Ps. iv. 11, vi. 7, is probably due to a reminiscence
   of Wisd. vi. 26. Wisd. v. 23: "Iniquity shall lay waste (eremosei . . .
   anomia) the whole earth," may be compared with Ps. xvii. 13: "The
   sinner wasted (heremosen ho anomos [49] ) their land." The phrase, "Man
   and his portion are with thee by weight (en stathmo)," is verbally
   like, though differing in intention from, the famous passage in Wisd.
   xi. 21: "Thou orderest all things by measure, number, and weight." The
   touching appeal in Wisd. xv. 2: "For even if we sin, we are Thine,"
   finds its echo in Ps. ix. 16: "Behold, and pity us, God of Israel, for
   we are Thine;" and the idea, as well as the wording, of Ps. xii. 8: "He
   will admonish (nouthetesei) the righteous man as the son of His love,"
   is closely parallel with those of Wisd. xi. 10: "These as a father
   admonishing (noutheton) Thou didst prove." Between Ps. xi. and the
   fifth chapter of Baruch there are many close parallelisms; but the
   latter is probably the borrower.

   Whilst we can trace the language and conceptions of the Psalter in a
   great measure to preceding Scriptures, we can yet claim for the author
   an originality for the manner in which he has developed and built upon
   the hints therein given, and from the outline of the prophets has
   presented a fairly complete picture of the ideal son of David. A few
   words must first be said concerning the text and the date of the
   original work; and then some extracts will show the pseudo-Solomon's
   views on various matters of the highest interest to all who desire to
   acquaint themselves with the progress of Jewish thought.

   The revived interest in this little Book arose from the importance
   attributed to it by Ewald in his history of the Jewish Church; and
   although, as we shall show, we think that his view of the date of its
   production is erroneous, the learned world is largely indebted to him
   for raising a discussion which has contributed greatly to our knowledge
   of the contents and bearing of the work. Among other points which have
   been established may be mentioned that of the unity of the Psalter. Of
   course German ingenuity has endeavoured to trace the hands of various
   authors in the work; but the identity of ideas, the similarity of
   language and phrases, the homogeneousness of the composition, show that
   the writer is one, though he may have uttered his songs at different
   periods and under varying circumstances. He is thoroughly imbued with
   the Hebraic spirit, and has framed his Psalms on the Biblical model,
   proving how this form of poetry endured to the latest times of the
   Jewish polity. Stichometrically written, the Psalter affords a fair
   specimen of Hebrew lyrics in their declining days; and, if we may judge
   by the occasional introduction of the musical term "Diapsalma" (xvii.
   31, xviii. 10), the words were intended to be used in Divine service.
   The Psalter, as we have mentioned, was first published by La Cerda in
   his Adversaria Sacra (Lugd. 1626), from an Augsburg MS., which has
   since been lost. [50] The same text, with the addition of a few notes
   of no great value, was repeated by Fabricius in his Codex
   Pseudepigraphus V. Test. (Hamb. 1713). A careful revision of the text,
   aided by an additional MS., was made by Hilgenfeld, and printed in
   Zeitschrift für wissenschaft. Theol. 1868, and in Messias Judæorum
   libris corum illustratus (Lips. 1869). Another edition with a
   commentary by Geiger (Der Psalter Salomo's), appeared in 1871; and the
   same year saw Fritzsche's Libri Apocryphi Vet. Test., which contains a
   revised text with various readings. The only English editions which I
   have met with are a translation of the Psalms in the first volume of W.
   Whiston's Authentick Records (London 1727), and one by Pick in the
   Presbyterian Review, October 1883.

   That the Greek text, which alone is extant, is not the original work,
   but a translation from the Hebrew or Aramaic, seems to be tolerably
   certain. The diction is thoroughly Hebraic, and the idioms of that
   language are too closely represented for it to have been the work of
   one writing Greek hymns of his own composition. And wherever the
   translator may have lived, the author seems to have been a native of
   Palestine.

   But if the language and locality of the original work may be regarded
   as ascertained, the date of the writer is a difficult question, and one
   that has been the subject of much controversy. Whiston boldly cuts the
   knot by asserting that the author is a certain Solomon who is mentioned
   in the Fourth Book of Esdras [51] as rebuilding Jerusalem and restoring
   the true worship, after the Persian captivity, about the thirtieth year
   of Artaxerxes Mnemon, i.e. B.C. 375. This assertion has no support
   external or internal, and has been maintained by no scholar of
   eminence. The controversy really lies between those who refer the work
   to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes and those who assign it to the days
   of Herod or of Pompey. The determination depends entirely upon internal
   evidence; and we all know how uncertain this is, and how prone are
   critics to read their own views into the words upon which they build
   their argument. This is very evident in the present case. Ewald and
   others, who adopt the Maccabæan period as the date, found their theory
   especially on the language of Ps. i. ii. and xvii . In these passages
   the poet utters his lamentation over the oppression of his people,
   complains urgently of the heathen who lord it over Israel, and
   expresses a hope that God would raise up from another race one to be
   their saviour. [52] From these same passages other critics argue for
   the era of Pompey; and indeed the expression suit either period. Some
   other criteria therefore must be found in order to settle the much
   disputed date.

   Without entering at length into the historical question, we will just
   note the aspect of affairs represented in the Psalter, and then compare
   it with the events in Jewish history to which it seems most closely to
   correspond. [53] The work opens with the bitter cry of the Hebrews
   oppressed by the sudden attack of an enemy (i. 1, 2); a generation to
   which no promise of David's throne had been made had seized the royal.
   crown (xvii.), and triumphed in the subjection of the nation. But
   Israel had been guilty of grievous sin; king, judge, and people alike
   were involved in the offence; and they were justly punished by
   intestine war and other calamities. These troubles were repressed by
   inviting foreign aid; a man of another stock rose up against them
   (xvii.); and the infatuated people met the foreigner with joy (viii.),
   opened the gates and bade him enter in peace. And this stranger from
   the ends of the earth entered in friendly guise, as a father visits the
   house of his sons; but after he had secured himself, he broke down the
   walls with the battering-ram (ii. 1), seized on the towers, poured out
   the blood of the inhabitants like water. Jerusalem was trodden down by
   the Gentiles, the altar profaned, of the prominent men some were put to
   death, many were made captives and sent as slaves into the far west.
   But retribution followed. The Dragon who took Jerusalem was himself
   slain in Egypt, his body cast forth on the shore, dishonoured and
   unburied.

   Now, though isolated expressions in the Psalter suit events that
   happened at various dates of Jewish history, yet, taking the references
   as a whole, and especially regarding the mention of the chief
   oppressor's fate, we cannot forego the conclusion that the poet has
   before his eyes the actions and death of Pompey. On the decease of
   Hyrcanus I., B.C. 106, his son Aristobulus seized the supreme power and
   assumed the title of king. He was succeeded by Alexander Jannæus, his
   brother, who, attaching himself strongly to the Sadducaic faction,
   would be considered by the Pharisees (to which sect the pseudo-Solomon
   evidently belongs) as an enemy and a sinner. Besides this, being an
   Asmonæan, and not of the family of David, he had usurped a throne to
   which he had no just claim. A civil war ensued, and great atrocities
   were committed. Jannæus died B.C. 79; and then arose a contest for the
   sovereignty between his two sons, Hyrcanus II. and Aristobulus--the
   former a partisan of the Pharisees, the latter of the Sadducees. These
   intestine calamities might justly have been regarded as a punishment
   for the laxity which had been allowed and fostered of late. Gentile
   customs were introduced, mixed marriages permitted, and a general
   corruption of morals followed as a necessary consequence. In the midst
   of these domestic troubles, and when Hyrænus, having defeated
   Aristobulus with the aid of Aretas, king of Arabia, was besieging him
   in the temple at Jerusalem, news arrived that the victorious Roman
   general, Pompey, was advancing on the city. Both brothers sent
   ambassadors to secure his aid; but Pompey deferred his decision, and
   Aristobulus, presuming that it would be unfavourable to his interest,
   shut himself up in the temple fortress and prepared for a siege.
   Hyrcanus, on the other hand, received the Roman with every
   demonstration of joy-throwing open to him the gates of the city, and
   putting it entirely at his disposal. Pompey sent for his military
   engines from Tyre, and besieged the temple. At the end of three months
   his battering-rams destroyed one of the largest towers, and he made his
   way into the fortress. A cruel massacre ensued; the priests were cut
   down even while ministering at the altar, and Pompey himself entered
   the sacred courts, and penetrated into the Holy of Holies. On his
   return to Rome, after demolishing the walls of Jerusalem, he took with
   him a large number of Jewish prisoners to grace his triumph (eis
   empaugmon, "for mockery "), among whom were Aristobulus and his two
   sons and daughters. Thus was the independence of Judea overthrown. That
   the reference is not to Titus. and his conquest of Jerusalem is evident
   from many circumstances, more especially from the fact that the
   destruction of the city and temple is nowhere mentioned. The man from a
   strange land, who carried away captives to the far west, is the same
   whose end is so exultingly told in the Psalter. This allusion cannot be
   doubted. The manner of Pompey's death is well known. After his defeat
   at Pharsalia, he sought refuge in Egypt, but was treacherously murdered
   as he was landing on the shore; his head was cut off, and his body was
   left naked and dishonoured: "when," as pseudo-Solomon says (ii. 29
   ff.), "the pride of the Dragon was disgraced, and he was stabbed in the
   mountains of Egypt, utterly despised by land and sea, and his body was
   left to rot on the shore, and there was no man to bury him."

   It will be seen at once how close is the correspondence between the
   Psalter and this chapter of Jewish history. If we had space for further
   detail, that correspondence would appear still more striking; but
   enough has been said to show that some portion of the work, especially
   Ps. ii., was written after Pompey's death, and probably very soon
   after, while the event was still uppermost in men's minds. We may
   therefore fix the date of its composition at B.C. 48 at latest. Some of
   the Psalms are doubtless of earlier origin, dating probably from B.C.
   63; and none exhibit any certain trace of Christian interpolations.

   Taking then as proved the ante-Christian origin of the Psalter, we are
   prepared to find therein valuable intimations of the belief of the
   Hebrews in the age just preceding the time of Our Lord. And we are not
   disappointed in our anticipations. It must be observed that the writer
   is a strict Pharisee, and that his notion of perfect religion is
   Pharasaic Judaism. Righteousness with him implies scrupulous
   performance of all legal and ceremonial enactments, and when he
   inveighs against transgressors, his ground for censure is that they
   have not observed the ordained prescriptions. The current opinions
   about the Messiah, the Resurrection, the Future Life, are plainly set
   forth. The way in which these subjects are introduced is briefly
   this:--The notion of the writer throughout is that God is a righteous
   judge, both of His own people and of the heathen. He punishes the
   former as a tender father chastises the son of his love; the heathen
   meet with the stern correction which their wilful sins deserve. These
   two aspects of corrective and vindictive discipline are shown by an
   appeal to history. The fate of the Maccabæan dynasty, the usurpation of
   the Asmonæans, the invasion and supremacy of the Romans, are regarded
   as the punishment of national sins; the fate of Pompey is a specimen of
   the destruction which awaits paganism. This leads the writer to look
   forward to a day when Israel's supremacy shall be assured by the
   appearance of Messiah, and to express his belief in the resurrection
   and reward of the righteous and the future punishment of sinners. This
   premised, let the Psalmist here speak for himself. The following are
   some of his utterances concerning the Messiah and His kingdom:--

   Behold, O Lord, and raise up for them their King,

   The Son of David, at the time which Thou, our God, knowest,

   That Thy Servant (paida) should reign over Israel;

   And gird Him with power to beat down unrighteous rulers . . .

   And He shall gather together the holy people which He shall guide in
   righteousness,

   And shall judge the tribes of the people hallowed by the Lord His God.

   And He shall not suffer unrighteousness to dwell in the midst of them,

   And no wicked man at all shall abide with them;

   For He will know them that they are all the children of God,

   And He will distribute them in their tribes upon the land.

   And the stranger and the foreigner shall no more sojourn among them;

   He shall judge the peoples and nations in the wisdom of His
   righteousness.

   He shall have the peoples of the Gentiles to serve Him under His yoke,

   And he shall glorify the Lord by the submission of all the earth,

   And he shall cleanse Jerusalem with sanctification as from the
   beginning,

   That Gentiles may come from the ends of the earth to see his glory,

   Bringing as offerings her way-worn children, [54]

   Yea, to see the glory of the Lord wherewith God hath glorified her.

   And He is the righteous King over them, taught of God.

   There is no injustice in His days in their midst,

   For they shall all be holy, and their King shall be Christ the Lord.
   [55]

   He shall not trust in horse or rider or bow,

   Nor multiply to Himself gold and silver for war,

   Nor gather hope from arms in the day of battle;

   The Lord Himself is His King, the hope of the Mighty One is in the hope
   of God,

   And He will set [56] all the nations before Him in fear;

   For He will smite the earth with the word of His mouth for ever,

   And bless the people of the Lord in wisdom with gladness.

   He Himself is pure from sin that He may govern a great people,

   Rebuke princes, and remove sinners by the power of His word.

   And, trusting upon His God, He shall not be weak in His days

   Because God hath made Him mighty by His Holy Spirit, [57]

   And wise in the counsel of prudence, with power and righteousness.

   And the blessing of the Lord shall be with Him in power,

   And His hope in the Lord shall not be weak;

   And who shall prevail against Him?

   Mighty is He in His works, and strong in the fear of God.

   Tending the flock of the Lord in faith and righteousness,

   He will let none among them in their pasture to be weak.

   He shall lead them all in holiness,

   And there shall be among them no arrogance to oppress them. (xvii. 23
   ff.)

   May God purify Israel against the day of mercy by His blessing,

   Against the day of their election in the presence [58] of His Christ.

   Blessed are they who live in those days,

   To see the good things of the Lord which He will do in the generation
   to come,

   Under the rod of the correction of Christ the Lord in the fear of His
   God,

   In the wisdom of the spirit and of righteousness and power.

   A good generation shall there be in the fear of God An the days of
   mercy. (xviii. 6-10.)

   From these passages we may gather the writer's sentiments. He is deeply
   afflicted by the calamities of his people. The oppression of the
   heathen, the ruin of his city, the pollution of the temple, the reign
   of paganism, the supremacy of unrighteousness, have broken his
   patriotic heart; and while he owns that his countrymen are justly
   punished for past iniquities, iniquities shared by prince and priest
   and people, he all the more looks forward to the coming Messiah, who
   shall bring salvation unto Israel. From their lost independence, from
   their present weakness and insignificance, he turns his longing gaze to
   better times; he hopes for supernatural help; he glows with
   anticipations of the glories of Messianic victories. This hope is based
   on God's promise to David of eternal dominion, which, though for a time
   diverted into another channel (the Asmonæan dynasty), should be
   restored in due time under David's greater Son. The time is come for
   the revelation of God's mercy to His chosen nation; Israel is at its
   lowest point of misery; this is the Lord's opportunity. Let Him send
   Messiah to expel the unrighteous rulers, to cleanse the holy city from
   the heathen, yea, to drive them out of the holy land, and to gather
   together in one the dispersed of the people. But the large promises of
   God are not satisfied by Messiah's reign over Israel alone. His kingdom
   is over all the earth. He unites all peoples under His rule, and
   magnifies the name of God by extending His dominion wherever man has
   his dwelling-place; and this, not for a time only, but for ever.

   Thus far the poet has exhibited only the earthly aspect of Messiah's
   kingdom, His conquests and power, obtained without weapons of war, by
   the word of His mouth. But lest this idea of Christ should seem too
   worldly, he hastens to show the significance of this universal sway,
   and its moral and religious effects. Messiah is Himself sinless, and
   reigns in a sinless kingdom. All unrighteousness shall be abolished;
   there shall be no iniquity in the restored Israel. Peace shall reign,
   and holiness shall triumph. Violence and injustice shall be found no
   more; the pride of sinners shall be extirpated. So grand an idea of
   wisdom and purity shall be exhibited in Israel, that distant nations
   shall flock to Jerusalem to see her glory and to learn her ways.

   All this is to happen in God's good time, which, in the author's view,
   is not far distant, even as the apostles of the Lord thought that the
   end was near, and expected to see the great consummation in their own
   days.

   The Messiah, in this pseudo-Solomon's conception, is not very and
   eternal God. It is indeed not always clear whether God or the Christ is
   the subject of some of his paragraphs; but, taking one passage with
   another, we conclude that he regarded Messiah as the agent and organ of
   God, but not God Himself. He is God's deputy and executes His will; but
   Jehovah is the supreme King, and appoints Him as ruler and judge. Here
   we see the defective view of the nature and work of Messiah which meets
   us in the Jews of the New Testament. The faith is strong, the
   expectation is immediate, but the idea is erroneous, worldly, carnal,
   very far inferior indeed to that in the Book of Enoch, which is much
   more spiritual and nearer the truth.

   To turn to another point. The writer has a strong faith in the
   Resurrection of the righteous in the time of Messiah, though he does
   not give expressly his notion of the sequence of events at that period.
   That sinners shall rise again does not enter into his view; nor does he
   state what shall be the fate of the unbelieving portion of the Gentile
   world in the great future; though he probably held with his
   contemporaries that exclusion from the kingdom of Messiah was
   equivalent to eternal death or annihilation. But the righteous are to
   rise again in order to share the blessings of the Messianic reign, and
   to shine with an everlasting light, and, as another pseudo-Solomon says
   (Wisd. iii. 7), "to run to and fro like sparks among the stubble." In
   the other world retribution is to fall upon the sinners; they shall be
   condemned in the day of judgment, and be destroyed as by fire. And
   sinners, in his view, are not merely those who are guilty of moral
   offences or vulgar wickedness; he calls by this name the hypocrites and
   men-pleasers (anthropareskoi) of his own nation. Against these he
   inveighs in the bitterest terms. They are profane, unclean as the very
   heathen whose vices they imitated; their heart is far from the Lord;
   they have provoked the God of Israel to anger, so that He has
   grievously afflicted His people for their sake. And he calls for
   vengeance upon them in this world as well as in the next. May their
   life, he prays, pass in poverty and distress; may their sleep be vexed
   with pain and their waking with misery; may the work of their hands
   never prosper; may their old age be childless; may their dead bodies be
   cast forth dishonoured, and may ravens pick out their eyes. "So may God
   destroy all those who work iniquity; for the Lord is a Judge, great and
   mighty in righteousness" (Ps. iv.).

   While thus uncompromising in his denunciation of iniquity and in his
   assurance of God's inflexible justice, the writer is not insensible to
   the hope that exists for sinners when they repent. If a man is ashamed
   of his sins and confesses them, God will forgive him and cleanse his
   soul. But he must be patient under the rod, and take the chastisement
   as the merciful correction of his error: "He that prepareth his back
   for the scourge shall be justified from iniquity; for the Lord is good
   to those who endure discipline" (Ps. ix., x.).

   These are the Psalmist's words concerning the resurrection:--


   They that fear the Lord shall rise again (anastesontai) to life
   everlasting.

   And their life shall be in the light of the Lord, and shall fail no
   more. (iii. 16.)

   For the Lord will spare His holy ones,

   And will blot out their offences by chastisement;

   For the life of the righteous is for ever;

   But sinners shall be taken away for destruction,

   And their memorial shall no more be found;

   But the mercy of the Lord is upon the holy,

   And His mercy upon them that fear Him. (xiii. 9-11.)

   The holy of the Lord shall live in Him for ever;

   The Paradise of the Lord, the trees of life, are His holy ones.

   The holy of the Lord shall inherit life in gladness. (xiv. 2, 7.)

   Thus also he speaks concerning the retribution that awaits the
   unrighteous:--


   Not so are sinners and transgressors. . . .

   Who have not remembered God,

   That the ways of men are always known unto Him,

   And He understandeth the treasure-chambers (tamieia) of the heart
   before they are made.

   Therefore their inheritance is Hades, and darkness, and destruction;

   And they shall not be found in the day of the mercy of the righteous.
   (xiv. 4-6.)

   He raises me up unto glory,

   But He lays the proud to sleep [59] unto eternal destruction in
   dishonour,

   Because they knew Him not. (ii. 35.)

   The mercy of the Lord is upon them that fear Him, while He executes His
   judgment,

   To sever between the just and the sinner,

   To repay sinners for ever according to their works;

   And to have mercy on the righteous while the sinner is humbled,

   And to repay the sinner for what he did to the righteous. (ii. 37-39.)

   He fall; because evil was his fall and he shall not rise to life again;

   The destruction of the sinner is for everlasting,

   And God shall not remember him when He visits the righteous;

   This is the portion of sinners for everlasting. (iii. 13-15.)

   They who do iniquity shall not escape the judgment of the Lord,

   They shall be seized as by skilled enemies;

   For the mark of destruction shall be upon their foreheads,

   And the inheritance of sinners shall be destruction and darkness,

   And their iniquities shall pursue them onto Hades beneath;

   Their inheritance shall not be found for their children,

   For their iniquities shall make the horse of sinners desolate;

   And sinners shall perish in the day of the Lord's judgment for ever,

   When God shall visit the earth in His judgment,

   To repay sinners for everlasting. (xv. 9 ff.)

   It will be seen that the destiny of a man is made to depend entirely
   upon his doings during life. He has the power of deciding upon his own
   course. "O God," it is said (Ps. viii.), "our works are at our choice,
   and we have power over our soul to do righteousness or iniquity with
   the works of our hands."

   The Psalter ends with a hymn of praise to God as the Creator,
   Preserver, and Ruler of all things, who, as the writer has already
   said, from present confusion and calamity evolves harmony and peace.


   Great is our God and glorious, dwelling in the highest,

   who hath ordained lights in the path of heaven to divide the time from
   day to day,

   And they have never strayed from the way which Thou commandedst them.

   In the fear of God hath been their way every day,

   From the day in which God created them, and shall be for evermore;

   And they have wandered not from the day in which God created them,

   From the generations of old they have never forsaken their way,

   Save when God bade them at the command of His servants. [60] (xviii.
   11-14.)
     __________________________________________________________________

   [42] Syn. of Laodicea, Can. 59: hoti ou dei idiotikous psalmous
   legesthai en te ekklesia. Zonaras and Balsamon explain the term idiot.
   psalm. thus: ektos ton rn' psalmon tou Dabid heuriskontai kai tines
   heteroi legomenoi tou Solomontos einai kai allon tinon, ohus kai
   idiotikous honomasan oi pateres kai me legesthai en te ekklesia
   dietaxanto. They are mentioned among the Apocrypha or Antilegomena in
   the Catalogue of "The Sixty Books" (ap. Westcott, Can. of N. T.,
   Append. D. xvii.).

   [43] Codex Gr. Theol. 7. It is described by Hilgenfeld (Zeitschr. 1868,
   p. 136), who considers it superior in correctness to the Augsburg MS.

   [44] In both of these lists we find the title psalmoi kai ode
   Solomontos; the latter adding stichoi ,br' = 2100. The Synopsis is in
   vol. ii. p.154 of the Bened. edition of Athanasius. The Catalogue of
   Nicephorus is given in App. xix. of Canon Westcott's work on The Canon
   of the New Testament.

   [45] Ed. Schwartze et Peterman, Berlin 1851.

   [46] vii. 105, p. 98, in Canon Churton's very useful work, lately
   published, The Uncanonical and Apocryphal Scriptures, London 1884. It
   is called the Second Book of Esdras in the Anglican Version. The Latin
   runs: "Tunc non poterit quis ut deprecetur pro aliquo in illo die."
   Another allusion to the same passage is made by Jerome, Adv. Vigilant.
   c. 10: "Tu vigilans dormis et dormiens scribis et propinas mihi librum
   apocryphum, qui sub nomine Esdræ a te et similibus tui legitur, ubi
   scriptum est, quod post mortem nullus pro aliis gaudeat deprecari; quem
   ego librum nunquam legi."

   [47] Divin. Instit. lib. iv. 18: "Solomon, filius ejus qui Hierosolymam
   condidit, eam ipsam perituram esse in ultionem sanctæ crucis
   prophetavit: Quod si avertimini a me, dicit Dominus, et non
   custodieritis veritatem meam, rejiciam Israel a terra quam dedi illis;
   et domum hanc, quam ædificavi illis in nomine meo, projiciam illam ex
   omnibus; et erit Israel in perditionem et in improperium populo; et
   domus hæc erit deserta; et omnis qui transibit per illam admirabitur et
   dicet: Propter quam rem fecit Dominus terræ huic et huic domui hæc
   mala? Et dicent: Quia reliquerunt Dominum Deum suum, et persecuti sunt
   regem suum dilectissimum Deo, et cruciaverunt illum in humilitate
   magna, propter hoc importavit illis Deus mala hæc.'"--On the last part
   of this passage the commentator (ap. Migne, vi. p. 509) remarks: "Hæc
   nescio ex qua traditione adjecit, quorum nulla 1 Reg. ix, aut 2,
   Paralip. vii. vestigia apparent."

   [48] Ps. xvii.5: kai su omosas auto peri tou spermatos autou eis ton
   aiona, tou me ekleipein apenanti sou basileion autou. Test. XII. Patr.
   v. 22: orko gar omose moi kurios me ekleipsein to basileion mou ek tou
   spermatos mou pasas tas hemeras heos aionos.

   [49] The MSS. give anemos; but anomos is an almost certain emendation
   of Ewald.

   [50] This manuscript came originally from Constantinople. How it was
   lost cannot now be ascertained. It is not even mentioned in the
   existing Catalogue of the Augsburg MSS., Hilgenf. p. 135.

   [51] 4 Esdr. x. 46.

   [52] Ps. xvii. 9: anthropon allotrion genou; hemon (heriton, A). For
   the unmeaning heriton Ewald would read heroon and explain "the race of
   heroes" to be that of Alexander.

   [53] I here gladly acknowledge my obligations to MClintock and Strong's
   Cyclopædia, art. "Psalter of Solomon," to Hilgenfeld's edition of the
   Psalter in his Zeitschrift, 1868, pp. 133 ff., and to that of Geiger
   (Augsb. 1871); also to Langen's Das Judenthum in Paläst. (Freiburg,
   1866), and to Wittichen's Die Idee des Reiches Gottes (Göttingen 1872),
   pp. 155 ff.

   [54] Referring probably to such passages as Isa. xlix. 22, lxvi. 20;
   Zeph. iii. 10.

   [55] Christos; churios, as Lam. iv. 20. In Isa. xlv. 1, some of the
   Fathers read to christo mou kurio instead of Kuro. See Barnab. Ep, xii.
   11; Tertull. Adv. Jud. vii.; Cypr. Testim. i. 21; cf. St. Luke ii. 11.

   [56] The MS, has eleesei, which seems plainly wrong. Fr. and Hilg, read
   stesei. Whiston: "will grind:' I would suggest aloesei "will thresh."
   Geiger retains eleesei, and translates: "has mercy' on all people who
   fear before Him." But this is inappropriate.

   [57] En pneumari agio. Cf. Isa. lxiii. 10, 11.

   [58] En anaxei Christou autou. The word anaxis seems to be wholly
   unknown. Ecclesiastical Greek recognises sunaxis--communion. Geiger
   translates: "in the kingdom of His anointed." It may mean "exaltation."
   In a fragment of Æschylus anaxia occurs in the sense of "kingdom."

   [59] Koimizon, which Fritzsche alters into komizon unnecessarily, for
   the Psalmist has the authority of Euripides for this use of the word:

   ?  ?  ? . . . geneon
   tau [eus amphipuro
   koimizei phlogmo Kronidas Hec. 472 ff.
   Cf. too in the Hebrew, 1 Kings iii. 20; 2 Kings iv. 21.

   [60] The tautology in my version is a close rendering of the Greek,
   which, we must remember, is not the original
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

II.

APOCALYPTICAL AND PROPHETICAL.
     __________________________________________________________________

  THE BOOK OF ENOCH [61]

   In the Epistle of St. Jude the following passage occurs (vers. 14, 15):
   "And to these also, Enoch, the seventh from Adam, prophesied, saying,
   Behold, the Lord came with ten thousands of His holy ones, to execute
   judgment upon all, and to convict all the ungodly of all their works of
   ungodliness which they have ungodly wrought, and of all the hard things
   which ungodly sinners have spoken against Him." The question
   immediately arises, Is the apostle quoting from some writing extant in
   his day, or citing merely a prophecy preserved by tradition? The
   language does not help to a solution of the inquiry. Jude writes:
   "Enoch proepheteuse . . . legon." This might be said equally of an
   actual quotation or of a traditional report. But when it was discovered
   that the Fathers and other early writers often referred to a writing of
   Enoch and quoted sentences therefrom, it was obvious that they were
   acquainted with some document which bore the patriarch's name, and
   which was extensively known in early Christian centuries. [62] Thus, in
   the Epistle of Barnabas (as it is called), a work composed at the end
   of the first Christian century, we read (iv. 3): "The final
   stumbling-block hath approached, concerning which it is written, as
   Enoch [63] says, For to this end the Lord hath shortened the times and
   the days, that His beloved may hasten and come into the inheritance."
   In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and in the Book of Jubilees,
   the words of Enoch are frequently cited, and the resemblances to
   passages in our work are numerous. In the former, at least, nine
   passages contain distinct references to Enoch's prophetical writings;
   and in the latter not only is the book often used without
   acknowledgment, but it is also expressly mentioned. Justin Martyr does
   not quote it by name, but his views concerning the angels and their
   connection with man are plainly identical with and derived from this
   book. [64] That Irenæus made use of it is evident. Thus he says: [65]
   "Enoch also, pleasing God without circumcision, man though he was,
   discharged the office of legate towards the angels," a fact nowhere
   mentioned but in our work; "and was translated, and is preserved still
   as witness of the just judgment of God" (chaps. xiv., xv.). Tertullian
   seems to have regarded it as inspired. "These things," he writes, [66]
   "the Holy Ghost, foreseeing from the beginning the future entrance of
   superstitions, foretold by the mouth of the ancient seer Enoch." He
   adopts Enoch's story of the fall of the angels (which, indeed, is
   common to other of the Pseudepigrapha), and their introduction of
   mechanical arts, sorcery, and astrology; and while acknowledging that
   it was not received into the Jewish Canon (armarium Judaicum), he
   endeavours to show how it could have been preserved in the Deluge and
   handed down to Christian times, and that it was rejected by the Jews
   because it too plainly testified of Christ. Origen took a lower view of
   its authority, but he refers to it more than once, [67] using its
   language and adopting the ideas, as emanating from one of the greatest
   of prophets. Clement of Alexandria [68] regards it with a certain
   respect while denying its inspiration. "I must confess," says St.
   Augustine, [69] "that some things of Divine character were written by
   Enoch, the seventh from Adam, since this is testified by the Apostle
   Jude in his canonical Epistle; but they are deservedly excluded from
   the Jewish Scriptures, because they lack authority and cannot be proved
   genuine." In the Apostolic Constitutions the book, is reckoned among
   Apocrypha, and it is placed in the same category in the Synopsis
   Athanasii and the Catalogue of Nicephorus. By the fifth century the
   book seems to have sunk out of sight, and little or nothing more was
   heard of it till Scaliger (1540-1609) discovered some fragments of it
   in an unpublished MS. of the Chronographia of Georgius Syncellus (A.D.
   792), and printed them. The extracts are given by Fabricius, by
   Laurence and Dillmann, and of them all but one are found in our present
   text of Enoch. The exception is a short passage about the doom
   pronounced on the mountain where the angels made their impious
   conspiracy, and on the sons of men involved in their crime. The
   extracts in Syncellus' work tend to show that the Book of Enoch was
   extant in the Eastern Church for some time after it had practically
   disappeared from the Western. That the book was also in the hands of
   the Jews of medieval times has been proved by references in the Zohar,
   a kind of philosophical commentary upon the law, which contains the
   most ancient remains of the Cabala. [70] Thus we read: "The Holy and
   the Blessed One raised him (Enoch) from the world to serve Him, as it
   is written, 'For God took him.' From that time a book was delivered
   down which was called the Book of Enoch. In the hour that God took him,
   He showed him all the repositories above; He showed him the tree of
   life in the midst of the garden, its leaves and its branches. We see
   all in his book." And again, "We find in the Book of Enoch, that after
   the Holy and Blessed One had caused him to ascend, and showed him all
   the repositories of the superior and inferior kingdom, He showed him
   the tree of life, and the tree respecting which Adam had received a
   command; and He showed him the habitation of Adam in the Garden of
   Eden:" Further traces of the book have been discovered in other
   Rabbinical writings, but we need not linger on these.

   From the above and similar allusions it was clear to all scholars that
   a book extant under the name of Enoch had been well known in earlier
   days; but for some centuries nothing more certain came to light; the
   appetite of critics had nothing more definite to feed upon. It remained
   for the great traveller Bruce to satisfy the long-unappeased desire for
   further information. In the year 1773, Bruce astonished the learned
   world by claiming to have secured in Abyssinia, and brought safely
   home, three copies of an Ethiopian version of the Book of Enoch. An
   idea, indeed, had long prevailed (whence originating it is hard to say)
   that such a version did exist; and it was thought at one time that a
   certain tract, transmitted from Egypt, and purchased by Peiresc for the
   Royal Library at Paris, was the identical work. This was found not to
   be the case; and warned by former disappointment, scholars awaited the
   examination of Bruce's MSS. with some anxiety. Of the three copies
   brought to Europe, one, a most magnificent quarto, was presented by the
   finder to the Library at Paris, and another to the Bodleian at Oxford;
   the third, kept in his own possession, was included in a MS. of the
   Scriptures, where it is placed immediately before the Book of Job;
   assuming an unquestioned position among the canonical books. On hearing
   that Paris possessed this treasure, Dr. Woide, librarian of the British
   Museum, immediately set out for France, armed with letters to the
   ambassador desiring him to procure the learned scholar access to the
   work. This was done, and Dr. Woide transcribed the whole book, and
   brought the transcript with him to England. His knowledge of Ethiopic
   was not sufficient to enable him to attempt a translation. He might
   have spared himself much trouble had he been aware that Oxford
   possessed a copy of the work; but the University itself received the
   present very quietly, and let it rest undisturbed on its shelves for
   many years. The Parisian MS. was noticed in the Magasin Encyclopédique
   by the Orientalist, De Sacy, who published therein a translation of
   certain passages. But it was not till the year 1821 that the book was
   fully brought before the world. In that year Dr. Laurence, then
   Professor of Hebrew at Oxford, and afterwards Archbishop of Cashel,
   published a translation of the whole, with preliminary dissertation and
   notes. This has been more than once reprinted, and was supplemented in
   1838 by the publication of the Ethiopic text. The discovery of five
   different codices enabled Dillmann to put forth a more correct text;
   and his edition, with its German translation, introduction, and
   commentary, is now the standard work on the subject. There is another
   German version by Hoffmann, for the latter part of which he had the
   benefit of a MS. in the library of Frankfort-on-the-Maine, lately,
   brought from Abyssinia; and there is also an English translation by
   Professor Schodde, of America, printed at Andover in 1882; but nothing
   seems likely to supersede Dillmann's edition, unless, indeed, the
   discovery is some day made of the original text from which the Ethiopic
   version was rendered. There was indeed at one time a hope of some
   additional light from Mai's discovery of a small fragment in Greek
   among the manuscripts of the Vatican Library. But further investigation
   led to the mortifying fact that no more was to be found; and as the
   portion extended only from ver. 42 to ver. 49 of chap. lxxxix., it was
   of little practical utility.

   As to the language of the original work, there is no reason to doubt
   that it was Hebrew or Aramæan. It is true that the fragments of
   Syncellus and those found by Mai in the Vatican Library are all in
   Greek, and it was from Greek exemplars that the quotations in the
   Fathers were made; but a critical examination of these extracts and of
   the Abyssinian version leads to the conclusion that they are derived
   from a Hebrew source. To favour this verdict, critics are induced by
   such evidence as the following: there are in the version a great number
   of Hebrew idioms and expressions equally foreign to Greek and Ethiopic,
   and all capable of being easily rendered back into Hebrew; the writer
   or writers were thoroughly acquainted with the Scriptures in the
   original, and did not employ the Septuagint version; the names of the
   angels and archangels are of Hebrew etymology, viz. Uriel, Raphael,
   Raguel, Michael, Sarakael, Gabriel; the appellations of the winds can
   only be explained by a reference to the Hebrew, the east wind being so
   called because it is the first, according to Hebrew etymology, and the
   south, because the Most High there descends, the Hebrew term being
   capable of this interpretation. The names of the sun, Oryares and
   Tomas, are Semitic; so are those of the conductors of the months,
   Melkeel, Helemmelek, Meleyal, Narel, etc.; and, as Dr. Gloag observes,
   Ophanim, mentioned in connection with the cherubim and seraphim, is the
   Hebrew word for the "wheels" in Ezekiel. We are, then, tolerably secure
   in assuming the hypothesis of a Hebrew original. We have no criteria,
   to enable us to judge when it was translated into Greek. The Ethiopic
   version was made directly from the Hebrew, subsequently to the
   translation of the Old Testament into Ethiopic; but the date is
   undetermined. If it keeps as close to the original as the rendering of
   Holy Scripture does, it may be regarded as a faithful and accurate
   representation of the text.

   In the Ethiopic MSS. the work is divided into twenty sections; but the
   chapters are not uniformly arranged. Dillmann has retained the twenty
   sections, and subdivided them into 108 chapters, marking the verses of
   each chapter for greater distinctness of reference. This distribution
   is now generally followed.

   We will first give a sketch of the contents of the work before
   discussing its date and authorship, and gathering the lessons which it
   teaches.

   The book may be said roughly to consist of five parts, with an
   introduction and a conclusion. The general introduction, which is
   contained in the first five chapters, commences thus: "The words of
   blessing of Enoch, wherewith he blessed the elect and the righteous who
   shall exist in the time of trouble, when the wicked and ungodly shall
   be removed. Enoch, a righteous man, whose eyes God had opened, so that
   he saw a holy vision in the heavens, which the angels showed me,
   answered and spake." The account proceeds in the first person; but
   throughout there is no consistency shown in this matter, changes from
   the first to the third person being frequent, and marking the hand of
   an editor or interpolator. The vision was for future generations, and
   in it he learned that God would come down on Mount Sinai with all His
   hosts to execute judgment, punishing the wicked, rewarding the
   righteous. Then occurs the original of the passage quoted by St. Jude:
   "Behold, He comes with myriads of saints to sit in judgment on them,
   and will destroy the ungodly, and contend with all flesh for everything
   which the sinful and ungodly have done and committed against Him."
   Enoch observed the regular order of everything in heaven and earth,
   which obeyed fixed laws and never varied, and he contrasts the fate of
   the good and the evil; the latter shall find no peace and curse their
   day, while the former shall have light, joy, and peace for the whole of
   their existence. The above prelude affords a glimpse of the nature of
   the Book, with its allusions to natural phenomena and its
   eschatological views.

   The first division is contained in chaps. vi.-xxxvi., and is subdivided
   into three sections. [71] Section i. (chaps. vi.-xi.) narrates the fall
   of the angels and its immediate consequences. Seeing the beauty of the
   daughters of men, two hundred angels under the leadership of Semyaza
   bound themselves by an oath to take wives from among mortal women. For
   this purpose they descended on Mount Hermon, and in due time became
   parents of giants of fabulous height and size. These monsters devoured
   all the substance of men, and then proceeded to devour men themselves;
   they also taught mankind all kind of destructive arts, and vice
   flourished under their instruction. And men cried aloud to heaven, and
   the four archangels heard them, and appealed to God in their behalf.
   And God sent Uriel to Noah, the son of Lamech, to warn him of the
   flood, and ordered Raphael to bind Azazel, and lay him in a dark cleft
   in the wilderness, there to remain till the fire received him at the
   day of judgment. Gabriel had to set the giants one against the other
   that they might perish by mutual slaughter; to Michael fell the duty of
   punishing the evil angels; they were to witness the destruction of
   their offspring, and then be buried under the earth for seventy
   generations till the judgment day, when they should be cast into
   eternal fire. Then when all sin and impurity shall be purged away "at
   the end of all generations," the plant of righteousness shall appear,
   and a new order of things; the saints shall live till they have
   forgotten a thousand children, and shall die in peace; the earth shall
   be fruitful, and be planted with all manner of trees; no corruption, or
   crime, or suffering shall be found therein; "in those days," with God,
   "I will open the store-chambers of blessing which are in heaven, that
   they may descend upon the earth, and on the work and labour of men.
   Peace and righteousness shall join together, in all the days of the
   world and through all the families of the earth."

   Section ii. (chaps. xii.-xvi.). After it has been said that Enoch was
   hidden from men's sight, being wholly engaged with the holy ones, he
   himself tells how the good angels sent him to the fallen angels, whose
   intercourse with heaven was entirely cut off, to announce their doom.
   Terrified, they entreat him to write for them a petition to God for
   forgiveness; he complies with their request, leaves their unholy
   neighbourhood, and, retreating to the region of Dan, falls asleep, and
   has a vision of judgment, which he afterwards is commissioned to unfold
   to the disobedient angels. Their petition is refused now and for ever.
   And the dread answer was given to him, as he relates, in a vision,
   wherein he was rapt to the palace of heaven and the presence of the
   Almighty, of which he gives a very noble description.

   Section iii. (chaps. xvii.-xxxvi.) gives an account of Enoch's journeys
   through heaven and earth under the guidance of angels, in the course of
   which he is made acquainted with the wonders of nature hidden from man,
   with places, powers, and beings which have relation to revealed
   religion, Messianic hopes, and the last days. He is taken to the place
   where the storm-winds dwell, and the sun obtains its fire, and the
   oceans and the rivers of the nether world flow; he saw seven luminous
   mountains in the south-east, formed of precious stories, and the place
   where the disobedient stars were suffering punishment, [72] and that
   which, though now untenanted, shall be the penal-prison of the rebel
   angels after the final judgment when they are released from their
   present chains. On inquiring for what crime the stars (regarded as
   living beings) were thus sentenced, he is informed by Uriel that they
   had transgressed the commandment of God and came not forth in their
   proper season. He next passes to the west, where is Hades, the region
   where the souls of the dead are kept till the judgment; it is divided
   into four places, unto one of which all souls are assigned. In the
   course of his journeys he comes again to the seven fiery mountains, and
   in a beautiful valley finds the tree of life, whose fruit shall be
   given to the elect. Then going to the centre of the earth, he sees the
   holy land and the city Jerusalem, described as "a blessed and fruitful
   place, where there were branches continually sprouting from the trees
   planted therein." Here, too, he was shown the accursed valley
   (Gehenna), where the wicked shall suffer their eternal penalty in the
   sight of the righteous, who shall reign in Zion, and praise the Lord
   for His just vengeance on the evil-doers. He proceeds from Jerusalem
   eastward to the earthly Paradise, planted with odorous and
   fruit-bearing trees, lying at the very ends of the earth, and
   containing the tree of knowledge, of which Adam and Eve ate. Here,
   where the vault of heaven rests on the earth, he beholds the gates
   whence come forth the stars and the winds, and, instructed by the
   angel, writes their names and order and seasons. And, arriving at the
   north, he sees the three gates of the north-wind, and, going westward
   and southward, the three gates of these winds. Conducted again to the
   east, he praises the Lord who created all these wondrous things for His
   glory.

   The second division, contained in chaps. xxxvii.-lxxi., is called "The
   second Vision of Wisdom," and consists of three parables, allegories,
   or similitudes, through the medium of which Enoch relates the
   revelations which he received concerning the ideal future and the
   secrets of the spiritual world. Many of the matters which he mentions
   we should treat as physical phenomena; in his view they assume a higher
   relation, and are therefore differentiated from the objects described
   in the preceding division which concerned only this earth and the lower
   heavens. The first similitude or figurative address (chaps.
   xxxviii.-xliv.) speaks first of the time when the separation between
   the righteous and sinners shall be made, and the angels shall dwell in
   communion with holy men. Then Enoch relates how he was carried to the
   extremity of heaven, and saw the celestial abodes prepared for the
   righteous, where they bless and magnify the Lord for ever and ever, and
   the special seat ordained for himself. He beholds the innumerable hosts
   of angels and sleepless spirits who surround the throne of God, and
   particularly the four archangels, Michael, Raphael, Gabriel, and
   Phanuel, to whom are assigned special duties. He is shown the secrets
   of heaven, the weighing of men's actions in the balance, the rejection
   of sinners from the abodes of the just, the mysteries of thunder and
   lightning, winds, clouds, dew, hail, mist, sun, and moon. Of these
   heavenly bodies the regular course and motion are their praise of God
   for creation and preservation, and this ceaseless praise is their rest.
   He finds the habitation of Wisdom in heaven, as man on earth would not
   receive her, but welcomed only iniquity. And lastly, he observes how
   the stars are called by name, and their courses weighed and examined,
   and recognises in their regularity and obedience a picture of the life
   of the righteous on earth.

   The second similitude (chaps. xlv.-lvii.) describes the coming of "the
   Chosen One," the Messiah, and the operations of His judgment on the
   good and the evil. Sinners shall be taken from the earth and sent down
   to hell to await punishment; the righteous shall dwell with Messiah in
   peace and happiness. Enoch proceeds to give further description of the
   person and office of Him whom he calls "Son of man." To this important
   delineation we shall have to refer in detail hereafter; suffice it here
   to give a mere outline of the representation. He sees this
   Personification of righteousness in company with the Ancient of Days,
   and he is taught that He alone shall reveal all mysteries; He shall
   overthrow all worldly powers, among which are included sinners who
   scorned and refused to praise the Lord, and shall put an end to all
   unrighteousness. The glorification of the elect after the final
   judgment is further revealed, how they shall drink of the fountain of
   wisdom and righteousness; and hold full communion with the saints and
   angels. The Son of man existed before the world was created, and shall
   be in the presence of God for ever, and shall bring light and healing
   to the people. In Him all wisdom and righteousness dwell, and at His
   presence iniquity passes away like a shadow. In Messiah's days shall be
   made the great change in the condition of the good and evil, and even
   then it will not be too late for the evil to repent, for great is the
   mercy of the Lord of spirits. At this time, too, shall occur the
   resurrection of the dead, the righteous rising with their bodies to
   enjoy Messiah's kingdom, the souls of the wicked being consigned to the
   place of punishment. There shall then be no use for metals; gold,
   silver, copper are needed no longer; no earthly riches can save one
   from judgment. A further vision shows the place and instruments of
   punishment. In the midst of this account is inserted an interpolation
   concerning the Noachic Deluge, which is of later date than the visions,
   and is derived from a different source. Then follows a prophetical view
   of the last battle of the worldly powers against the Theocracy, and
   their overthrow before Jerusalem; and the final vision displays the
   Israelites returning to their own land from all countries whither they
   have been dispersed, and falling down before the Lord of spirits.

   The third address (chaps. lviii.-lxix.) contains a further description
   of the blessedness of the righteous contrasted with the misery of
   sinners in Messiah's kingdom. In it are inserted many particulars
   concerning the Deluge, of which Noah, not Enoch, is the narrator.
   Probably these portions have been introduced by a later editor desirous
   of showing how the earlier judgment was a figure and an anticipation of
   that in Messiah's days. Likewise, there is in this address a
   recapitulation, with some differences, of those physical details which
   have been previously noticed. The blessedness of the saints is
   comprised in light, joy, righteousness, and everlasting life. Amid the
   intimations of the future thus given, Enoch also obtains some curious
   lore concerning thunder and lightning, the manner and object of their
   operation. Here follows the interpolation concerning the Flood, which
   introduces Noah receiving the vision "in the five hundredth year, on
   the fourteenth day of the seventh month, of the life of Enoch." This is
   evidently out of place and disconnected with the immediate subject.
   While showing to Noah the course of the coming judgment, the angel
   unfolds various meteorological secrets, attributing all the forces of
   nature to the agency of spirits. Then the narrative returns to the
   Messianic revelation, and the seer is shown the new Jerusalem, the
   abode of the elect; he sees the judgment of the saints, he hears their
   praise and worship of Almighty God in union with all the host of
   heaven; he hears the sentence passed on the mighty of this world, who
   shall in vain supplicate the mercy of the Son of man. Five chapters now
   succeed, containing a further account of revelations made to Noah
   concerning the Flood, and his deliverance therefrom, and concerning the
   fall of the angels and their punishment, and the warning thence derived
   for the mighty of later times. The names of these angels are given, and
   the special evil which each effected. One of these is called Penemue,
   and his sin was that he taught men "the art of writing with ink and
   paper, whereby many have gone astray from that time to the present."

   The Book of Similitudes concludes with some personal details about
   Enoch himself. An interpolated paragraph relates that he was taken up
   to Paradise; but the genuine text describes how in an ecstasy he was
   raised to heaven, and God promised to give him a seat among the saints
   in the future Messianic kingdom.

   The third division of the book, comprised in chapters lxxii.-lxxxii.,
   is entitled "The Book of the Revolutions of the Lights of Heaven," and
   is occupied greatly with astronomical details, which do not give a high
   idea of the scientific attainments of the writer. The attempt to bring
   into a system the notions concerning such phenomena scattered
   throughout the Old Testament, in the popular ignorance of science,
   could not fail to produce much error and confusion, and has little
   interest for the theologian, unless we conceive that they have been
   introduced in order to oppose current heathen ideas, in which case they
   would have a certain historical use. This portion of the work falls
   conveniently into three sections. Section 1 treats of the courses of
   the sun, moon, and stars. The regular revolutions of the sun are
   explained, and the varying duration of day and night at different
   seasons; the waxing and waning of the moon are described and accounted
   for; it is shown how four intercalary days are rendered necessary, and
   how the luminaries go forth from the twelve gates of heaven. In section
   2 the abodes and operations of the winds are noticed. Three of them
   proceed from each quarter, and occasion various effects, healthful or
   pernicious. At the end is an allusion to seven mountains, rivers, and
   islands, which cannot be identified. The third section reverts to the
   subject of the sun and moon, and gives the names by which they are
   known and further particulars respecting their connection with one
   another. All these matters, which Uriel showed to Enoch, the seer
   divulges to his son Methuselah. The angel likewise revealed to him the
   changes in the order of nature which shall occur in the days of
   sinners, in punishment of whom all seeming irregularities are sent.
   Before his spirit returned to earth, Enoch is bidden to read the
   heavenly tablets wherein all the future was written, even "all the
   deeds of men, and all the children of flesh upon earth, unto the
   remotest generations." On perusing this record; Enoch breaks forth in
   praise of God; he is then conducted by "three holy ones" (i.e. probably
   the three archangels inferior to Michael) to his own home, and informed
   that he should be left there for one year, during which he should teach
   what he had learned to his children; and the section concludes with his
   address to Methuselah, directing him to preserve with all care the
   writings committed to him, and to note the importance of correctness in
   matters connected with the reckoning of the year, and the revolutions
   of the heavenly bodies, and the changes of the seasons.

   The fourth division of the book (chaps. lxxxiii.-xci.) recounts two
   visions which Enoch saw before he was married, while sleeping in the
   house of his grandfather Malalel (Mahalaleel). The first vision relates
   to the Flood; he sees the earth sinking into a great abyss, and prays
   that God will not wholly destroy the whole race of man, satisfying His
   just wrath by punishing only the evil. The second vision is more
   comprehensive and important; it embraces the history of the world from
   Adam until the establishment of the kingdom of Messiah. The account is
   derived almost entirely from the canonical Scripture, a transparent
   symbolism being used throughout. Men are represented under the image of
   animals, the patriarchs and chosen people being denoted by domesticated
   animals, as cows and sheep, while heathen and oppressive enemies are
   designated as wild beasts and birds of prey. The fallen angels are
   called stars; and the colours of the animals are symbolical--white for
   purity and righteousness, black for wickedness and disobedience. Thus
   concerning primitive man we read, a white bullock (Adam) sprang forth
   from the earth, and then a white cow (Eve), and afterwards there came a
   black bullock (Cain) and a red (Abel). The black bullock slew the red
   which vanished from the earth. And this black bullock begat many black
   cattle. And the white cow gave birth to a white bullock (Seth), which
   in turn begat much white cattle. In this way the history is
   allegorised. The offspring of the intercourse of the angels with the
   daughters of men is adumbrated as elephants, camels, and asses. The
   archangels' defeat of these sinful spirits Enoch beholds from a high
   place where he remains till the day of judgment. Thence he sees the
   advance of the Flood, and Noah's preservation in the vessel; his three
   sons are respectively white, red, and black, and the severance of the
   Shemites from the others is distinctly noticed. The history of the
   Israelites is traced from Abraham to Moses, then to the settlement in
   the Holy Land; then we have the time of the Judges, and the annals are
   continued on through the Kings to the Exile. The restoration is duly
   chronicled, and oppressions under the Greeks and Syrians are darkly
   foreshadowed. In chap. lxxxix. the Lord delivers the sheep into the
   power of lions, tigers, and other beasts of prey, which began to tear
   them in pieces. He Himself forsook their house and tower, which,
   however, were not now destroyed. The seer's words in the following
   paragraph have proved a crux to all interpreters. The Lord commits the
   punishment of the chosen people, represented as sheep, to seventy
   shepherds, who rule successively in four series, in the proportion of
   twelve, twenty-three, twenty-three, twelve. "I saw until three and
   twenty shepherds overlooked the herd, and they completed in their time
   fifty-eight times. Then were little lambs born of those white sheep,
   and they began to open their eyes and to see and to cry out to the
   sheep. And the sheep hearkened not unto them. And the ravens flew upon
   the lambs, and took one of them, and tore and devoured the sheep. And I
   saw horns grow upon those lambs, and the ravens threw down the horns,
   until one great horn grew, one from those sheep, and then their eyes
   were opened. It looked upon them, and cried unto them, and the youths
   (the lambs) saw it and ran unto it." Then comes an account of a
   terrible conflict between the birds of prey and the lambs; but the
   former could not prevail against the horn. "He (the horn) struggled
   with them, and cried out for help. And there came the man who wrote the
   names of the shepherds and laid them before the Lord of the sheep, and
   he came to the assistance of the youth; and the Lord Himself came in
   wrath, and all who saw Him fled away before His face; while the birds
   assembled together, and brought with them all the sheep of the field to
   break the horn of the youth." But their efforts are vain, and in the
   end they are themselves destroyed by the Lord. This defeat introduces
   the Messianic epoch, when Israel shall rise superior to the heathen,
   and Messiah shall judge all sinners, whether angels or men, and shall
   establish the new Jerusalem, which shall be filled with a holy people
   gathered from all quarters.

   This portion of the work closes with an address of Enoch to his
   children, exhorting them to lead a holy life, founding his lecture on
   the certainty of the future which the preceding visions have
   delineated.

   The fifth division of the book (chaps. xcii.-cv.) is called "An
   Instruction of Wisdom," and contains the practical application of the
   four preceding portions, addressed by Enoch primarily to his own
   family, and then to all the inhabitants of the earth. He opens the
   subject by predicting the resurrection of the righteous and the
   destruction of sinners. "The righteous," he says, "shall arise from
   sleep and advance in the way of righteousness, and his whole walk shall
   be in eternal goodness and grace. Mercy shall be shown him; he shall
   receive dominion, and walk in everlasting light; but sin shall perish
   in darkness for ever, and shall no more be seen from this day forward."
   Before he begins his exhortation, he recounts in brief what he had seen
   in visions and had read in the heavenly tablets concerning the ten
   weeks of the world, of which seven belong to the historical past, three
   to the apocalyptical future. The first week is concerned with Enoch,
   the second with Noah, the third with Abraham, the fourth with Moses,
   the fifth with the building of the temple, the sixth with its
   destruction, the seventh with the introduction of an apostate
   generation. He intimates that he himself lived at the end of the first
   week. This would be in due accordance with the personification. The
   eighth week is the commencement of the Messianic era, when the sword of
   the righteous shall overcome the oppressors, and the new Jerusalem
   shall be established. In the ninth week the knowledge of Jehovah shall
   be spread over the world, and all men shall be forced to acknowledge
   His power and equity. The tenth and last week ushers in the final
   judgment on angels and men: the old world shall pass away, and a new
   heaven shall appear, and earthly life shall be merged in the heavenly.
   After this preliminary apocalyptical address, the hortatory portion
   follows, the admonitions to the righteous and to sinners being
   intermixed. The former are exhorted to continue stedfast in their
   integrity, and woe is denounced on various classes of the latter. The
   seer weeps to think of the oppression of the good at the hands of the
   evil, but is comforted by the knowledge of the final victory of the
   saints at the coming of Messiah, and the punishment of the unrighteous.
   Then he sternly reproaches sinners, detailing their folly in many
   instances, and showing what judgment shall be awarded them. Finally he
   turns again to the righteous, comforts them in their tribulations,
   exhorts them to hope and patience by exhibiting their future happy lot
   and blessedness. They can die in peace, because for them death is the
   entrance to a better life. And to enforce his words he solemnly adds:
   "I swear to you, ye righteous, by His mighty power and glory, by His
   kingdom and majesty, I comprehend this mystery, and have read the
   heavenly tablets, and have seen the book of the holy ones, and have
   found written therein that all goodness, joy, and honour are prepared
   for the spirits of those who have died in righteousness, and that with
   much good shall ye be recompensed for your troubles, and your lot shall
   be better than that of the living." [73] And these books of his shall
   be handed down to posterity and translated into different languages,
   and shall be to the good a source of joy, righteousness, and wisdom,
   and all who believe in them and have learned the lessons there taught
   shall receive the reward. The section ends with the Lord's own words:
   "I and my Son will unite Ourselves with them for ever, because they
   have walked in the paths of uprightness. And peace shall be upon you;
   rejoice, ye children of righteousness, in truth."

   The book might naturally terminate here, but, apparently by another
   hand, two sections are added, one concerning the supernatural
   circumstances attending the birth of Noah and the prediction of the
   Flood (cvi.-cvii.); and the other consisting of a writing of Enoch
   respecting the reward of the righteous and the punishment of the
   wicked, composed, as he says, "for his son Methuselah, and for those
   who should come after him, and observe the law in the last days"
   (cviii.). Here he mentions how in his journeyings he has seen the place
   of torment, which he describes as a waste outside the earth, and a
   bottomless sea of fire. The work thus concludes with God's promise to
   the righteous: "I will bring into brilliant light those who love my
   holy name, and set them each on his throne of glory; and they shall
   shine for endless ages; for righteous is the judgment of God, and to
   the true will He give truth in the habitation of uprightness. And they
   shall see how those who were born in darkness shall into darkness be
   cast, while the righteous shine. And sinners shall cry out, and shall
   see how these glow with light, and shall continue in their punishment
   all the times prescribed for them."

   The uncritical receptivity of primitive Christianity regarded the name
   attached to this book as a sufficient attestation of its genuineness.
   Thus, as we have seen, Tertullian, while acknowledging that some in his
   day declined to accept the work, because it was not included in the
   "Armarium Judaicum," the Hebrew canon, himself opined that it was
   written by Enoch, and either preserved in the time of the Flood, or
   restored by Noah under Divine inspiration. Nor have there been wanting
   some good people in our own times, with more credulity than critical
   ability, who have freely accepted the antediluvian authorship and
   endeavoured to prove that the writer was inspired to predict events
   down to modern times. I have seen some passages in our book distorted
   even to enunciate the claims and operations of the British and Foreign
   Bible Society and the sinister actions of Russian politics. But leaving
   these dreams, let us come to something more practical. No one nowadays
   believes that the patriarch Enoch had any hand in the composition of
   the book which bears his name. This appellation is only another example
   of the pseudepigraphic idea which dominated so many writers in the
   period immediately preceding and succeeding the commencement of the
   Christian era. The sanctity and remarkable destiny of Enoch, the hoar
   antiquity with which he was associated, designated him as a fit
   personage to be the mouthpiece of revelations designed for a special
   purpose and needing the authorisation of a great name. One who himself
   had been admitted to immediate intercourse with the Most High was
   peculiarly fitted to reveal Divine mysteries. That no allusion to the
   production is made in the Old Testament is obvious; that some portion
   of it was extant in the first Christian century is certified by the
   quotation in St. Jude's Epistle. But this certainty will carry us but a
   little way, as no one can read the work without concluding that it is
   not the composition of one author or one age, but exhibits difference
   of origin and date; and if the section from which Jude took his extract
   presupposes a Jewish and pre-Christian source, other parts may be of
   quite another character and have no pretension to any such claim. It is
   a difficult matter (even when we have distributed the work into its
   several sections) to determine the relation of these parts to each
   other, and to assign to them their proper position in the treatise.
   There is no external testimony to appeal to, and we must be guided in
   our conclusions entirely by internal considerations.

   Now in all these writings occurs this marked characteristic. There is
   past history given in the form of revelation, combined with hopes and
   predictions of the future. In the former case events are pretty
   accurately represented, either actually or symbolically; in the latter
   the seer allows himself free latitude for the display of imagination
   and the possible development of previous prophetic hints. The
   difficulty consists in exactly defining the point where history
   terminates and prediction commences. Usually no hint is given of any
   such interchange; one phase passes into the other with nothing to mark
   the passage. If in any particular instance we could say with certainty,
   here the author writes of contemporary events, and here he crosses from
   the actual to the ideal, we should at once possess a criterion for
   determining the date of the composition. Some such opportunity is
   supposed to be found in chap. xc., where at ver. 16 the emblematical
   account of past history merges into the expectations of the future. The
   vision to which we refer (chaps. lxxxv.-xc.) traces the annals of
   Israel from Adam to the great consummation of mundane affairs. If our
   readers will refer to the previous account of the contents of the book,
   they will see that in this Apocalypse the chosen people are represented
   under the image of domesticated animals, while heathens and enemies are
   denoted by wild beasts and birds of prey. The allusions are fairly
   intelligible unto the Captivity; but now comes the paragraph which has
   exercised the ingenuity of interpreters, and upon the exposition of
   which the determination of one date depends. About the time of the
   destruction of Jerusalem the Lord commits the punishment of the chosen
   people to seventy shepherds, who are told which victims they were to
   allow to be killed by the wild beasts, and how many, at the same time
   intimating that they will exceed their commission and destroy many more
   than the appointed number. Likewise He ordered "Another" to note the
   number of sheep thus destroyed. These shepherds executed their
   commission, and delivered the sheep into the hands of the lions and
   tigers, who burnt the tower and demolished the house. But the shepherds
   gave over to the beasts many more than they were ordered to do. And
   when they had ruled for twelve hours, three of the sheep returned and
   began to rebuild the house and tower. But the sheep mingled with the
   beasts, and the shepherds rescued them not. When thirty-five shepherds
   had fed them, birds of prey attacked them; and when twenty-three
   shepherds had tended the flock, and fifty-eight times were completed in
   all, then little lambs were born with the results of which we read
   above. These seventy shepherds are divided into four series, consisting
   respectively of 12, 23, 23, 12 members. The last of these members would
   bring as to the author's own time. Can we with any probability
   elucidate this riddle? The explanations have been as numerous as the
   commentators, and we might easily refute their theories by simply
   comparing one with the other. Out of the confusion thus created we may
   thank Dillmann and Ewald for helping to deliver us. They and others
   [74] have seen that an attempt was here made to give a new
   interpretation to the seventy years of which Jeremiah had spoken as the
   period of the Captivity, and which had not been followed by that
   complete restoration which had been anticipated. Hereupon the literal
   exposition was surrendered; and another theory was started which would
   account for the partial failure and point to its remedy. The seventy
   shepherds, according to these interpreters, are foreign and heathen
   rulers, represented in the prophets as seventy weeks; and they continue
   to oppress the chosen people till overcome by the great horn, whose
   victories herald the advent of the Messiah. There is great difficulty
   in defining the seventy rulers, and it is only with much accommodation
   that history can be forced into agreement with the writer's supposed
   idea. Hence it has been proposed to see in these shepherds, not kings,
   but angels appointed to superintend the chastisement of Israel at the
   hands of her enemies. As Drummond points out, these shepherds receive
   their commission at the same time, which would hardly have been the
   case had they represented successive monarchs. And further, at the
   judgment in the delectable land they are placed with the fallen angels;
   and the one who is deputed to write down the number of sheep destroyed
   is called "another" (angel); while the duty of protecting the flock
   from the wild beasts could not have been entrusted to Gentile powers.
   [75] If, however, we held the usual interpretation of the vision, we
   should have to explain it in the following way:--The first group of
   twelve shepherds comprises five Assyrian kings, three Chaldæan and four
   Egyptian, from Necho II. to Amasis, under whom, more or less, the
   Israelites suffered injuries. The second group of twenty-three consists
   of Persian monarchs, from Darius and Cyrus. These 12 + 23 make up 35,
   the half of the seventy. The next group, consisting also of
   twenty-three, is composed of Græco-Macedonian kings, from Alexander to
   his successors, the Ptolemies, Seleucidæ, down to Antiochus Epiphanes.
   The final twelve range in the Syrian line, from this Antiochus to the
   close of the reign of Demetrius II. This lands us at B.C. 125. The
   attempt, however, at exact interpretation is eminently unsatisfactory,
   while the general features of the scheme are clear enough; and
   following Schürer's lucid explanation, we may arrange the matter thus.
   The seventy shepherds are angels entrusted with the superintendence and
   punishment of Israel, who neglected their duty and were doomed to hell.
   The time of the Gentile supremacy is divided into four periods, two of
   shorter and two of longer duration, as we have seen above. The first
   period begins from the date of the earliest Gentile invasion (e.g.
   Assyrian) to the return in the days of Cyrus, the three returning sheep
   being Zerubbabel, Ezra, and Nehemiah. The second period reaches from
   Cyrus to Alexander the Great, the substitution of birds of prey for
   wild beasts (xc. 2) marking the transition from Persians to Greeks. The
   third extends from Alexander to Antiochus Epiphanes, the lambs
   symbolising the Maccabees. And the fourth extends from the commencement
   of the Maccabaean to the author's own time. This brings us to the "last
   third of the second century B.C." The stirring events of the previous
   twenty or twenty-five years are symbolically depicted. The little lambs
   of the vision are the pious who rose against the Syrian tyrants, the
   ravens who tore and devoured them; the sheep with horns are the
   Maccabaean leaders, who at first had but little success; and one of
   them in particular was carried off by the enemy. This is Jonathan, the
   son of Mattathias, [76] who, B.C. 143, was treacherously murdered by
   Tryphon in Gilead. In similiar figures are represented the defeat and
   death of Judas and Simon. The great horn which afforded refuge to the
   persecuted is John Hyrcanus, and the account of the terrible conflict
   between him and the enemies of Israel merges here into the
   apocalyptical future. So it is at this point that we may place the
   meeting of history and revelation, and consequently the composition of
   this portion of our book.

   But our task is by no means ended even if we have satisfactorily
   determined the age of one section. Were the work one whole, and
   evidently the production of one author, to fix the date of one portion
   would be sufficient to determine the approximate date of the rest. But
   we have every reason to see in the various divisions different authors
   and different times of composition. Without entering minutely into
   details, we may say that it is now generally agreed that at least three
   authors have contributed to the work. The earliest portion, and that
   which forms the ground-work of the whole (omitting certain
   interpolations), is found in chaps. i.-xxxvi. and lxxii.-cv. If the
   author of the historical vision were the writer of this portion, the
   date of the greater part of the whole work would be determined. There
   is nothing to guide one to the date in the first thirty-six chapters,
   but in the latter part of this section there are plain intimations of
   the same conclusion that has already been reached. The writer in chaps.
   xciii. 1-14 and xci. 12-17 (which has been displaced) gives another
   sketch of the world's history divided into ten weeks, or periods. In
   agreement with the personification, Enoch intimates that he himself
   lived at the close of the first epoch. The next five weeks are marked
   with tolerable distinctness as the epoch of Noah, of Abraham and Isaac,
   of Moses, of Solomon, of the Captivity. At the end of the seventh week
   comes the vision of Messiah's kingdom. We have to determine the
   duration of this last period. It is impossible to affix any definite
   number of years to each week, as the duration of each plainly varies
   most considerably; it has therefore seemed expedient to reckon by
   generations, counting seven to a week in the earlier times and fourteen
   in the later periods. [77] This looks like an arbitrary proceeding, one
   of those accommodations to which critics resort in order to confirm a
   foregone conclusion. But there are substantial grounds in this case for
   the notion. It will be seen that seven generations each will cover the
   first five weeks, the first being from Adam to Enoch, the last from
   Salmon to Rehoboam. The sixth, according to Drummond's calculation
   (omitting, as in St. Matthew, Ahaziah, Joash, and Amaziah), consists of
   fourteen generations from Abijam to Salathiel. The seventh, taking the
   series of high priests, and excluding Jason, Menelaus, and Alcimus, as
   Philo-Græcists, ends with Jonathan, Simon, and John Hyrcanus -- thus
   landing us at the result previously obtained by another road. Of
   course, there is a doubt concerning the conclusion of the series; but
   in any case the discrepancy will amount to little more than twenty
   years, and the date of composition of this portion of the work may be
   fixed between B.C. 153 and 130, or in the latter half of the second
   century before Christ. [78]

   If we are satisfied with the results thus obtained (and nothing more
   reliable is to be discovered), we have settled the approximate age of
   two considerable portions of our book. Another section (chaps.
   xxxvii.-lxxi.), containing the three parables or similitudes, affords
   little internal help for determining its date. It is evidently a
   section distinguished from the rest in character and treatment. There
   is a difference in the use of the names of God, who is called in this
   part "Lord of spirits," in the angelology, the eschatology, and
   especially in the doctrine of the Messiah, which is much more prominent
   and definite than in the other divisions. Another peculiarity to which
   Kostlin directs attention is, that contrasted with the pious are not
   the ungodly in general (as commonly elsewhere), but Gentile rulers and
   the mighty ones of earth. Ewald finds herein a reason for considering
   this to be earlier than the rest, because the enemies denounced are
   foreign and heathen, while in the other parts the sinners are faithless
   and renegade Israelites, such as were not heard of till the time of
   Antiochus Epiphanes. But on the same ground Hilgenfeld concludes that
   it was written after the fall of Jerusalem; so that no argument can be
   securely based on this peculiarity. There is one historical allusion
   which has been supposed to give a hint in this direction. In chap. lvi.
   we are told that the Parthians and Medes shall work destruction in the
   Holy Land, and shall in turn suffer vengeance at the hand of the Lord,
   turning upon and destroying one another; and it is argued hence that an
   incursion by them had recently happened, as in B.C. 40, when they
   overran Phoenicia and Palestine, [79] or that at any rate they were the
   enemies most dreaded in the author's time. But the inference is wholly
   unwarranted. The writer is not referring to any historical events that
   had come under his own cognisance, but is giving expression to his
   predictive anticipations based on the revelation of Ezekiel, chaps.
   xxxviii., xxxix. A surer criterion is found in the Messianic
   references, which show marked development when compared with the
   statements in the former part, as we shall see later on. It is also
   noted that, while the Book of Jubilees (which we suppose to have been
   written at the earliest in the century preceding the Christian era)
   shows acquaintance with other portions of our work, it never makes any
   allusion to the marked peculiarities of these three parables. From this
   we gather that this section was unknown to the writer of the
   "Jubilees," or was then not extant. The language used at the
   commencement of the section implies the existence of other books of
   Enoch, We here read, "The second vision of wisdom, which Enoch saw;"
   and the "similitudes" which succeed are evidently the complement of the
   preceding revelations, introducing themes of higher character, and
   rising from mundane and material elements to matters of heavenly and
   spiritual signification. We may reasonably conjecture that it was
   composed some few years later than the preceding portion.

   There remain the Noachian sections which are introduced often most
   inappropriately, and are now found in chaps. liv. 7-lv. 2, lxv.-lxix.,
   cvi.-cvii., and scattered confusedly in some other places. [80] In
   chap. lxviii. 1, the Book of the Allegories of Enoch is expressly
   mentioned, so that these paragraphs must be of later date. They are
   probably derived from some lost Apocalypse of Noah, and have been
   inserted by some late editor, who, without much critical skill, wove
   the materials into a form which would give a quasi unity to the whole.
   The last chapter (cviii.) is probably the latest of all, though there
   is nothing in it to determine its date accurately.

   The great fact which seems most surely ascertained is that the Book of
   Enoch is, with the exception of some few possible interpolations, of
   pre-Christian origin. It was written certainly before the Romans had
   obtained possession of Palestine, as throughout the whole work there is
   no mention whatever of them, and they never appear as the enemies of
   Israel. No knowledge of the New Testament is anywhere exhibited; the
   name of Jesus never appears; His death and resurrection are not
   mentioned; [81] all that is of Christological import might fairly be
   gathered from the Old Testament. The writer especially had studied the
   prophecies of Daniel, and derived much of his language and matter
   therefrom, amplifying what he found in previous utterances, and
   colouring it with his own poetical and often crude fancies. [82]

   As to the place where the authors lived, we have good reason for
   asserting this to be Palestine. This situation best accords with the
   circumstances revealed in the various treatises. Here we find
   individuals and the nation oppressed by foreign influence, and fervent
   aspirations for relief and freedom, showing a state of things which
   could only be experienced in the Holy Land itself. The attempts which
   have been made to determine the writers' locality by reference to the
   astronomy and geography of the treatises are quite futile. In both
   sciences the seers were far from being adepts, and to guide oneself to
   a decision through the fog of imaginary and erroneous details is a
   hopeless task.

   Nothing can be determined concerning the names of the authors. Does the
   Apostle Jude, by quoting a passage in the book as the production of
   "Enoch, the seventh from Adam," authorise the attribution of the work
   or of this section to the patriarch? Such has been the contention of
   some, who hold that the passage in question at any rate was a fragment
   handed down by tradition from antediluvian times. But the verse is
   manifestly an integral part of the paragraph in which it appears,
   exactly suitable to and connected with the existing context, and it
   must meet with the same treatment at our hands as the rest of the
   section. We have seen to what date we must relegate this book, and that
   it has no pretension to any such hoar antiquity as the critics above
   would assign to it. Doubtless it was well known in early Christian
   times, and Jude and his contemporaries were familiar with it. Without
   any idea of giving a decided opinion concerning its authorship, and
   citing the words merely in illustration of his statement (as St. Paul
   quoted Menander and Aratus), Jude cursorily appeals to a work with
   which his readers were familiar; and gives it that title by which it
   was generally known. By using this quotation for a special purpose,
   Jude does not give his sanction to the whole contents of the work in
   which it is now contained. All that he endorses with his authority is
   this particular passage; and in attributing it to Enoch, he is speaking
   either from direct inspiration, or, as is more probable, merely
   repeating current tradition. We may confidently affirm that of the
   authors who more or less have contributed to the book in its entirety
   we know nothing; nor, indeed, have we any grounds for conjecturing
   their identity. That they were more than one is proved by the different
   uses and expressions which obtain in the several portions; e.g. (as we
   have already observed) the title Lord of spirits, applied to God so
   commonly in one section, is not found elsewhere; the angelology
   differs; the Messianic presentation is not identical, nor the
   eschatology. The attribution of the work to Enoch is doubtless owed to
   the fact that popular tradition assigned to him the reception of
   revelations concerning the secrets of nature and other mysteries, the
   discovery of the alphabet, and the writing of the earliest books that
   the world ever saw.

   We have now to speak of the teaching of this book and the lessons to be
   drawn from it. Granting that it is of pre-Christian origin, these are
   of great interest and importance, as bearing an Jewish opinion in days
   immediately preceding the appearance of Christ. But there is one
   preliminary question to settle, and that is whether any or what use of
   this work was made by subsequent Christian writers. A reader at a late
   Church Congress astonished and scandalised many of his hearers by
   boldly asserting that St. John in the Apocalypse had merely plagiarised
   from certain extant productions of a similar nature. This profane
   theory was not altogether novel, and it requires mention here since the
   Book of Enoch has been appealed to as strongly confirming the idea of
   Christian writers' indebtedness to previous apocryphal literature.

   The author of The Evolution of Christianity, in republishing Lawrence's
   translation of our book, endeavours in his introduction to prove that
   Enoch's work is the source of many Christian opinions and mysteries,
   primitive Christianity having "freely appropriated his visions as the
   materials of constructive dogmas." The writer accepts without question
   the Archbishop's views of the origin, date, and locality of the work,
   except that he is inclined to think that the compiler of the Book of
   Daniel borrowed from Enoch rather than vice versâ. He proceeds to give
   instances of the influence of Enoch on subsequent writers and opinions.
   A few of these we will cite. The theory of the immobility of the earth,
   for denying which mediaeval physicists were condemned to the stake, is
   traced to a statement in Enoch (chap. xviii.) concerning the stone
   which supports the corners of the earth, and the four winds which
   uphold the earth and the firmament. But the idea is found in Job
   xxxviii. 6; Ps. xxiv. 2, etc.; and concerning the winds carrying the
   earth, we may compare Job xxvi. 7 with ix. 6 and Ps. lxxv. 3. The fate
   of the fallen angels and the happiness of the elect are described in
   the Book; therefore the Christian view of these matters is derived
   thence. To this source is traced the teaching concerning the Messiah
   prevalent in the age immediately preceding and succeeding the
   appearance of Christ. Then we have a series of passages from the New
   Testament paralleled by extracts from Enoch which are supposed to have
   been in the Christian writers' minds when they spoke or composed the
   utterances which we now possess. Most of these citations are of very
   insignificant similarity; many are such as might be found in any works
   treating of analogous subjects, without any notion of plagiarism, and
   many more are simply derived from the canonical books of the Old
   Testament. The "meek shall inherit the earth," says our Lord in the
   Sermon on the Mount (Matt. v. 5); "the elect shall inherit the earth,"
   says Enoch v. 7. "Woe unto you which are rich; for ye have received
   your consolation" (Luke vi. 44). "Woe to you who are rich, for in your
   riches have you trusted; but from your riches you shall be removed"
   (Enoch xciv. 8). "The things which the Gentiles sacrifice, they
   sacrifice to devils and not to God" (1 Cor. x. 20). "So that they
   sacrificed to devils as to gods" (Enoch xix. 1). The same idea is found
   in Bar. iv. 7, and in the Sept. Version of Ps. xcv. 5, cv. 37; Deut.
   xxxii. 17. The "great gulf fixed" between the souls in Hades (Luke.
   xvi. 26) is paralleled by a passage (Enoch xxii. 9), mistranslated,
   "Here their souls are separated by a chasm;" the correct rendering
   being, "Thus are the souls of the just separated; there is a spring of
   water above it, light" (Schodde); and our Lord in the parable gives the
   prevalent opinion without comment. The rapture of St. Paul (2 Cor.
   xii.) and St. John (Rev. xvii., xix.) is similar to what befell Enoch
   (chap. xxxix.) in some respects; but one is not dependent on the other
   in details or description. Enoch hears the angels calling on God, as
   Lord of lords and King of kings (chap: ix. 3, 4); did St. John
   therefore borrow the expression (Rev. xvii. 14, xix. 6) from him? The
   apostle speaks of the tree of life (Rev. ii. 7, xxii. 2, 14); Enoch
   also (xxiv., xxv.) tells of such a tree, which is plainly derived from
   Gen. ii. 9, iii. 22, and is alluded to elsewhere, as Prov. iii. 18, xi.
   30, etc.; 4 Esdr. viii. 62; "Testament. Levi." xviii. The tribulations
   of the last days as delineated in Matt. xxiv. are not unlike the
   predictions in Enoch lxxx.; but no one reading the two would: gather
   that they were borrowed one from the other, the variations being
   numerous, and actual identity not appearing anywhere. There is a book
   connected with the judgment in Enoch (chap. xlviii.), as in Rev. xx.;
   but so there is in Ex. xxxii. 32; Ps. lxix. 28; Dan. xii. 1, etc. In
   Rev. v. 11 the number of angels is called "ten thousand times ten
   thousand, and thousands of thousands;" so in Enoch (chap. xl. 1) we
   read of "a thousand times thousand, and ten thousand times ten thousand
   beings, standing before the Lord," which is merely like Dan. vii. 10;
   Deut. xxxiii. 2. The new heavens and the new earth, adumbrated in 2
   Pet. iii. 13 and Rev. xxi. 1, are expected by Enoch (chaps. xlv., xci.
   16). The latter passage is perhaps an interpolation, and the former is
   based on Isa. lxv. 17, lxvi. In 1 Tim. iv. 1, 2 we read, "The Spirit
   speaketh expressly, that in the latter times some shall depart from the
   faith, through the hypocrisy of men that speak lies;" and St. Paul is
   thought to have plagiarised from Enoch civ., "and now, I know this
   mystery that the words of rectitude will be changed, and many sinners
   will rebel, and will speak wicked words, and will lie and make great
   works, and write books concerning their words " (Schodde). Of this
   character and of no nearer identity are all the passages adduced by the
   critic as parallel; and, relying on such citations, we are asked to
   believe that our Lord and 'His apostles, consciously or unconsciously,
   introduced into their speech and writings ideas and expressions most
   decidedly derived from Enoch. Few unprejudiced persons will agree with
   the author of this opinion, whose aim seems to be to throw discredit
   upon the superhuman origin of Christianity, and to trace it to merely
   human development. According to him, "the work of the Semitic Milton
   was the inexhaustible source from which evangelists and apostles, or
   the men who wrote in their names, borrowed their conceptions of the
   resurrection, judgment, immortality, perdition, and of the universal
   reign of righteousness under the eternal dominion of the Son of man."
   Yet the same ideas run through all the pseudepigraphic writings, a fact
   of which our flippant author seems to be wholly unaware. The writer, as
   he deems, puts orthodox believers in a dilemma: either Enoch was an
   inspired prophet and the New Testament writers were justified in using
   his words as Divine utterances, or he was a visionary and fraudulent
   enthusiast, whose illusions were erroneously accepted by apostles and
   evangelists, who thus lose their claim to inspiration. Happily, there
   is a third alternative: the New Testament writers have not borrowed
   from Enoch, save in the single quotation by St. Jude.

   But enough of this. Let us see what is the Christology of our book, and
   its Messianic utterances. [83] First, as to the names applied to the
   Messiah. He is called The Anointed One, the Christ (chap. xlviii. 10,
   lii. 4); The Righteous (xxxviii. 2); The Elect (xl. 5, xlv. 3, 4); The
   Son of man (xlvi. 2); Son of the Woman (lxii. 5). This last title
   occurs only once, and seems intended to accentuate the fact that He is
   very man. Of the Christian verity, that Jesus was incarnate by the Holy
   Ghost of the virgin, there is no trace. But to this Christ is
   attributed pre-existence with other Divine attributes. Thus in the
   second similitude we read (chap. xlvi. 1-3), "There I saw one who had a
   Head of days (age-marked), and His head was white as wool (Dan. vii.
   9); and with Him was another, whose countenance resembled that of man;
   and full of grace was His countenance, like one of the holy angels. And
   I asked one of the angels, who went with me and showed me all the
   hidden things, about that Son of man, [84] who He was, and whence He
   was, and why he went with the Head of days? And he answered me, and
   said to me: "This is the Son of man, who has righteousness, with whom
   righteousness dwells, and who reveals all the treasures of that which
   is hidden, because the Lord of spirits hath chosen Him, and His lot
   before the Lord of spirits hath surpassed every other through
   righteousness for ever and ever." The angel goes on to say that this
   Son of man will raise up kings and mighty men from their thrones, and
   hurl those that obey not to destruction, and break the teeth of
   sinners, and terribly punish those who extol not the name of the Lord
   of spirits. Before sun and moon were created, or the stars were made,
   His name was named before the Lord of spirits; and, being chosen to do
   great things hereafter, He was hidden, and revealed only, till He came
   into the world, by imparting treasures of wisdom to the elect. For in
   Him dwells the spirit of wisdom, and the spirit of Him who gives
   insight, and the spirit of instruction and power, and the spirit of
   those who are fallen asleep in righteousness. [85] He has not yet
   appeared on earth, but in due time He will come to execute vengeance on
   sinners, and to receive homage at the hands of the mightiest in the
   world. To Him all judgment is committed; He sits on the throne of
   Divine glory, and judges both dead and living, and even fallen angels
   themselves. He will be the joy of the righteous; it will be their high
   privilege to hold close communion with Him. In all that is said of the
   glory of the Messiah, He is plainly not conceived of as God; His power
   is delegated; He is a creature subordinated to Almighty God, joining in
   the universal worship offered to the Lord of all; clothed indeed with
   highest attributes, but set at a distance from the supreme Lord. The
   writer indeed has assimilated the teaching of Daniel and the Prophets,
   but he is far from realising the doctrine of St. John. [86]

   The eschatology of the book is somewhat confused, owing partly to the
   vagueness of the writer's own opinions, and partly to the variety of
   authorship. Speaking generally, we may say that the author anticipated
   the immediate development of Messiah's kingdom. The one object of the
   production, so far as unity can .be traced therein, is to assert the
   great truth that retribution awaits transgression; this is confirmed by
   the history of the past, and emphasises the announcement of the events
   of the later days which are matters of prediction. In one passage [87]
   we are told that the eighth week of the world's history shall be one of
   righteousness, when vengeance is executed upon sinners at the hands of
   the godly. At the end of this period occurs a time of happiness and
   prosperity; the righteous shall inherit a new Jerusalem and erect a new
   temple. In the ninth and tenth weeks the everlasting judgment will take
   place, the present heaven and earth will vanish away, and be succeeded
   by a new heaven and a new earth, which shall exist eternally in
   goodness and righteousness. In other passages [88] referring to the
   same period there is no mention of this time of peace preceding the
   judgment; rather the Messianic reign is to be ushered in with war and
   calamity and desolation, and rest is not won till the evil angels and
   the wicked rulers are cast into the fiery abyss, and the Messiah, "the
   white steer," is born. There is no definite statement in this passage
   concerning the general resurrection as preceding the universal
   judgment. [89] But from other places we gather that in this matter a
   different mode awaits the wicked and the righteous. The spirits of the
   former shall be removed from Sheol, and sent into the place of torment,
   [90] but the spirits of the righteous shall be united to their bodies,
   and live on the new earth, sharing the ineffable blessings of Messiah's
   kingdom. [91] The resurrection of the body is a boon that belongs to
   the just alone, who were thus compensated for the evil times which
   they, had passed while formerly in the flesh. The final judge is not
   Messiah, but God Himself, who shall descend from heaven to pass the
   sentence upon men and angels. [92] This view is common to all the
   apocalyptic literature of the period, so that our Lord's statement,
   "The Father judgeth no man, but bath given all judgment unto the Son,"
   [93] was a novel idea to His hearers, even to those of them who had
   learned some portion of the truth concerning Christ's nature and
   attributes.

   Of the intermediate state the description is somewhat obscure. Enoch
   (chap. xxii.) is shown a place in the far west where the souls of the
   righteous dead are collected, different abodes being assigned to them
   according to a certain classification; those who suffered wrong being
   separated from those who died from other causes. Near them is the
   locality where the spirits of sinners wait. Here also a division is
   made between those who had been punished on earth for their sins and
   those who hitherto had escaped retribution. These transgressors suffer
   pain in this abode, even as Dives in the parable speaks of being
   tormented in the flame. [94] Here they have to wait till the day of
   judgment, when their fate is decided for ever. But some highly favoured
   souls do not dwell in this western abode. They are taken to Paradise,
   which is the Garden of Eden in the north country, and whither Enoch
   himself was translated. This is their temporary home. [95] One sees
   here a trace of the distinction between the destiny of the souls of the
   good and those of the highest saints, which is found in some mediaeval
   and in some Catholic theology; and in accordance with which, while some
   rest in Hades or Paradise, others are raised to heaven at once and
   enjoy the beatific vision.

   As regards angelology, in some parts of the work there is a somewhat
   strict classification of these heavenly beings. They are innumerable,
   but among them are distinguished seraphim, cherubim, and ophanim,
   angels of power and angels of lordship. The ophanim ("wheels") are so
   named from the representation in Ezekiel i. and x. There is one called
   the Angel of Peace (chap. xl. 8) who seems to be the highest of all,
   and to have the direction of things in heaven and earth. The four
   archangels, Michael, Raphael, Gabriel, and Phanuel, have separate
   functions assigned to them in connection with Messiah's kingdom.
   Michael leads the ceaseless praise of God; Raphael presides over the
   sick and suffering; Gabriel is mighty to assist the oppressed; Phanuel
   aids the repentant and those who hope for life eternal. [96] As regards
   evil spirits, these are sometimes supposed to be the fallen angels,
   whose transgression is continually coming in view; sometimes the
   spirits of the giants born from their illicit connection with mortal
   women. Others are called Satans, and at their head is Satan himself,
   who is represented with his followers not only as leading men astray,
   but as the agent of God in inflicting punishment on sinners. In this
   view he is allowed, as in Job, to visit heaven and prefer accusations
   against men. Whence these Satans came, and whether they were originally
   good angels, Enoch reveals not; but he denounces their fate in
   Messianic times, when they shall be cast into a blazing furnace and
   tormented eternally. [97]

   The Book of Enoch shows its variety of authorship by the inequality of
   literary skill which is found in it. If some passages are of high
   eloquence, and redolent of piety and reverence and noble aspirations,
   others are characterised by wild speculation and empty bombast. But
   with all its faults and shortcomings, it is of great value as
   introducing us to the views and feelings of Jews, their hopes and
   convictions, at the period immediately preceding the Christian era, and
   helping us to estimate the moral, religious, and political atmosphere
   in which Christ lived. Hence the work is to be regarded, not as a mere
   literary curiosity, but as offering a substantial aid' to the
   understanding of the most important period of the world's history.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [61] In compiling this account, I have availed myself of Bishop
   Laurence's translation of the Book of Enoch, Dillmann's Das Buch
   Henoch, Drummond's The Jewish Messiah, the Cyclopædias, English and
   German, and the able Dissertation in Dr. Gloag's Introduction to the
   Catholic Epistles. I have also used Ewald's Abhandlung über d. Æthiop.
   Buches Henokh Entstehung; Köstlin's "Ueber die Entstehung d. Buches
   Henoch," in Baur and Zeller's Theolog. Jahrbuch. 1856, Heftt 2 and 3;
   and Volkmar's "Beiträge zur Erklärung des B. Henoch," in Deutsch,
   morgenl. Zeitschr. 1860.

   [62] The quotations are to be found in Fabricius, Codex Pseudepigr.
   Vet. Test. i. 161 ff.

   [63] One Latin MS. of the Epistle gives "Daniel" instead of "Enoch."
   The sentence does not occur in the text of Enoch which we possess.

   [64] Apol. ii. 5.

   [65] Adv. Hær. iv. 30; comp. iv. 16. 2.

   [66] De Idol. xv. Comp. ibid. iv. De Cult. Foem. i. 3, ii. 10.

   [67] See De Princip. i. 8, iv. 35; Hom. in Num. xxviii.; Contr. Cels.
   v. 54, p. 267.

   [68] Strom. p. 550.

   [69] De Civit. xv. 23; comp. ibid. xviii. 38.

   [70] Laurence, Prelim. Dissert. xxi.; Dillmann, Einleit. lvii.; Gloag;
   pp. 389 f.

   [71] I use Dillmann's divisions throughout.

   [72] These are probably the asteres planetai, "wandering stars," of
   Jude 13.

   [73] The passage inserted in chap. xci. 12-17 plainly belongs to chap.
   xciii., and has been rightly introduced there by Laurence.

   [74] Especially Drummond, Stanton, and Schürer.

   [75] See chaps. lxxxvii. 2, xc. 20 ff. Drummond, p. 40; Schürer, p. 64.

   [76] This Mattathias was the youngest brother of the great Judas
   Maccabæus. The "great horn" is by some supposed to represent Judas
   himself, but the particulars of the vision do not well suit this
   theory. See Dillmann and Stanton.

   [77] Drummond, p. 42.

   [78] There is an allusion in this vision which seems to imply that the
   book was composed in this seventh week. It is said (chap. xciii. 10)
   that in this week to the just "shall be given sevenfold instruction
   concerning every part of His creation." This, doubtless, refers to the
   portion of our work which treats of natural phenomena.

   [79] Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 13; Bell. Jud. i. 13.

   [80] E.g. xxxix. 1, 2, lx., and perhaps xvii. and xix.

   [81] It is curious that in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs,
   under Levi, occurs an allusion to a prediction of Messiah's rejection,
   death, and resurrection, stated to be found in the Book of Enoch. No
   such passage is now extant in that work, and if it ever existed, it was
   probably a Christian interpolation.

   [82] See Dr. Pusey's Lectures on Daniel, pp. 382 ff.

   [83] Drummond looks with suspicion on most of these allusions to
   Messiah as interpolations by a Christian or semi-Christian editor.
   There is really nothing to show the reasonableness of this notion; and
   were it true, it would be difficult to account for the vagueness of the
   statements, the reticence concerning the facts of Christ's life, and
   the apparent inconsistency in some of the expressions used and actions
   attributed to Him. A writer who desired to propagate Christian ideas
   among his countrymen would not have contented himself with statements
   concerning Messiah's advent in glory, and have omitted all notice of
   His previous humiliation.

   [84] "Son of man" was probably currently used as a title of the Messiah
   at the tune of the composition of the Allegories, as it was in our
   Lord's own days. See John xii. 34, and ix. 35 in some MSS.; also Matt.
   xvi. 13.

   [85] Chaps. xlviii., xlix.

   [86] Chaps. li., lv., lxi., lxix.

   [87] Chap. xci. 12-17. The passage belongs properly to chap.xciii., and
   is inserted there by Dillmann.

   [88] E.g. chap. xc.

   [89] A similar omission occurs in the description given in St. Mark
   xxv.

   [90] Chaps. ciii. 8, cviii. 2-6.

   [91] Chaps. li. 1, 2, lxi. 5, xcii. 3, c. 5.

   [92] Chaps. i. 3, 4, xxv. 3, c. 5.

   [93] John v. 22.

   [94] Chap. ciii. 7, 8; Luke xvi. 23-25.

   [95] Chap. lx. 8, lxi. 12, lxx.

   [96] Chaps. lxi. 10, lxxi. 3, 7, 8, 13, xl. 1 ff., ix.

   [97] Chaps. xv. 8, xl. 7, liii. 3, liv. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

  THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

   In the Epistle of St. Jude we read (ver. 9): "Michael the archangel,
   when contending with the devil he disputed about the body of Moses,
   [98] durst not bring against him a railing judgment, but said, The Lord
   rebuke thee." Hereupon two questions arise. Whence did the apostle
   derive the story to which he refers? And what was the occasion of the
   dispute? To the latter question a conjectural answer alone can be
   given. Taking into consideration the circumstances of the burial of
   Moses, we see that it was intended to be a secret transaction. The
   Lord, we are told (Deut. xxxiv. 6), "buried him in a valley of the land
   of Moab, over against Beth-peor; but no man knoweth of his sepulchre
   unto this day." Doubtless there was a good reason for this secrecy.
   The, proneness of the Jews to idolatry, the likelihood that the body of
   their great leader might become an object of adoration, even as the
   brazen serpent drew their hearts away in later time, the tendency to
   follow the creature-worship and to pay that undue reverence to relics
   which they had seen in Egypt,--these considerations may have led to the
   concealment of the body of Moses. And the devil wished to frustrate
   this purpose. He saw an opportunity of using the mortal remains of
   Moses to draw away the Israelites from true religion. He would have no
   mystery about the burial. The people should be shown their leader's
   resting place; of the result he had no doubt whatever. And Michael, the
   appointed guard of the grave, as the Targum says, resisted this evil
   attempt of Satan, and firmly carried out the purpose of God. Using the
   words which God Himself had employed when the wicked spirit endeavoured
   to withstand His act of clothing Joshua, the high priest, in festal
   garments (Zech. iii.), Michael answered, "The Lord rebuke thee." And in
   the unknown spot the body rested; or, at any rate, it was seen no more
   till it appeared to the wondering three on the Mount of Transfiguration
   fourteen hundred years later.

   The former question, as to the origin of the narrative to which St.
   Jude refers, is answered by Origen, [99] who intimates that it is
   derived from a book which he calls the Ascension of Moses, Analepsis
   Moseos. That St. Jude should refer to a work current in his day, though
   not appertaining to the canon of Holy Scripture, is quite supposable,
   as there is good ground for .believing that in another place (ver. 14)
   he cites the apocryphal Book of Enoch. The existence of this Assumption
   or Ascension of Moses is testified by many other early writers. In the
   remarkable use of the word mesites in the Epistle to the Galatians
   (iii. 19) some have seen a reference to, or evidence of acquaintance
   with, our book. Certainly the term is applied to Moses in the first
   chapter, where the dying lawgiver says: "Itaque excogitavit et invenit
   me, qui ab initio orbis terrarum præparatus sum ut sim arbiter
   testamenti illius." Referring to this, and having the Greek original
   before him, Gelasius of Cyzicmn [100] gives the latter words of Moses
   as einai me tes diathekes autou mesiten. But we cannot lay much stress
   on the use of that expression, as it is employed in this connection by
   Philo [101] and the Rabbinical authors, and was probably applied to
   Moses by writers antecedent to Christianity in agreement with Deut. v.
   5, where he says: "I stood between the Lord and you at that time, to
   show you the word of the Lord." It is also asserted that Clemens
   Romanus quotes our book when, speaking of Moses (xvii. 5), he says:
   "He, though greatly honoured, magnified not himself, but answered when
   the revelation was made to him at the bush, Who am I, that Thou sendest
   me? I am slow of speech, and of a slow tongue.' And again he saith: I
   am as smoke from the pottery.'" [102] The last clause is deemed by
   Hilgenfeld to be cited from the Assumption. This is possible, but the
   existing fragments do not contain it. The earliest reference which can
   be relied on is found in the works of Clemens Alexandrinus, [103] who,
   describing the death of Moses, says it is probable that Joshua saw
   Moses in twofold form when he was taken up (analambanomenon), one with
   the angels, and one honoured with burial in the valley. This curious
   opinion is shared by Origen, [104] who asserts that in a certain
   uncanonical book mention is made of two Moses' being seen, one alive in
   the spirit, the other dead in the body. Evodius, [105] a contemporary
   of St. Augustine, has the same gloss, derived from the same source:
   "When he ascended the mountain to die, the power of his body brought it
   to pass, that there should be one body to commit to earth, and another
   to be the companion of his attendant angel." Another legend, traced to
   the same origin, [106] recounts how at Moses' death a bright cloud so
   dazzled the eyes of the bystanders that they saw neither when he died
   nor where he was buried. Other writers give a different reason for the
   dispute with Michael from that suggested above, still, however,
   referring to the tradition contained in the Assumption. Thus OEcumenius
   [107] writes, that the archangel took charge of Moses' body, but the
   devil claimed it as his own, being the body of a murderer in that he
   had killed the Egyptian; and an old Scholion [108] on the passage in
   St. Jude adds: "that it was when Satan asserted this claim and
   blasphemed, Michael replied, The Lord rebuke thee."' Epiphanius [109]
   gathers from this book how the angels buried the body of Moses without
   washing it, for they had no need to wash it; nor were they defiled by
   contact with so holy and pure a body. Didymus of Alexandria, [110] who
   lived in the fourth century A.D., informs us that some persons in his
   day raised an objection against the Epistle of St. Jude, as also
   against the Assumption of Moses, on account of the passage concerning
   the dispute with Satan; just as, according to Jerome, [111] the same
   Epistle was rejected for its reference to the apocryphal Book of Enoch.
   Mention is made of the Assumption in some catalogues of the books of
   Scripture. Thus in the Catalogue of Nicephorus it is placed, with the
   Book of Enoch, the Testaments of the Patriarchs, and some others, among
   the Apocrypha of the Old Testament; and reference is made to it in the
   so-called Synopsis of Athanasius. Apollinaris [112] says: "It is to be
   noted that in the times of Moses there were also other books, which are
   now apocryphal; as evident from the Epistle of St. Jude, where he
   teaches about the body of Moses, and where he cites as from ancient
   Scripture the passage, Behold, the Lord cometh,'" etc. In the Acts of
   the Second Nicene Council [113] some passages are cited from the
   Analepsis which are not now extant. Thus we read that in the dispute
   with Satan, Michael said: "Of His Holy Spirit we all were formed;" and
   again: "From the face of God went forth His Spirit, and the world was
   made:" Another fragment of the same Acts [114] already mentioned gives
   the chief contents of the work: "Moses the prophet, when he was about
   to depart from life, as it is written in the Book of the Assumption of
   Moses, called Joshua unto him, and spake, saying: God looked upon me
   before the foundation of the world, that I should be the mediator, of
   His covenant.'" The Apostolical Constitutions mention among those
   writings that are without the canon "The apocryphal Books of Moses,"
   [115] referring doubtless to our work. It seems also certain that it
   was well known to the Rabbinical writers, who raised a crop of legends
   on itsfoundation. [116]

   Thus we see that the Assumption of Moses was a book known and quoted up
   to the twelfth or thirteenth century of our era. But from that time
   till some twenty years ago it has been wholly lost. Commentators on St.
   Jude were forced to content themselves with a vague reference to this
   unknown composition; and the words of Dean Stanley in Dr. Smith's
   Dictionary of the Bible (art. "Moses"), written in 1863, accurately
   represent the amount of acquaintance with the subject possessed by most
   people. Speaking of the passage in Jude, he concludes thus: "It
   probably refers to a lost apocryphal book mentioned by Origen, the
   Ascension or Assumption of Moses. All that is known of this book is
   given by Fabricius, Codex Pseudep. V. T. i. 838-844." The fragments,
   however, printed by Fabricius are very insignificant, and quite
   insufficient to give any idea of the character and contents of the
   work. But Dr. Stanley was unconsciously inaccurate when he made the
   statement just mentioned. Already in 1861 A. M. Ceriani, the learned
   librarian of the Ambrosian Library at Milan, had published a Latin
   version of a large portion of the Assumption which he had found in a
   palimpsest of the sixth century. [117] It is curious that nearly forty
   years previously Amedeus Peyron had edited from the same manuscript
   some hitherto unknown orations of Cicero, [118] but the "Assumption"
   remained still undiscovered. It was therefore with the utmost
   satisfaction that the learned world received the news that fresh
   fragments of this apocryphal work had been suddenly disinterred. The
   MS., indeed, was without title, corrupt and imperfect, and in places
   illegible; but these circumstances only augmented the interest which
   was centred upon it. Here was a nodus which demanded solution at the
   hands of scholars. "Liber enim," as Erasmus says, [119] "prodigiosis
   mendis undique scatens, crux est verius quam liber." That it was the
   same book as the old Analepsis Mos. was proved by its containing the
   passage in the Acts of the Nicene Council quoted above. The discovery
   appears to have passed almost unnoticed in England, but in Germany it
   stirred the minds of savants with an excitement as great as that lately
   aroused by the "Teaching of the Twelve Apostles." Professors set
   themselves the task of correcting, explaining, and supplying the gaps
   in the very imperfect publication of Ceriani. First Hilgenfeld, with
   the aid of other scholars, put forth a critical edition [120]
   containing a corrected text, which threw much light on the many dark
   places, and afforded a readable whole. A year or two later he took the
   pains to translate the Latin into Greek, no very difficult task, as the
   version had been most slavishly rendered from the original, retaining
   everywhere Greek phraseology and often Greek words. This he published
   with valuable notes. Then Volkmar [121] printed a neat little edition
   with a German translation and commentary. This was followed by that of
   Schmidt and Merx, [122] whose conjectures and corrections are
   remarkable rather for audacity than probability. Fritzsche, [123] the
   last editor, speaks somewhat slightingly of his predecessors' labours,
   but has largely availed himself of them. In his very useful edition he
   prints on one page the text as originally published by Ceriani, and on
   the opposite side gives an amended text with the lacunæ mostly
   supplied, and with copious critical notes. The work has never, I
   believe, been published in England. A useful dissertation on the book,
   which combines the latest information, is appended to Dr. Gloag's
   Introduction to the Catholic Epistles.

   There is another work which is sometimes confounded with the
   Assumption, but is entirely different in scope and treatment. This is
   an Apocalypse of Moses in Greek, written by a Christian, and belonging
   to the class of Adamaic books, wherein is given a history of Adam's
   life and death as revealed to Moses. It has been published by
   Tischendorf and Ceriani.

   Whether the Assumption was originally written in Hebrew cannot now be
   determined. [124] If its birthplace was Palestine, it is most probable
   that it was composed in Hebrew or Aramaic. It is evident that it was
   known only in a Greek form to those early writers who mention it; and
   it is also certain from internal evidence that the old Latin version
   which has survived was made from the Greek and not the Hebrew. The use
   of such words as "prophetiæ," "scene testimonii," "allophyli," proves
   this incontestably. The Latin of the translation is beyond measure
   barbarous and anomalous, the vulgar dialect of country peasants, and
   resembling the old Itala rather than any classical form which we
   possess. It appears, too, to have been transcribed by an ignorant
   writer, who has accordingly introduced many blunders of his own
   manufacture. As the MS. came originally from the Abbey of Bobbio, near
   Pavia, whence also issued the famous Muratorian Canon (the language of
   which is very similar to that of the Assumption), it was probably
   copied by one of the inmates of that establishment, "stronger," as
   Colani says, "in caligraphy than Latin." Of the place and date of the
   original composition we can form only conjectures. We might do more if
   we had the whole before us; but, unfortunately, both the beginning and
   the end are missing. At the commencement probably only a few lines are
   lost, but at the conclusion a very serious deficiency is to be
   lamented. Nicephorus states that the original work consisted of 1400
   stiches, assigning similar dimensions to the Book of Revelation. We are
   thus led to the conclusion that little more than half has been
   preserved, and important passages, wherein some guide to the chronology
   would naturally have been introduced, are lost or mutilated beyond hope
   of replacement. Our data, therefore, are much limited, and we possess
   but scanty foundations on which to construct a theory. With regard to
   the locality of the treatise, we may at once exclude Alexandria from
   being its birthplace. The author shows no trace of the Alexandrian
   school; he never allegorizes, never indulges in mystic speculations,
   but keeps to pure history, whether he is relating the past or
   predicting the future. His standpoint is unadulterated Judaism, and
   there is good reason, as will be seen, for classing him among the
   Zealots. Hilgenfeld considers that the author was a Jew sojourning at
   Rome; but his arguments are very far from decisive, and we shall have
   most critics with us in determining that the work was written in
   Palestine. The author shows such accurate acquaintance with the parties
   of the Jews in Palestine, and the events which happened there, that it
   can scarcely be doubted that he is writing amid the scenes and
   characters which, under the disguise of prophecy, he depicts, either in
   Galilee or in the country east of Jordan, where the party of Zealots
   was strongest. As to the date of the composition, scholars have long
   had important differences, Wieseler fixing it at 2 B.C., and Volkmar at
   135-138 A.D. Between these two extreme dates many variations occur;
   thus Ewald assigns it to A.D. 6, Hilgenfeld to A.D. 44, Merx to A.D.
   54-64. Fritzsche traces it to the sixth decade of the first century
   A.D., and Langen (mistaking the application of chap. viii.) assigns it
   to a period shortly after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. Most
   of these critics found their opinions upon the unintelligible fragments
   of numbers in chap. vii. But it is absurd to employ the hopelessly
   mutilated text for this purpose; and, in truth, we can only be certain
   of these facts, that the book was written before the destruction of
   Jerusalem, of which no mention is made, and before the death of Herod's
   two sons, Philip and Antipas, probably towards the commencement of
   their reign; for the author predicts for the sons a shorter reign than
   their father's, which could be said truly of Archelaus alone, for
   Antipas reigned 43 years, Philip 37, and Herod the Great only 34 years.
   [125] The concluding clauses of chap. vi., which speak of the arrival
   of a powerful western chieftain who should take captives, and burn the
   house, and crucify some, point to the war of Varus, B.C. 4; [126] and
   when the writer goes on (chap. vii.): "ex quo facto finientur tempora,"
   it is natural to conclude that he wrote after this little war. If we
   knew accurately the date of St. Jude's Epistle, we might have another
   criterion; but too much stress must not be laid upon the supposed
   quotation from the Assumption, as the passage referred to is not
   extant, and both Jude and pseudo-Moses may have used some tradition
   current among the Jews of the period. [127] On the whole, we shall not
   be far wrong if we attribute the composition to the early part of the
   first Christian century, i.e. between A.D. 6, the time of the
   banishment of Archelaus, and A.D. 33, the date of Philip's death. [128]
   Before offering a sketch of the contents of the little work, I will
   transcribe a few lines of the manuscript with a view of showing its
   corruptions, and the difficulties that stand in the way of
   interpreters. I should premise that the MS. is a palimpsest of the
   fifth or sixth century, written in two columns to the page, each line
   containing from twelve to eighteen letters without division of words,
   and with very rare punctuation. The following is the commencement of
   the existing fragment: ". . . qui est bis millesimus et quingentesimus
   annus a creatura orbis terræ nam secus qui in oriente sunt numerus
   . . . mus et . . . mus profectionis fynicis cum exivit plebs post
   profectionem quæ fiebat per moysen usque amman trans iordanem profetiæ
   quæ facta est a moysen in libro deuteronomio." This passage is thus
   manipulated by the latest editors: "[Anno Moyseos centesimo et
   vigesimo] qui est bis millesimus et quingentesimus annus a creatura
   orbis terræ, nam secus [= secundum eos] qui in oriente sunt numerus est
   cccc mus et vii mus et xxx mus profectionis Phoenices, [129] cum exivit
   plebs post profectionem quæ fiebat per Moysen usque Amman trans
   Jordanem, profetiæ factæ sunt a Moyse in libro Deuteronomio." It would
   lead us too far were we to attempt to solve the many questions which
   are raised by this brief extract; rather let us confine ourselves to an
   endeavour to obtain a general view of the contents and object of the
   work.

   The work, as we have it now, is divided into two parts--first, the
   charge of Moses to Joshua his successor, in which is given a sketch of
   Jewish history, mingled with prophecies of future events up to the
   restoration of the pure theocracy. This is followed by a humble,
   self-depreciating speech of Joshua, to which Moses makes an encouraging
   reply, broken off short by the mutilation of the manuscript, which ends
   thus: "exivit enim deus qui prævidit omnia in sæcula, et stabilitum est
   testamentum illius et jurejurando, quod" . . . The remainder, which
   gave its name to the work, doubtless contained the account of the death
   and burial of Moses, and the dispute about the body to which St. Jude
   refers; but this will probably now be never brought to light.

   It will, perhaps, be most satisfactory to give a free translation of
   part of Moses' speech, adding such remarks as seem to be necessary for
   its elucidation, or to show its bearing on the Messianic doctrine.
   [130] We must keep in mind the fact (for a fact it seems to be) that
   the book is written by a partisan of a section of the Zealots, whose
   standpoint was that no mortal man ought to rule Israel, be he priest or
   king, of the line of Aaron or of David,--that Jehovah alone is King.
   This tenet, coupled with an energetic and fanatical zeal for the law,
   led to the outburst of Judas of Galilee, and to the excesses of the
   sect in later times. We shall see this ruling dogma continually
   appearing in the Assumption. The author at the same time seems to be
   inimical to the Pharisees, as being too dogmatical in their religion
   and undecided in their politics.

   This, then, is the last charge of the great lawgiver: "The Lord
   prepared me before the foundation of the world to be the mediator of
   His covenant. And now that I am about to be gathered to my fathers, I
   commit to thee this writing, which thou shalt preserve safely [131]
   unto the day of visitation." This prophecy of Moses was to be kept in
   the holy place till the last time of judgment. "And now thou shalt lead
   the people into the land promised to their fathers, and shalt settle
   them there. And it shall come to pass that after they have been in
   possession for five [132] years, they shall be governed by princes and
   tyrants [133] eighteen years; and ten tribes shall revolt for nineteen
   years." The eighteen years represent eighteen rulers, as in the Book of
   Enoch, viz. fifteen judges ("principes") from Joshua to Samuel, and
   three kings ("tyranni"), Saul, David, and Solomon; the "nineteen" are
   the kings of Israel from Jeroboam to Hoshea. "But two tribes shall come
   and remove the tabernacle of testimony; and God shall make a
   resting-place for His sanctuary among them (2 Sam. vi.; 1 Kings viii.
   4). And they shall offer victims for twenty years." This refers to the
   reign of the twenty kings of Judah, including Athaliah. "And seven
   shall fortify the walls, and nine will I watch over, and they shall
   maintain the covenant of the Lord." Seven kings improved the condition
   of the people, viz. Rehoboam, Abia, Asa, Jehoshaphat, Joram, Ahaziah,
   and Athaliah; and nine God defended, viz. Joash, Amaziah, Uzziah,
   Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah, Manasseh, Amon, Josiah. "But the last four
   kings shall worship false gods, and defile the temple with their
   idolatries. And then from the East shall come a mighty king
   (Nebuchadnezzar) who shall destroy the city, and burn the sanctuary,
   and take their precious things, and carry all the people and the two
   tribes into captivity. Then the two tribes shall call the ten to
   repentance, acknowledging the justice of their punishment; and all
   together shall invoke the God of their fathers, and humbly confess that
   that chastisement which Moses predicted has righteously fallen upon
   them. At the end of seven and seventy years one of their princes shall
   pray for them." This refers to the intercession of Daniel; the seventy
   years of exile are extended by seven according to the Jewish
   predilection for that number, traces of which we see in Matt. xviii.
   22, and in the genealogy of our Lord in St. Luke. "And God shall look
   upon them, and put it into the heart of the prince (Cyrus) to restore
   them onto their own country. Some portions of the tribes shall return
   to their appointed place and rebuild the city walls; but the two tribes
   alone shall remain true to the Lord, yet lamenting that they are now
   unable to offer acceptable sacrifices." The notion of the writer is,
   that the temple having been restored under heathen auspices, and the
   officiating priests being friendly to the pagan supremacy, the services
   therein were illegitimate and inefficacious. [134] As for the ten, they
   shall thrive in the foreign land, and shall some day rejoin the others
   in the day of restoration. [135] And now the times of trial shall draw
   near, [136] and vengeance shall arise because of the wickedness of
   princes given for their punishment; for ministers who are not priests,
   but slaves and born of slaves, shall defile the altar; [137] and those
   who are their doctors of the law shall pervert justice and fill the
   land with iniquity." [138] The writer makes no definite reference to
   the persecution of Antiochus or the gallant struggles of the Maccabees,
   but hurries at once to the later time of the decadence of that great
   family and the consequent corruption of religion and morals. The
   scribes and Rabbis of the Asmonæans were doubtless Sadducees, to which
   party John Hyrcanus had attached himself (Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 10. 6).

   In the view of the seer, which, as I have said, is that of the sect of
   Zealots, the holy people were to be governed by no earthly king, not
   even by a prince of Jewish birth. Jehovah alone is their Ruler. From
   this standpoint he regards the rule of the Asmonæan princes as usurping
   the authority of the Lord. He proceeds: "Soon shall ruling kings arise,
   [139] calling themselves priests of the Most High God, and shall
   profane even the Holy of Holies. To them shall succeed an insolent
   king, not of the family of priests, a man rash and shameless,--and he
   shall judge them as they are worthy. He shall slay their chieftains
   with the sword, and strangle them in secret places, [140] so that their
   bodies shall not be found; he shall kill old and young, and spare not;
   there will be great dread of him throughout the land, and his tyranny
   shall continue for four and thirty years." This is a fine and true
   description of Herod the Great, and the notorious cruelties practised
   in his reign. The mistake concerning the length of the reigns of
   Herod's sons has been already noticed. "He shall beget sons, who shall
   reign a shorter time than their father; until a mighty king of the West
   shall come, and shall utterly defeat the people, lead some away into
   captivity, crucify others around the city, and burn part of the
   temple." The mention of the partial destruction of the temple by fire
   forbids us to see here an allusion to the final conquest of Titus, and
   compels us to look to another event for an explanation of the prophecy.
   That event is doubtless the defeat of the Jews by Varus, when, as
   Josephus narrates, [141] the porticoes or cloisters of the temple were
   burnt, the sacred treasures plundered, and two thousand of the
   insurrectionists were ruthlessly crucified.

   Up to this point the history has been tolerably clear; but now (chap.
   vii.) comes a passage which is most obscure, and has given rise to many
   interpretations and great controversies. [142] The seer is. evidently
   speaking with studied ambiguity, and as we do not know what he means by
   "the last times," nor by what intervals he divides them, it is
   impossible to arrive at any sure solution of the enigma here presented.
   He seems to have regarded the victory of Varus as a token of the
   subjection of Israel to the heathen yoke and the virtual overthrow of
   the theocracy. "Ex quo facto finientur tempora." "When this shall come
   to pass the times shall end. In a moment the course of years shall end,
   when the four hours come." The "four hours" may possibly be the "time,
   times and a half" of Dan. xii. 7, and the following paragraph probably
   defines more exactly the various stages of the epoch which culminated
   in the erection of the supremacy of Rome. More than this we are unable
   to affirm. Next we have a description of the Herodian princes under
   Roman rule, and the parties then prevalent: "among them shall reign
   pestilent and godless men, boasting themselves to be just, [143]
   zealous indeed, but crafty, self-pleasers, hypocrites. These are
   gluttonous and wine-bibbers; they devour, the substance of the poor,
   saying that they do it for pity's sake; their language is: Let us eat
   and drink luxuriously as princes. Their hands work iniquity, and their
   tongue speaketh proud things: Touch me not lest thou defile me." [144]
   One cannot help seeing here a reference to the Herodians, and, in the
   latter part, to "the scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites," who were so
   sternly denounced by our Lord in St. Matt. xxiii. The first portion of
   the description applies closely to the Sadducaic faction in Herod's
   half-pagan court, which really affected the doctrine of the Epicureans.
   Then falls upon them the punishment of their iniquity: "Lo, then shall
   come on them a wrath and a vengeance such as never before were seen. A
   mighty power shall be roused against them; those who confess
   circumcision shall be crucified, and they who deny it shall be tortured
   and imprisoned; their wives shall be given over to the heathen, and
   their children shall be made uncircumcised. Under pain of fire and
   sword they shall be compelled to carry the idols of their masters,
   [145] to offer on their altars, and to blaspheme the great name of
   God." The persecution here foreshadowed recalls, and is meant to
   recall, that under Antiochus Epiphanes [146] Is there any parallel to
   be found within the limits of the period to which we attribute the
   composition of the Assumption? Colani [147] boldly says there is not,
   and affirms that the only persecution which answers to the one
   mentioned in the text, is that which took place under Adrian as a
   punishment for the rebellion of Bar-Cocheba, A.D. 136. But for an
   author, writing the history of the Jews (be it in a predictive form),
   to omit all mention of the destruction of Jerusalem under Titus, and to
   leap at once to the calamities which were consummated by the erection
   of Ælia Capitolina, is a proceeding so very improbable, that we cannot
   admit it for a moment. The other alternative (if it be granted Adrian's
   persecution is meant) would be to endow Pseudo-Moses with the true
   spirit of prophecy, or at least to allow that he has made a most happy
   guess at the future which subsequent events fully justifed. Of course,
   Colani and those who hold his opinion would say that the book was
   written after A.D. 136; but I have already given reasons for assigning
   it to a much earlier date, nor does this part of the "prophecy" alter
   this decision. Evidently the writer wished to announce in striking
   terms the chastisement which he saw coming upon his nation from heathen
   Rome. How could he better herald this than by recalling to mind the
   awful cruelties of Epiphanes, and using his acts as a type of the
   hostility of godless tyrants assailing the fallen Israel? What those
   cruelties were, and how in many particulars they answered to the
   description in our text, may be seen in the beginning of the First Book
   of Maccabees. That, as a fact, the atrocities of earlier days were
   repeated in after years, is only what might have been expected. Given
   similar victims, similar circumstances, similar perpetrators, the
   result was sure to be analogous also. Here, as elsewhere, history
   repeats itself, and we need seek no closer fulfilment of the
   prediction. By speaking, in the following paragraph, of "a second
   vengeance," the writer seems to desire to call to remembrance the
   persecution of Antiochus.

   We now come to the great crux of the whole book (chap. ix.), at a
   satisfactory solution of which no commentator has yet arrived. "In that
   day, at his command (illo dicente) a man shall arise from the tribe of
   Levi, whose name shall be Taxo. And he shall call his seven sons unto
   him, and thus address them: 'Behold, my sons, a second time has
   vengeance fallen upon this people, a cruel, foul punishment, and
   pitiless captivity. What nation or people has suffered for their
   iniquities as we have suffered? Ye see and know that we have never
   tempted God, [148] neither our fathers nor ancestors, so as to
   transgress His commandments. And herein lies our strength. Let us then
   do this: let us fast for three days; and on the fourth day let us go
   into a cave which is in the field, and rather die than break the
   commandments of our God. For if we do this and die, the Lord will
   avenge our blood.'" Now the question is, who is meant by "Taxo?" Is it
   a real name? Are we to take it as representing a certain numerical
   value, as the beast in the Revelation of St. John? And if so, is the
   name Greek, Latin, or Hebrew? Or is it a cypher, containing the same
   number of letters as the name intended? Into these and such like
   questions editors have entered at great length, with this conclusion,
   according to Fritzsche, with which I am forced to agree: "ut nemo adhuc
   inventus est, qui nomen satis probabiliter enuclearet, ita de ejus
   explicatione videtur desperandum." Among the various theories offered,
   that of Wieseler [149] seems in some respects reasonable. In his view
   the seer is again introducing details from Maccabæan history, such as
   occur in 1 Macc. ii. 29 ff. and 2 Macc. vi. 11 ff., or from the deeds
   of that Matthias who was the ringleader in the disturbances which took
   place on the rumour of the death of Herod, and who, according to
   Josephus (Antiq. xvii. 6; Bell. Jud. i. 33), made much the same speech
   as Taxo, before pulling down the Roman eagle on the temple gate, urging
   his followers to sacrifice their lives in defence of the honour of God.
   As for the word "Taxo," it is probably the Low-Latin word meaning "a
   badger," equivalent to the Hebrew ths, tachash, which is very similar
   to the German "Dachs," and has the same meaning; and it may be either a
   play on the badger skin which formed part of the covering of the
   tabernacle, or the appellation of the man who had to act the part of
   this animal by hiding in dens of the earth. [150] This man may be
   either Judas of Galilee, or some chief among the party of the Zealots,
   possibly the writer himself. Now the principal fact that militates
   against Taxo being Judas is the character of Judas himself. Though his
   followers saw in him the promised Messiah, he was by no means one who
   would have used the words attributed to Taxo. Non-resistance was not
   his policy. Certainly he taught that it was better to die than to break
   the law of God; but it was death with arms in their hands that he
   exhorted his followers to meet. His watchword, "We have no master but
   the Lord," led him to fight with earthly weapons, and the cruelties and
   excesses of his companions have stained the name of Zealots for all
   time.

   There is so much more matter interesting and important in this little
   work that we need not spend further time on the interpretation of
   "Taxo." Suffice it to say that Hilgenfeld affirms the original to have
   been txg' = 363, i.e. numerically Messiah. But it is inconceivable that
   Messiah should be represented as hiding in a cave and there awaiting
   death. Volkmar writes taxo, which he makes = 431, and deems that the
   person intended is Akiba, the comrade of Bar-Cocheba. Colani and
   Carrière pronounce that the translator has mistaken the original
   Aramæan word which meant "ordinance" [151] for a proper name, whereas
   the sentence really signifies, "there shall be a man of the tribe of
   Levi who shall promulgate an ordinance, or give an instruction"--the
   instruction being the address to the sons which follows, and the
   speaker being Rabbi Jehouda-ben-Baba, who, according to a Rabbinical
   tradition, acted somewhat in the manner of "Taxo" towards the end of
   the persecution of Adrian. [152] But the date of the Assumption renders
   this last theory utterly untenable. Perhaps, after all, the simplest
   solution is to regard the word as a corruption of the text.

   To proceed: "Then shall His (Jehovah's) kingdom be manifested in all
   His creation, and the devil (Zabulus) shall find his end, and with him
   all sorrow shall vanish away. [153] Then shall power be given [154] to
   the messenger who is set in the highest place, [155] who soon shall
   avenge them (Taxo and his comrades) of their enemies." This "messenger"
   seems to be the prophet like unto Moses of Deut. xviii. 15, 18; who
   himself is called "the great Messenger" in chap. xi. of our book. Nor
   can we be intended to see in this personage the Messiah. At the most,
   the expected One was an equal of Moses, superior to him neither in
   person nor in act. The same expectation of a faithful prophet prophetes
   pistos is found in 1 Macc. xiv. 41, where the epithet points to Moses,
   to whom it is specially applied. [156] The party among the Zealots, to
   which the writer belonged, looked for a heaven-sent Saviour and
   Deliverer to prepare the way for the visible reign of Jehovah; and when
   the multitude, who were miraculously fed by Christ (John vi.),
   exclaimed: "This is of a truth that prophet that should come into the
   world," they were expressing the vague expectation of the advent of a
   personage like unto Moses, possessed perhaps of some Messianic
   features, but not the Messiah Himself. We see the difference in the
   estimation in which our Lord was held by His contemporaries. "Some
   said," we are told (John vii. 40), "of a truth this is the prophet.
   Others said, This is the Christ." And although we know from Christ's
   own words [157] that Moses wrote of Him when he foretold the appearance
   of a prophet like unto himself, yet this was by no means the general
   view, and a distinction between Christ and this prophet was generally
   recognised. [158] In the following eloquent passage which speaks of
   final triumph, Jehovah Himself comes to the rescue of His oppressed
   people [159] "Then shall the Heavenly One arise from the seat of His
   kingdom, and come forth from His holy habitation, with wrath and
   indignation for His children's sake. And the earth shall tremble and
   quake to its utmost borders; and the lofty mountains shall be humbled
   and shaken, and the valleys shall sink. The sun shall give no light,
   and shall turn into darkness; the horns of the moon shall be broken,
   and she shall be turned into blood, and the circle of the stars shall
   be confounded. The sea shall retreat to the abyss, the springs of water
   shall fail, and the rivers shall be dried up; because the Most High,
   the Eternal, the only God, [160] shall arise and come manifestly to
   chastise the nations and to destroy their idols. Then shalt thou be
   happy, O Israel, and shalt mount on the necks and wings of the eagle,
   and thy days shall be fulfilled. [161] And God shall exalt thee that
   thou shalt cleave to the starry heaven, over the place of their
   habitation. [162] And thou shalt look from above and see thine enemies
   on earth, and shalt know them, and rejoice, and give thanks, and
   acknowledge thy Creator."

   The triumph over the heathen power of Rome, here, as in the Book of
   Esdras, represented under the symbol of the eagle (which had twelve
   feathered wings and three heads), is ascribed to the direct
   intervention of Jehovah, the signs that are to accompany His presence
   being adopted from the imagery of the Old Testament prophets. There is
   no hint of a conquering Messiah, a Son of David, who should restore the
   dominion of Israel, and reign a mighty King over an innumerable people.
   The Zealot could not contemplate the accession of any earthly monarch
   to the government of the chosen nation; his hopes centred in the
   restoration of the theocracy and the visible rule of Jehovah. It is
   with this grand expectation that he comforts the stricken hearts of his
   brethren. Then he proceeds to define the time of this epiphany.
   Addressing Joshua, he says: "Keep these words and this book; for," he
   continues, "from my death and assumption unto His appearing shall be
   two hundred and fifty times." At the commencement of the book, if the
   revised reading of editors may be trusted, the last year of Moses' life
   is said to correspond with the year 2500 A.M.; and, taking "the times"
   as weeks of years (250 x 7), we find that the great Parousia will occur
   in the year of the world 4250. This would be 45 A.D. according to the
   chronology of Josephus, as gathered from some portions of his writings;
   but no importance can be attached to this, as he is very inconsistent
   in his dates, and we have no reason to suppose that Pseudo-Moses
   followed the system of chronology used by that writer. Without
   attempting to solve the enigma of the number of years, I should be
   inclined to suppose that the seer had no definite date in his mind, and
   merely assigned this visible interposition of Jehovah to the distant
   future; using terms in his vaticination with which the prophets of old
   had made him familiar.

   But it is time now to turn to the second part of the Assumption. When
   Joshua heard the words of Moses, we are told, he rent his clothes, and
   fell upon his face, addressing his leader with words of grief and fear:
   "What a word is this that thou hast spoken, full of tears and sorrow!
   [163] Thou art leaving this thy people. What place will receive thee,
   and what will be the memorial of thy burial? Who will dare to transfer
   thy body hence as that of any other mortal man? Other men are buried in
   the earth; but thy grave is from the rising to the setting sun, from
   the south to the north; the whole world is thy sepulchre. And thou wilt
   depart; and who will nourish, thy people? Who will pity them and be
   their leader? And who will pray for them every day that I may bring
   them into the land of the Amorites? How shall I be able to lead them as
   a father guides his only son, or a mother her daughter now ripe for
   marriage? And how shall I give them food and water? For the people have
   so increased under thy prayers that they number now a hundred thousand
   men. The kings of the Amorites, when they hear that thou art departed,
   will war against us, thinking that there is no longer among us that
   sacred spirit (Moses) worthy of the Lord, manifold and inconceivable
   master of the word, faithful in all things, the Divine prophet
   throughout the world, the perfect teacher. And they will say: Let us
   attack them. [164] If our enemies have once sinned against their Lord,
   they have now no defender to pray for them to the Lord, as Moses was a
   mighty messenger, [165] who every hour, day and night, had his knees
   pressed to the earth, looking to the Almighty and praying Him to visit
   the world with mercy and justice, remembering the covenant of the
   fathers.' Yea, they will say, He is with them no more, let us drive
   them from the face of the earth.' And what shall become of this thy
   people, my lord Moses?"

   To this sorrowful appeal Moses answers with encouragement. He tells
   Joshua to fear nothing. All nations are in God's hands, who has
   predetermined all that happens, even to the least particular, and unto
   the end of time. "The Lord," he proceeds, "hath appointed me to pray
   for the people, and to make intercession for their sins. Not for my
   strength nor for my weakness hath this befallen me, but from His mercy
   and long-suffering. And I tell thee, Joshua, that it is not for the
   piety of this people that thou shalt destroy the nations. The vault of
   heaven and the foundations of the world were created and approved by
   God, [166] and are beneath the ring of His right hand. [167] They who
   keep the commandments of God shall be increased, and prosper in their
   way; but sinners and the disobedient shall have no part in the promised
   blessings, and shall be punished by the heathen with many torments. For
   it is not possible that He should destroy His people utterly. For God
   will come forth, who hath foreseen all things in every age, and His
   covenant is established, and with an oath, which" . . .

   Here the manuscript ends, some ten or twelve leaves being lost. The
   missing fragment doubtless contained the conclusion of Moses' address,
   and then told how Joshua departed to his appointed work, and how Moses
   took his Pisgah view of the promised land, died, was buried by the
   angels in spite of Satan's opposition, and received his
   "assumption"--his mortal body being laid to rest in the unknown valley,
   his immortal part being escorted by angel bands to heaven itself.

   It is unfortunate that the only quotations of, and references to, the
   Assumption which have reached us from antiquity contain sentences and
   statements not now extant, though there can be no reasonable doubt that
   they were portions of the original document. From our present fragments
   we can gather enough, however, to teach us the importance and utility
   of the work.

   Like many other apocalyptic productions, it is a combination of history
   and prophecy, partly a narrative of past events, partly an ideal view
   of the future. It is not so much an independent prophecy, wherein the
   seer, constrained by the overmastering spirit, pours forth, a stream of
   rebuke, warning, and prediction, as an exposition and development of
   hints given in the Pentateuch, and especially in Deuteronomy, so that
   Wieseler has termed it "a prophetical Midrasch." Written, as it must
   have been, in the first half of the first Christian century, it
   contains no trace of Christian ideas, or of any acquaintance with the
   pretensions, the life and death of Jesus. That in some respects our
   Blessed Saviour would have corresponded to the notion of the coming
   prophet entertained by some of the Zealots, is obvious. As claiming no
   earthly sovereignty, He would have suited the sentiments of those who
   would own no lord but Jehovah; but the moral triumphs to which His
   kingdom aspired, the bloodless victories of religion, would have been
   very far from answering their hopes or fulfilling the desires of their
   fiery hearts. The prophet whom they had taught themselves to expect was
   merely the precursor of the restored theocracy, when, under the visible
   chieftainship of Jehovah, the heathen should be destroyed as the doomed
   Canaanites perished, and Israel should rise victorious by earthly arms
   wielded under the direction and with the assured assistance of God
   Himself. At the same time it is interesting to remember that one at
   least of Christ's apostles was a Zealot, and learned to see in his
   Master "the Prophet" and the Messiah. Now this sect, as an offshoot of
   the Pharisees, though in some respects opposed to them, doubtless
   shared with them the belief in the resurrection of the dead; but there
   is no direct statement of this doctrine in the Assumption. Writing in
   the character of Moses, who has left no teaching on the subject in the
   Pentateuch, the seer would naturally avoid dogmatising on this matter;
   but he uses the phrase "being gathered to his fathers," which perhaps
   in his time carried with it the hope of the resurrection. There is,
   indeed, no trace of Christian doctrine throughout the work; it is
   distinctly narrow and national. The earth is made for the chosen
   people, whose strength lies in obedience to the law, and whose
   transgressions shall be punished by the hands of the heathen. But the
   Lord will never wholly destroy the Israelites for His oath's sake and
   the promise made to their forefathers. The seer never looks to the
   salvation of the heathen. They are raised up merely as instruments of
   chastisement for sinning Jews; and when this purpose is fulfilled, they
   shall themselves be judged and meet with the reward of their
   lawlessness and idolatry. He does, indeed, condescend to correct some
   of their prevalent errors concerning creation and religion, but this is
   done for the sake of his own people who might be led astray by the
   paganism of Herod's court. The selfish, narrow prejudice which so often
   appears in the Gospels, disdaining to hear of favours offered to
   non-Israelites, is found conspicuously in the Assumption. That side of
   the Messianic idea which promised light and grace to the Gentiles, was
   repugnant to the Zealot. His keen sense of injury at the hands of Rome
   blinded him to the possibility of the conversion and acceptance of
   those who were now aliens. Nor did he see the necessity of a Messiah
   such as we Christians receive. If we regard the description of Moses
   given above, we shall observe that the prophet usurps the place of
   Messiah; this "Divine" personage leaves no room for Christ; he is the
   mediator between God and the people, the appointed intercessor, and
   nothing higher or more heavenly is expected. The idea of the Son of God
   made man is wholly foreign to the seer's theology, and the only Messiah
   he looks for is "that prophet" who should herald the restoration of the
   theocracy. And that this "nuntius in summo constitutus" is not a Divine
   person, is shown by the very phrase used of him above: "his hands shall
   be filled." For this is an expression employed to designate the
   consecration of au earthly priest or prophet, and applies not to an
   angel or to Deity Incarnate. The hope of Pseudo-Moses is, as I have
   said, confined to the Parousia of Jehovah Himself displayed by some
   manifest sign as the Shekinah, when under His guidance Israel should
   overthrow her enemies. In believing that this appearance was to happen
   soon, the Zealot's view was much the same as that of the primitive
   Christians, who could say with firm confidence, "the coming of the Lord
   draweth nigh," and expect that He would in their day restore again the
   kingdom to Israel. That this hope was a great support in times of
   distress and persecution may well be imagined; and it was to give
   definiteness to this expectation and to enforce its lesson that our
   book was written.

   For showing the hopes and opinions of an influential party among the
   Jews at the beginning of the first Christian century few documents of
   greater interest than the Assumption of Moses have reached our times.
   And the particular point which the book illustrates, viz. that the
   expectation of a personal Messiah was not universal, is worthy of more
   study than it has received. [168]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [98] ' An attempt has been made to read 'Iesou instead of Mousios, and
   to refer the occurrence to Zech. iii. 2; but there is no authority
   whatever for such change of the text.

   [99] De Princ. iii. 2. 1: "In Genesi serpens Evam seduxisse
   describitur, de quo in Adscensione Mosis, cujys libelli meminit in
   Epistola sua Apostolus Judas, Michael archangelus cum Diabolo disputans
   de corpore Mosis,' ait a Diabolo inspiratum serpentem causam exstitisse
   prævaricationis Adæ et Evæ." Opp. i. 138. The title of the work is
   given as Assumtio Moysis, sometimes as Ascensio or Receptio M., both
   being translations of the Greek analepsis M., and this not in the sense
   of ascension of body and soul, as in the case of Christ, but with the
   meaning that while his body was buried his soul was conveyed by angels
   to heaven. Moses himself in one passage (Assumt. x. 14) speaks of
   sleeping with his fathers, and in another dates an event from his
   reception ("a receptione mea," x. 12). More indefinitely it is termed
   "Secreta M." (Didym.), and biblia apokrupha M. (Const. Apost.).

   [100] Comment. Act. Syn. Nic. ii. 18. (Mansi, Concil. ii. p. 844.) The
   passage in Heb. ix. 15 is translated in Cod. Claromont.: "et ideo novi
   testamenti arbiter est," where the Vulgate has "mediator."

   [101] Vit. Mos. iii. 19: ohia mesites kai diallaktes. Vol. ii. p. 160
   M.

   [102] Ego de eimi atmis apo kuthras. Lightfoot's references to Jas. iv.
   14 and Hos. xiii. 3 are not satisfactory.

   [103] Strom. vi. 15 (p. 806, Potter), cf. i. 23, 153.

   [104] In Libr. Jesu Nave, Hom, ii. 1: "Denique et in libello quodam,
   licet in canone non habeatur, mysterii tamen hujus figura describitur.
   Refertur enim quia duo Moses videbantur, unus vivus in spiritu, alias
   mortuus in corpore."

   [105] Augustin. Ep. 158 (ii. p. 426, Ben.): "Quamquam et in apocryphis
   et in secretis ipsius Moysi, quæ, scriptura caret auctoritate, tunc cum
   ascenderet in montem ut moreretur, vi corporis efficitur ut aliud esset
   quod terræ mandaretur, aliud quod angelo comitanti sociaretur."

   [106] Caten. in Pent. ap. Fabric. Cod. Pseud. ep. V. T. ii. p. 121.

   [107] In Ep. Jud. p. 340.

   [108] Caten. in Ep. Cath. ed. Cramer, Oxon. 1840.

   [109] Hæres. ix. p. 28.

   [110] In Ep. Jud. enarrat. (vi. p. 326, Galland. B. Patr.): "Licet
   adversarii hujus contemplationis præscribunt præsenti epistolæ et
   Moyseos Assumtioni propter eum locum ubi significatur verbum archangeli
   de corpore Moysis ad angelum (al. diabolum) factum."

   [111] Catal. Script. Ecclesiast.

   [112] Niceph. Catena, i. 1313, Lips. 1772.

   [113] Comm. Act. Conc. Nic. ii. 20: en biblo Analepseos Moseos Michael
   ho archangelos dialegomenos to diabolo legei; apo gar pneumatos hagiou
   autou pantes ektisdemen. kai palin legei; apo prosopou tou Theou exelde
   to pneuma autou, kai ho kosmos egeneto. To this the philosopher
   answers: Peri de tes rhetheises Analepseos Mouseos, peri hes artios
   eirekati, oude akekoapote ei me nun, hotheu aito humas saphesteran moi
   ton lechdenton parastesai ten euetasin. Mansi, Concil. ii. 857. These
   and other passages from ancient writers are cited by Volkmar,
   Hilgenfeld, and Fritzsche in their editions of the book.

   [114] C. xviii. p. 28.

   [115] Biblia apokoupha Mouseos.

   [116] Volkmar, Mose Prophetie u. Himmelfahrt, p. 10.

   [117] Monumenta Sacra, tom. I. Fasc. i., Mediol. 1861.

   [118] Ciceronis Orationes, Stutg. et Tübing. 1824.

   [119] Ep. 1203, vol. iii. p. 1420.

   [120] In his Novum Testamentum extra Canon., Lips. 1866. Afterwards in
   Messias Judæurum, Lips. 1869; and in his Zeitschr. for 1868, etc.

   [121] Handbuch d. Einl. in d. Apokr. vol. iii., and separately under
   the title of Mose Prophetie und Himmelfahrt, Leipz. 1867.

   [122] Archiv. für wissensch. Erforsch. des A. T., Halle 1868.

   [123] Libri Apocryph. Vet. Test., Lips. 1871. He says in his preface:
   "Arduum sane et magni erat negotii hunc libellum mirum quantum
   corruptum emendare; feci tamen quod potui. Omnia virorum doctorum
   consilia, vel etiam commenta et opinionum monstra referre nihil
   attinuit." P. xxxiv.

   [124] Merx, Schmidt, and Colani assert strongly that the work was
   written originally in Aramaic, which they think will account for most
   of the obscurities of the Latin text. See Revue de Théologie, 3e. ser.
   vol. vi, p. 68.

   [125] Archelaus reigned only nine years, and was then banished by
   Augustus. The passage of the MS. above referred to is the following:
   "et . . . roducit natos . . . ecedentes sibi breviora tempora
   donarent." As treated by Fritzsche the passage reads: "et producet
   natos, qui succedentes sibi breviora tempora dominarent."

   [126] Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 10.

   [127] Some German writers have assigned a very late date to our book,
   and then have used this assumption as an argument for attributing the
   Epistle of St. Jude to post-apostolic times. See Volkmar, Mose
   Prophetie und Himmelfahrt.

   [128] See Wieseler's article in Jahrh. für deutsche Theol. xiii. 622
   ff., 1868. Of the contents of this article I have gladly made some use
   in my paper. See also Schürer, p. 79.

   [129] A great controversy has been raised over the words "profectionis
   fynicis." The latter word is explained by the best commentators to be
   the Greek phoinikes; but they differ in its interpretation, some
   contending that "the journey of Phoenicia" means the migration of
   Canaan, i.e. the Israelites into Egypt; others, with more reason,
   affirming that it signifies "the journey into Phoenicia;" i.e. the
   removal of Abraham to Canaan. Certainly Canaan is so called by Eusebius
   (Præp. Ev. ix. 17. 2): touton dia ta prostagmata tou Theou eis
   Phoiniken elthonta. Others, again, think that the fabulous bird Phoenix
   is meant, which is said to have reappeared A.D. 34, and to whose
   reappearance Moses' death and revival are compared. Wieseler makes this
   into an argument for attributing to our book a locality on the east of
   Jordan, as the Arabians used the Phoenix-period in their computation of
   dates.

   [130] I use generally Fritzsche's amended text as the most probable and
   most available form.

   [131] "Quos ordinabis et chedriabis"--i.e. kedroseis, "shall smear with
   oil of cedar." So kedroun is used by Diod. Sic. v. 29.

   [132] The MS. has a blank where the number ought to be; "V." is
   supplied from Josh. xiv. 10, and Joseph. Antiq. v. 1. 19. Wieseler
   thinks that the date 2500 A.M. was here repeated.

   [133] "Principibus et tyrannis." In calling them "tyranni" rather than
   "reges," the seer means to convey his disapproval of this invasion of
   the pure theocracy.

   [134] A similar notion is found in the Book of Enoch, chap. lxxxix. 73,
   where it is said, in reference to the same period, that "all the bread
   offered on the table was impure and defiled."

   [135] This is one of the many difficult passages in the work. The MS.
   gives "et x tribus crescent et devenient apud natos in tempore tribum."
   "Tribum" plainly ought to be "tribuum;" "apud natos" is = "ad natos,
   posteros;" and "the time of the tribes" must mean the era of the
   restoration of Israel. Very different explanations are offered by
   commentators; the above is substantially that of Fritzsche.

   [136] "Adpropiabunt tempora arguendi."

   [137] The seer seems here to acknowledge the legitimacy of worship of
   the second temple, which he before denied. This is, doubtless, because
   he considers the Jews as independent under the Maccabees. But this
   worship was marred by its ministers. "Non sacerdotes, sed servi de
   servis nati." Thus John Hyrcanus was taunted by the Pharisee Eleazar
   with being the son of a captive woman, and therefore disqualified for
   the priesthood (Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 10. 5).

   [138] MS.: "Et ideo implebitur colonia et fines habitationis eorum
   sceleribus." By "colonia," which is frequently used in the book, is
   probably meant Jerusalem, as though regarded as a settlement among the
   heathen Jebusites,--pseudo-Moses taking Joshua's point of view. See
   Josh. xv. 63; Judg. i. 8, 21. The MS. proceeds: "a domino qui faciunt
   erunt impii judices inerunt in campo judicare quomodo quisquæ uolet."
   The scribe himself has attempted to correct this unintelligible
   passage, but without success. Fritzsche reads: "a Domino qui deficiunt
   erunt impii judices, et erunt in campo judicare quomodo quisquæ volet."
   Wieseler: "a deo qui faciunt (those who are on God's side, the
   Pharisees), erunt impii judices in ea (colonia), a domino qui faciunt
   (the king's party, the Sadducees), erunt impii judices, hi erunt in
   campo, judicare, quomodo quisque volet."

   [139] "Tunc exurgent illis reges imperantes." This was a grievous
   reproach in the eyes of a Zealot.

   [140] The MS. has the unintelligible words: "Et locis ignotis singuli
   et corpora illorum ut nemo sciat ubi sint corpora illorum." For
   "singuli et," Fritzsche proposes "strangulabit;" Hilgenfeld "sepeliet."
   Cf. Joseph. Antiq. xv.10: "And many, carried off either openly or
   secretly into the castle, Hyrcania, were put to death."

   [141] Bell. Jud. ii. 3. 1 ff.; Antiq. xvii. 10. 1 ff.; ibid. 10.

   [142] As some readers may like to exercise their ingenuity upon this
   crucial passage, I give it as it stands in the MS., premising that the
   italics represent the probable letters, now too faint to be deciphered
   for certainty: "Ex quo facto finientur tempora momento . . . etur
   cursus a . . . horæ ·iiii· ueniant coguntur secun . . . ae . . . pos
   . . . initiis tribus ad exitus ·viiii propter initium tres septimæ
   secunda tria in tertia duæ h . . . ra . . . tæ." The various attempts
   to rectify the grammar and to supply the lacunæ in this paragraph may
   be seen in Fritzsche's note. He himself leaves it as hopeless. The
   following is Wieseler's version: "Ex quo facto finientur tempora,
   momento finietur cursus annorum. Horæ iiii venient; cogentur seculi
   septimæ (diræ?) postumæ in initiis tribus ad exitus viiii; propter
   initium tres septimæ, secunda trias, in tertia duæ horæ peractæ." "Then
   shall press on the nine last fearful weeks (year-weeks, as in Dan. ix.
   24) of the age with three beginnings unto the end; next to the
   beginning (the subjugation of Judea by Pompey) are three weeks, a
   second triad (of year-weeks), in the third triad are two hours
   accomplished." Pompey took Jerusalem A.U.C. 691; the nine weeks, or 63
   years, at the close of which the age shall come to an end, coincide
   with A.U.C. 754, which is a little after the time of the war of Varus.
   The insurrection of Judas, which the Jews dignified with this name,
   occurred A.U.C. 750, the date of our Saviour's birth. An explanation of
   this mysterious chronology may be seen in Wieseler's article; but it is
   all guess-work, and more curious than profitable.

   [143] MS.: "docentes (? dicentes) se esse justos." Some commentators
   see here a reference to the Sadducees and a play on their name,
   Tsedhûkîm, the Righteous, as they are called in the Mishna.

   [144] Comp. Mark vii. 1 ff. It is noteworthy that a contemporary of our
   Lord uses very similar terms to those which He employed in censuring
   these professors of religion. The clause above: "They devour the
   substance of the poor," etc., is in the MS.: ". . . rum bonorum com e
   stores dicentes se hæc facere propter misericordiam." Editors make
   . . . rum stand for "pauperum;" it might equally well represent
   "viduarum," and then the likeness to the clause in Matt. xxiii. 14
   would be very remarkable. In both passages the hypocrites are
   represented as teaching people to spend their substance upon them as
   putting it to a holy use.

   [145] "Cogentur palam bajulare idola eorum inquinata." Comp. Bar. vi.
   4, 26.

   [146] Comp. 1 Macc. i. 22 ff., 43 ff.

   [147] Revue de Théol. p. 75. See also Volkmar, pp. 58 ff.

   [148] The MS. gives: "quia nunquam temptans deum nec patres," etc.
   Fritzsche corrects, "temptavimus;" Volkmar, temptantes;" Colani retains
   "temptans," referring, according to his interpretation, to Rabbi
   Jehouda-ben-Baba.

   [149] Jahrb. 1868, p. 629.

   [150] Comp. 2 Macc. x. 6: "They wandered in the mountains and in dens
   like beasts." Heb. xi. 38.

   [151] mks', found in Chaldee and Syriac in the sense of the Greek Word
   taxis.

   [152] See Revue de Théol. pp. 80 ff.

   [153] Comp. Isa. xxv. 8, xxvi. 21. The word Zabulus is merely another
   form of Diabolus, found in African Latin, di being pronounced as z, and
   o changed into u. See Rönsch's article in Hilgenfeld's Zeitschr. 1868,
   p. 100. The word is found in Cyprian and Lactantius.

   [154] "Implebuntur manus," a translation of the Hebrew phrase for
   consecrating or appointing to an office. Comp. Ex. xxviii. 41; 1 Kings
   xiii. 33.

   [155] "Nuntii qui est in summo constitutus."

   [156] See Num. xii. 7; and in the New Testament, Heb. iii. 2, 5.

   [157] St. John v. 46; comp. i. 45 and Acts xxvi. 22.

   [158] See John i. 21, where, noting the use of the definite article, ho
   prophetes, Theophylact mentions the error of the Jews in ignoring the
   identity between the prophet and the Messiah. See Acts iii. 22.

   [159] Merx and Schmidt see in this portion of the Assumption an Essenic
   psalm. It certainly runs easily into a strophic arrangement. But the
   writer was not an Essene, for in that case, as Schürer has pointed out,
   he would not have jeered (as he does in chap. vii.) at the Pharisaical
   purifications (Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 10).

   [160] "Summus Deus, eternus, solus." There are passages parallel to
   this prophecy in 2 Esdr. (e.g. vi. 24), in the Book of Enoch (i. 6,
   xci. 9), and in the Psalms of Solom. xviii. 4. Comp. Joel ii. 10, 31,
   iii. 15.

   [161] "Et ascendes supra cervices et alas aquilæ, et implebuntur" (dies
   tui). The last words are a conjecture of Fritzsche. There is evidently
   something omitted in the MS. With this reference to the eagle we may
   compare 2 Esdr. xi., xii.; but there is no need, with Volkmar, to
   conclude that Pseudo-Moses borrowed the symbol from Esdras. The profane
   introduction of the Roman eagle into the temple led to the insurrection
   repressed by Varus; and the symbol would be naturally used by any
   writer of the period. Joseph. Antiq. xvii. 6.

   [162] "Et faciet to hærere coelo stellarum, loco habitationis eorum."
   If "eorum" is correct, it must refer to the heathen who are to suffer
   chastisement, and the place of their dwelling must be Rome. The idea is
   that the Israelites shall see and exult in the overthrow of their pagan
   enemies. Comp. Isa. lxvi. 14, 24.

   [163] "Quæ est plena lacrimis et gemitibus." Eurip. Hec. 230: pleres
   stenagmon, oude dakruon kenos. The first words of Joshua's speech are:
   "Quid me celares, Domine Moyse? et quo genere celabo de quo locutus es
   voce acerba?" Volkmar and Wieseler read "zelares" and "zelabor" for
   "celares" and "celabo;" and the latter sees a reference here to the
   party of Zealots to which the seer belonged.

   [164] This is an important passage, showing the regard in which Moses
   was held. "Sed et reges Amorreorum cum audierint expugnare nos,
   credentes jam non esse semet (secus, Fr.) sacrum spiritum dignum
   Domino, multiplicem et incomprehensibilem, dominum verbi, fidelem in
   omnia, divinum per orbem profetem, consummatum in sæculo doctorem jam
   non esse in eis, dicent eamus ad eos." Chap. xi. Comp. Deut. xxxiv. 10
   ff.

   [165] "Magnus nuntius," as we have seen above, "the prophet like unto
   Moses" called "nuntius qui est in summo constitutus."

   [166] Gen. i. 31.

   [167] MS.: "Sub nullo dexteræ illius sunt." This has been rightly
   restored by editors to "sub annulo," etc. Comp. Hag. ii. 23.

   [168] The same view is found in another Pseudepigraphic work, the Book
   of Jubilees.
     __________________________________________________________________

  THE APOCALYPSE OF BARUCH.

   In addition to the Book of Baruch, a translation of which is contained
   in the Apocrypha of our English Bibles, there had from old time been
   known to exist a certain document in the Syrian language, called "The
   Epistle of Baruch the scribe to the nine-and-a-half tribes beyond the
   Euphrates." [169] This had been published in the London and Paris
   Polyglots in Syriac and Latin, in Latin alone by Fabricius in his Codex
   Pseudepigr. Vet. Test., and in English by G. Whiston in his Authentic
   Records. Later, a French rendering was given by Migne in the
   Dictionnaire des Apocryphes, and Lagarde put forth again the Syriac
   version in his Syriac edition of the Old Testament Apocrypha. Many
   questions resulted from the publication of this document. Was it a
   complete work or a fragment of some larger treatise? What was its
   connection, if any, with the usually-received apocryphal work of
   Baruch? What was its original language? Who and of what country was its
   author? Jew or Christian? And when was the letter written? These
   inquiries greatly exercised the minds of scholars abroad, and the
   theories evoked by the discussion show a wide divergence of opinion.
   [170] But many of these questions were answered by the discovery in
   1866 of a Syriac version of the Apocalypse of Baruch, of which this
   Epistle formed the concluding portion. This interesting work was
   brought to light by the industry of A. N. Ceriani, the learned
   librarian at Milan, to whom we are indebted for the disinterment of
   that long-lost book, the Assumption of Moses. In a MS. of the sixth
   century, Ceriani found a complete copy of the Apocalypse, which he
   published first in a Latin translation, and then in the original
   Syriac, both in ordinary type, and later (1883) in a photo-lithographed
   facsimile. This Latin version has been reprinted by Fritzsche, with a
   few emendations, and is commonly regarded as equivalent to the genuine
   copy. [171]

   Before discussing the contents of the book, a few words must be
   prefixed on the subject of the author and matters connected therewith.

   The earliest quotation of the book occurs in a lost work of Papias, the
   disciple of St. John, cited by Irenaeus (Adv. Hæres. v. 33. 3). Herein
   it is asserted that in Messiah's days the vine shall have a thousand
   branches, and each branch shall produce a thousand bunches, and each
   bunch shall have a thousand grapes, and each grape shall make a cor of
   wine. Before it was known whence this legend was derived, neologian
   critics, assuming it to have Christ as its author, found in it a
   subject of ridicule and offence. It is now shown to occur in the
   Apocalypse of Baruch, chap. xxix. That the saying was attributed to
   Christ is easily accounted for. Papias wrote his lost work between 120
   and 130 A.D., by which time our book must have become well known among
   Christians. The mention of Messiah occurs just before the legend; and
   doubtless persons remembered the story of the vine in connection with
   the Messiah, and at last quoted it as spoken by Christ Himself. [172]
   Whether the Apocalypse is referred to in any of the catalogues of
   sacred books may reasonably be doubted. The term "Baruch," in
   Pseudo-Athanasius' Synopsis, and in the Stichometria of Nicephorus,
   belongs probably to the book so called in the Septuagint version. There
   are also other apocryphal books bearing this name, some of Gnostic,
   some of Christian origin, and it is possible that they were known to
   the writers of the catalogues. But a portion of the work from early
   times formed an integral part of the Syriac Bible, and to this day is
   used among the Jacobites in their funeral service. [173] Its real date,
   however, can only approximately be determined. Of course, the writer
   merely assumes the person of Baruch, the son of Neriah, for literary
   purposes, not with any idea of imposing upon the credulity of his
   hearers. He announces at the commencement that the word of the Lord
   came to him in the twenty-fifth year of Jechoniah, king of Judah. This
   at once places the revelation in an unhistorical region; for Jechoniah
   lived eleven years before the destruction of Jerusalem, reigned only
   three months, and then was carried captive to Babylon. And the
   departure from historical fact is continued in chap. vi., where it is
   said that on the next day after this revelation was made the city was
   taken by the Chaldaeans. The clue to this apparent mistake is to be
   found in the nature of the treatise. It is an Apocalypse, and in it
   real events are introduced with the special purpose of foreshadowing or
   delineating other circumstances. Now this first destruction of
   Jerusalem adumbrated its final destruction under Titus, and we cannot
   doubt that the seer is referring to this latter calamity under the
   figure of the first. If he means that the vision came to him
   twenty-five years after the Chaldaean invasion, he intends to affirm
   that he received the revelation so long after the ruin of the holy
   city, that is, about 95 A.D. Or the twenty-five years may be dated from
   the captivity of Jechoniah, which was some eleven years earlier, a mode
   of reckoning used by Ezekiel (e.g. chap. xxix. 17, xxx. 20, xxxi. 1)
   and the exiles in Chaldeea. This would make the date of our book to be
   about 84 A.D. That it was composed in early Christian times may be
   gathered from certain passages which bear evident marks of being no
   late interpolations, but portions of the original work. Omitting for
   the present those which contain Messianic teaching, we will quote a few
   which betray a Christian spirit or some acquaintance with the
   literature of the New Testament. [174] Chap. x. 13, 14: "Ye
   bridegrooms, enter not into your chambers; ye women, pray not that ye
   array bear children; for the barren shall rejoice, and they that have
   not sons shall be glad, and they that have sons shall be sorrowful"
   (comp. Matt. xxiv. 19; Luke xxiii. 29). Chap. xxi. 13: "If this were
   the only life which men have, nothing could be more miserable" (1 Cor.
   xv. 19). Chap. xxiv. 1: "Lo the days come, and the books shall be
   opened, in which are written the sins of those who have sinned, and the
   treasure-houses shall be disclosed in which is gathered the
   righteousness of those who were justified on earth" (Rev. xx. 12).
   Chap. xlviii. 34: "There shall be rumours many and messengers not a
   few; and mighty works shall be shown, and promises made of which some
   shall be vain and some shall be confirmed" (Matt. xxiv. 24-26). Chap.
   xx. 1, 2: "The days shall come when the times shall hasten more than of
   old, and the hours shall speed on quicker than before, and the years
   shall pass away more rapidly than now. For this I have sustained Zion,
   that I might rather hasten and visit the world in her time" ("For the
   elect's sake those days shall be shortened," Matt. xxiv. 22). Chap.
   liv. 10: "Blessed is my mother among them that bear children, praised
   shall she be among women" (Luke i. 42, xi. 27). "For what gain have men
   lost their life, and what have they who were once on earth given in
   exchange for their soul" (chap. 1.). This is remarkably similar to
   Matt. xvi. 25, 26, especially as in both passages the pleasures of this
   life are contrasted with the joys of heaven. The many parallelisms
   between our book and the Revelation of St. John make it almost. a
   certainty that the seer was acquainted with the latter work. [175] Thus
   it is said, chaps. xx., xlviii., that the end of the times draws near
   (Rev. i. 1, 3, xxii. 7); chaps. xxi., lix., that spirits stand before
   the throne of God like burning lamps (Rev. i. 4, iv. 5); chaps. ii.,
   xiv., that the righteous intercede for sinners before God (Rev. v. 8,
   viii. 3); chap. xlviii., evil spirits and those who are inspired by
   them shall work miracles (Rev. xiii. 13, xvi. 14); chap. xxix., the
   hidden manna shall be given as a reward to the righteous (Rev. ii. 17).
   Chaps. lxxvii., lxxxvii., an eagle is sent to make a solemn
   announcement (Rev. viii. 13 aetou); chap. xxviii., the number three and
   a half is used in mystic computation of time (Rev. iii. 9, etc.); chap.
   iv., the sacred city Jerusalem is taken up to heaven, which St. John
   sees descending (Rev. iii. 12, xxi. 2). Then there are many expressions
   which have a Christian sound, as Faith, Faithful, Those who believe,
   The written law, Future judgment, Promise of the life to come, The new
   world, The mouth of hell, The place of hope, Saved in his works (Jas.
   ii. 14). These and suchlike terms do not necessarily imply that the
   writer was a Christian, which notion his views concerning the Messiah
   decidedly nullify; but they show that he was conversant with Christian
   ideas, and had some acquaintance with the new literature which had
   sprung up under the gospel. It is supposed that the book was written
   before the Second Book of Esdras (as it is called in our Bibles). That
   in many points the two works have a remarkable affinity cannot be
   disputed. The only doubt is, which of the two is prior to the other.
   Many critics have decided that Baruch borrowed from Ezra; but their
   arguments are very weak, and Schiirer has given reasons for deciding
   the other way, and assigning priority, of composition to our book.
   According to him, Esdras is of a much more finished character, and
   shows greater maturity of thought and more lucidity of style--points
   which intimate a later origin. But the point must be left undecided.

   Why the writer has assumed the name of Baruch is not difficult to
   imagine. The fame of one so well known, and associated with the great
   prophet Jeremiah, would add an authority to a work which no other
   personality would have offered. Since, too, as must be allowed, the
   book has a close and remarkable analogy with what we call the Second
   Book of Esdras, [176] another reason may be found for the appropriation
   of the name Baruch. We need not, with Ewald, hold that the two works
   are the production of the same author (as indeed there are some facts
   which militate against this view); or that the Book of Baruch was
   intended to correct some erroneous opinions of Esdras concerning
   original sin; but let us suppose that the Second Esdras was well known
   to our writer. Not wishing to repeat the personification of his
   predecessor, and yet desirous of giving his composition an
   authorization not inferior, he fixed on the follower of Jeremiah as the
   recipient of the Revelation which he purposed to publish. Whether in
   this he was consciously treading in the steps of the composer of the
   apocryphal Book of Baruch is a matter of doubt. Kneucker identifies the
   two. His view is, that, whereas in chap. lxxvii. the seer was to write
   two letters, one to the nine-and-a-half tribes to be conveyed by an
   eagle, and one to the brethren in Babylon to be taken thither by three
   men, and only the former of these is forthcoming in the Apocalypse, the
   other is the "Baruch" of the Septuagint. This is described in the
   Syriac MS. as "the Second Epistle of Baruch the Scribe," the first
   being that to the nine-and-a-half tribes. Opposed to this conjecture is
   the fact, that the Book or Epistle of Baruch, according to the Received
   text, is sent from Babylon to Jerusalem, not from Jerusalem to Babylon,
   and is generally allowed to be of a much earlier date than the
   Apocalypse, and of Hebrew origin. The Syriac inscription is probably an
   unauthorised interpolation intended to show a connection between the
   two treatises, but warranted neither by internal nor external evidence.
   That the work was written originally in Greek is evident from an
   examination of the Syriac version, wherein are found actual Greek words
   transliterated, as well as what were evidently paronomasias in the
   original, but which have lost their force in translation. [177] Besides
   this, the superscription in the Syriac MS. expressly notifies that the
   work is a translation from the Greek; and there is some evidence of the
   use of the Septuagint in the references to the Old Testament, as where
   Baruch is said to have received a revelation under the oak near Hebron
   (chaps. vi., xlvii.; lxxvii.), which idea is probably derived from Gen.
   xiii. 18: para ten drun ten Mambre, he hen en Chebrom. It is certain,
   too, that the author's locality is Jerusalem. "Your brethren," he says,
   chap. lxxx., "are carried captive to Babylon, we, a poor remnant, are
   left here." Only in Palestine or Alexandria could such a book have been
   composed in the Greek language. But there is no trace of
   Judo-Alexandrian philosophy (such as meets us in Philo's writings and
   the Book of Wisdom) to be found in the Apocalypse. Like Ecclesiasticus,
   it takes its stand on the plain dogmatic teaching of the Scriptures and
   the traditions concerning Messiah then extant. To none but Palestinian
   Jews, who had seen their holy city destroyed, could this prophecy,
   which promised restoration and prosperity to their ruined capital, have
   been addressed. This point being settled, we may fix the date at about
   A.D. 90. We have noticed above an argument for this date from the
   author's own statement concerning the time that the revelation was made
   unto him. Another may be drawn from Papias' reference to the book. The
   lost work of this Father was written about A.D. 120-130. Now he quotes
   this Apocalypse as well known to his readers. Such an acquaintance
   could hardly have been obtained under thirty years or more. This lands
   us again at the same period. So does. the inference (if legitimate)
   that it was written after St. Matthew's Gospel and the Revelation of
   St. John. Nor could it have been composed after the total overthrow of
   Jerusalem by Adrian (A.D. 135). The destruction of the city by
   Nebuchadnezzar and by Titus is mentioned, but no hint of a third and
   more effectual demolition is given. On the contrary, restoration is
   promised after the second ruin, and the people, groaning under this
   calamity, are comforted with the thought of speedy and most complete
   re-establishment. This will place the writing between A.D. 70 and A.D.
   135, and help to confirm our previous conclusion.

   The book is divided into two unequal parts, the first (chaps.
   i.-lxxvii.) containing the historical points and the revelation of past
   and future, the second being the letter to the nine-and-a-half tribes.
   The former is sent to Babylon, which we. must consider to mean Rome;
   the latter, to the Jews dispersed in the Parthian kingdom; "across the
   river," as it is expressed, the Euphrates being the boundary line
   dividing the Eastern empire of the Parthians from the Western empire of
   the Romans. This distinction between the two great members of the
   dispersion is found in many other documents of this time, most of
   which, however, were written with reference to Rome. [178] The entire
   demolition of ancient Jerusalem, with all its calamitous consequences,
   under Adrian led to the loss of much of the literature of the period,
   the preservation of any portion being probably due to the care of
   Christians. These carried with them in their wanderings the books which
   have come down to us or were known to the early Fathers. The letter at
   the end of the Apocalypse, as being addressed to the Eastern Jews, was
   soon separated from the other part, and translated into Syriac and
   widely circulated; while the other section, comprising three-fourths of
   the whole, was so completely lost that it soon existed only in a Syriac
   version, which, as has been mentioned, itself remained unknown until
   quite recently.

   In these and such like apocalyptic writings there is a certain
   similarity which greatly conduces to their correct interpretation.
   Under the general design of comforting his countrymen in times of
   trouble and defeat with the hope of the speedy appearance of the
   Messiah, the seer composes a prophecy which shall embrace the past, the
   present, and the future. He represents himself as receiving direct
   communication from God, and enjoined to make known the revelation to
   men. Placing himself in the distant past, he gives a summary of the
   history of his people up to the present time, touches lightly on the
   events that pass before his own eyes, and then in figure and type
   shadows forth a glorious future which shall abundantly compensate the
   distress and humiliation now prevalent. This is very nearly an outline
   of the Apocalypse of Baruch. The first portion, comprising chaps.
   i.-lxxvii., is divided into seven sections, the close of each section
   being usually marked by a fast of seven days. [179] First Section: In
   the twenty-fifth year of Jechoniah, king of Judah, it was revealed to
   Baruch that Jerusalem and her people should be destroyed, and the
   inhabitants of the land should be carried away captive. Upon his asking
   whether the end of the world should come then, he is told that the
   prophecies which spoke of the everlasting covenant referred to a new
   world and a new Jerusalem which should be eternal. On the next day the
   Chaldaeans took the city; but first, that the enemy might not be able
   to vaunt their power, the angels destroy the walls, and hide in the
   earth the precious things of the temple. Zedekiah, the king, is taken
   captive to Babylon, while Baruch and Jeremiah are left in Jerusalem,
   and weep and fast seven days (i.-ix.). Then Jeremiah, by Divine
   command, is sent to Babylon; but Baruch stays amid the ruins of the
   city to receive a revelation, which comes to him after another seven
   days' fast (x.-xii.). [180] Second Section: As he stands on Mount Zion,
   a voice falls from heaven, telling him that his people are chastised in
   mercy in order to lead them to repentance: he complains that good men
   are no better off than sinners and the heathen, though this world was
   made for God's people; [181] and the Lord answers, that this life is
   short and full of trouble, but the life to come shall set right all
   present anomalies. And he bids Baruch prepare himself for a new
   revelation (xiii.-xx.). Third Section: At the end of seven days the
   seer comes to the appointed place, and asks impatiently to know the
   meaning and the issue of God's dealings with men. He is told that he is
   ignorant, but is comforted with the hope that the end is near, when
   good and evil shall meet their reward; and the signs that shall precede
   this final time are enumerated under twelve divisions, concluding with
   the days of Messiah and His two advents--the first to establish an
   earthly kingdom; the second to manifest His eternal reign, when He
   shall raise up those who have slept in hope, and reward them with
   heavenly glory. To the question as to the extent of the tribulation
   which shall precede this time, the seer is told that it will affect the
   whole earth. Then Baruch summons a meeting of the elders, and announces
   to them that Zion shall be destroyed, but shall be rebuilt again; yet
   again it shall be ruined, and for the last tine restored gloriously so
   as to last for ever (xxi.-xxxiv.). Fourth Section: Then the prophet, as
   he sleeps amid the ruins of the Holy Place, sees in a vision on one
   side a mighty forest girt by mountains, and on the other a vine, from
   whose roots issued a placid streamlet. Anon this streamlet became a
   great river, and it overthrew the mountain, and tore up the forest,
   leaving of it nothing but one cedar, which also at length it destroyed.
   And the vine and the stream exulted over the fallen cedar, and the vine
   grew more and more, and all the plain was filled with flowers that fade
   not. The seer is, told that hereby is signified the fate of four
   kingdoms which have afflicted Zion, the last of which, the most
   powerful and most evil of them all, is to perish before the arms of
   Messiah. "Then shall be revealed the chieftainship of my Messiah, who
   is like a spring and a vine, and He on His appearing will annihilate
   that congregation. And that cedar which thou rawest is the last prince
   (dux ultimus) who is left alive. He shall be brought in chains before
   Messiah on Mount Zion, and there be put to death" (xxxv.-xlvi.). Fifth
   Section: After another seven days' fast Baruch tells the people of his
   approaching departure, and urges them to continue faithful to the law,
   explaining to them the retribution of the world to come. Another seven
   days' fast intervenes, and then Baruch, in answer to his prayer, is
   told of the tribulations that are to come upon the earth, and of the
   manner of the resurrection both of the evil and the good, and their
   punishment and reward (xlvii.-lii.). Sixth Section: After this, he sees
   a vision of alternate dark and bright waters, which is explained as a
   record of Israel's history from Adam to Messiah (xlviii.-lxxi.). The
   glories of Messiah's eternal kingdom are then unfolded. Baruch is
   informed. that shortly he will be taken from earth, though not by death
   (liii.-lxxvi.). [182] Seventh Section: He again announces his departure
   to his friends, prays for their welfare, and on the twenty-first day of
   the eighth month writes two letters, one to the exiles in Babylon,
   which he sends by the hands of men, and one to the nine-and-a-half
   tribes beyond the river, which he entrusts to an eagle. The latter
   Epistle is given in full, and concludes the book. In it he comforts his
   distant brethren under their trials with the remembrance that God has
   not cast off His love for them, but is only temporarily chastening them
   for their disobedience. Nebuchadnezzar indeed has been permitted to
   afflict them grievously, but it was the Lord who destroyed the forts
   and walls; and He also hid the sacred vessels that the heathen should
   not rejoice over them. All shall be changed ere long; the day is soon
   coming when the Gentiles shall be punished for their iniquity, and
   Israel shall be rewarded; only let them prepare for the life to come by
   virtue and obedience, and all shall be well with them
   (lxxvii.-lxxxvii.). The other Epistle is not given, and some, as I
   mentioned above, have considered the Septuagintal "Baruch" to be the
   missing document. But as this theory is inadmissible; we must deem
   either that the writing is wholly lost, or that the two Epistles were
   identical. There is nothing improbable in the latter supposition. Their
   tenor would naturally be similar, and it is difficult to see what more
   the seer could have said than he had already expressed in the extant
   letter. The conclusion of the book may have told how Baruch was taken
   from the earth, after he had seen in a vision all the regions of the
   world, as it had been promised him.

   Such being a general view of the contents of the Apocalypse, we can now
   enter more particularly into some of the matters contained in it. And
   first, there are some puzzles connected with numbers which must be
   mentioned. Two such riddles confront us, a shorter and a longer. [183]
   The former concerns the end of the present world. This is to happen at
   the conclusion of "two parts weeks of seven weeks." [184] The seven
   weeks, which are probably derived from Dan. ix. 25, imply an interval
   of 49 years, which must be reckoned from the destruction of Jerusalem,
   A.D. 70. The expression "two parts" means two-thirds, as in Hebrew and
   Latin. Two-thirds of this period, say 33 years, would land us in the
   reign of Trajan (A.D. 98-117). In the chapter preceding this prophecy
   the seer foretells a course of twelve calamities, each more crushing
   than its predecessor, which should happen before the end. These may be
   well understood of events up to the death of Domitian (A.D. 96). But
   all this is pure speculation, and calculations founded hereon cannot be
   trusted. The longer riddle is on safer ground, being a history of past
   events in the form of prophecy (chaps. liii.-lxxiv.). The seer beholds
   a vast cloud rising from the sea, and discharging black and clear water
   alternately twelve times in succession. Under this image of dark and
   bright waters following each other in succession, the writer represents
   the history of man from Adam to the first destruction of Jerusalem. The
   alternation of light and shade, prosperity and adversity, reward and
   punishment, in human records, is compressed into twelve great periods,
   the character of which is marked by the changed appearance of the
   waters in the vision. "And it came to pass," says the seer, "that the
   cloud began to rain down upon the earth the waters with which it was
   charged. And I saw that the aspect of the waters was not one; for first
   they were black for a time, and then they became bright, but these were
   scanty; and afterwards I saw black waters a second time and then again
   bright; and this was done twelve times; but the black were always more
   abundant than the bright. Last of all, the cloud poured forth waters
   blacker than ever, and fire mingled with them. This fire was lightning,
   which gave shine to the whole earth, and healed the regions on which
   the dark waters had fallen. Then twelve streams arose from the sea, and
   subjected themselves to this lightning." Upon the seer praying for the
   interpretation of this mystery; the angel Ramiel is sent to explain it
   thus: "Whereas thou sawest first black waters descend upon the earth,
   this is the sin which Adam, the first man, sinned. For since by his
   transgression came into the world death, which was not in his time, and
   sorrow and pain, and labour, what could there be blacker than these
   things? Adam endangered his own soul and the souls of other men, so
   that all who lived on earth perished in the Flood. These are the first
   black waters. And whereas after these thou didst see bright waters,
   this denotes the advent of Abraham and his son and his sons' sons and
   those who are like unto them; because at that time, though there was no
   written law among them, yet the commandments were duly observed, and
   faith in the judgment to come arose, and the hope of a new world was
   then built up, and the promise of the life hereafter was planted in
   men's hearts. These are the first bright waters which thou sawest." And
   thus the angel expounds the signification of the vision unto the first
   destruction of Jerusalem and onwards to Messiah's time. Then we have
   the doings of subsequent sinful generations, especially the Egyptians,
   contrasted with Moses, Joshua, and the Sinaitic revelations; the works
   of the Amorites and magicians contrasted with the times of David and
   Solomon; the revolt of Jeroboam and the sins and punishments of his
   successors set against the piety of Hezekiah and his defeat of
   Sennacherib; the ungodliness of Manasseh against the integrity of
   Josiah. The eleventh downpour represents the tribulation in Baruch's
   own time; and the twelfth bright water adumbrates the restoration of
   Israel. The last dark water represents the tumult and tribulation which
   will come upon the earth before the final advent of Messiah. In this
   interpretation some points are noteworthy. There is a strange opinion
   about Manasses, king of Judah (chap. lxiv.). It is said that his
   impiety was so heinous that he was condemned to the penal fire.
   Ignoring the old tradition of his repentance and consequent acceptance
   with God (2 Chron. xxxiii. 12, 13, 19), of a belief in which the
   apocryphal "Prayer of Manasses" is an evidence, Pseudo-Baruch testifies
   that though his prayer was heard, he himself was lost. "When he was
   placed in the brazen horse," probably an image connected with the
   worship of Moloch, "the figure was melted with the ardent heat, and he
   perished therein, a sign of the end that awaited him. For he had not
   lived a perfect life, nor was he worthy; but by this sign he learned by
   whom he was to be tormented hereafter. For He who can reward is also
   able to punish." The legend found in the Apostolical Constitutions and
   elsewhere [185] gives a very different result. According to these
   authorities, at his prayer, the image fell to pieces, and he escaped
   unharmed, returned to Jerusalem, and lived afterwards piously and
   prosperously. The opinion of Manasses' damnation in spite of his prayer
   is, as far as we know, peculiar to Pseudo-Baruch. Concerning the angels
   who "kept not their first estate," our seer holds the notion that they
   fell by their commerce with the daughters of men. "Adam," he says,
   "imperilled not only his own soul but the angels also. For at the time
   when he was created they had full liberty, and some of them descended
   and had intercourse with women; and then they who thus offended were
   tormented in chains. But the rest of the host of angels, an innumerable
   company, kept themselves pure." This interpretation of Gen. vi. 4 is,
   in the main, one that is common enough in Jewish, and indeed in
   Christian, commentaries. But it has a special feature which
   differentiates it from other glosses. The writer seems to teach that,
   as the tree of knowledge was the trial of Adam's faith and constancy,
   so the beauty of mortal women was appointed to be the probation of
   angels; and that the difference between good and bad angels consisted
   in the continence of the one and the unchastity of the other. The
   "tormenting in chains" reminds us of 2 Pet. ii. 4 and Jude 6, and is
   confirmed by many expressions in the Book of Enoch. [186]

   There are some other peculiarities in this book which are interesting.
   The seer claims to have revelations made to him in two ways, by an
   angel, and by the voice of God. The angel he names Ramiel, "who
   presides over the visions of truth" (chap. lv.), and who tells him
   (chap. lxiii.) that he was the agent in the destruction of the host of
   Sennacherib in Hezekiah's reign. The name of this angel is not found
   elsewhere except in the Syriac version of 4 Esdr. iv. 36, v. 20, where
   the Latin has Jeremiel in most MSS., but in one (Turicensis) Huriel.
   Probably the name Ramiel is a corruption of Jeremiel, which word was
   formed from Jeremiah, who might well be called the prophet of truth,
   and give his name to the angel of the vision. The close connection
   between Baruch and Jeremiah makes this supposition very probable. In
   other passages of Esdras (iv. 1, v. 20; x. 28), Uriel is the heavenly
   messenger, which is in accordance with statements in the Book of Enoch
   (e.g. chaps. ix., xx., lxxiv.), where an angel of this name is often
   introduced. But it is very possible that the three names refer to the
   same heavenly being. Revelation by the direct voice of God seems to be
   an unusual claim on the part of Jewish apocalyptic writers. Inspiration
   by Bathkol, the daughter of the voice, indeed is asserted by the Rabbis
   up to the time of the composition of the Mishna; but this was never
   considered to be the voice of God Himself, but that of an angel, His
   agent or minister. Thus when the voice from heaven came to our Lord
   (John xii. 28), some of the people supposed that an angel spoke to Him;
   when God called to Moses from the bush, it was an angel who addressed
   him; and when the Law was uttered from Sinai, it was given "by the
   disposition of angels." [187] But Pseudo-Baruch especially
   distinguishes the heavenly voice from the revelation by the angel. "It
   came to pass after this," he says (chap. xxii.), "the heavens were
   opened, and I saw, and power was given unto me, and a voice from the
   highest was heard, and He said unto me." It is not till some time
   afterwards that Ramiel is said to interpret the vision of the waters.
   Langen supposes that the seer, being acquainted with St. Matthew's
   Gospel, took the hint of the narrative in chap. iii., and thus made the
   voice come immediately from God. I should think rather that the writer
   used the ambiguity of expression in the Old Testament to enhance the
   dignity of the revelation he was making. To do this he had no need to
   imitate St. Matthew's account.

   On the subject of original sin our seer is thought to oppose the more
   orthodox doctrine enunciated by Esdras. Both writers speak of the evil
   introduced into the world by Adam's sin, but they diverge when treating
   of its effects on his descendants. While Esdras teaches that Adam
   communicated an infected nature to his posterity, [188] Pseudo-Baruch
   sometimes affirms that the sin of Adam is transferred to others by
   imitation alone. "If," he says (chap. liv.), "Adam first sinned, and
   brought untimely death upon all men; yet also they who are born from
   him, each one of them hath prepared future torment for his own soul;
   and again, each one hath chosen future glory for himself. Adam was the
   cause of guilt to his own soul only; but we, each of us, are the Adam
   to our own souls." It is curious to trace here indications of that
   doctrine which, developed into Pelagianism, became the cause of serious
   controversy in the Christian Church. The received maxim among the Jews
   was that the whole world was comprised in Adam and sinned in his sin.
   The expression in Job xiv. 4 ("Who can bring a clean thing out of an
   unclean? not one"), whether we take it interrogatively or optatively,
   comes to the same thing, and intimates that the old belief obtained:
   "Behold, I was shapen in iniquity, and in sin did my mother conceive
   me" (Ps. li. 5).

   Let us turn now to the doctrine of the Messiah contained in our book.
   As we know that the apostles and early believers expected the second
   coming of Christ to happen shortly, so Pseudo-Baruch looks for the
   appearance of Messiah in the course of a few years. In their utter
   dejection and distress, seated amid the ruins of their beloved
   Jerusalem, the sorrowing Jews could find comfort in nothing but the
   hope of a speedy restoration under the leadership of Messiah. The
   actual time of this Parousia is concealed under a veil of symbolical
   words; but it is to be preceded by exceeding heavy calamities,
   confirming the saying "that man's extremity is God's opportunity." In
   his vision the seer beholds a kingdom (Rome), the power of which shall
   be greater and more evil than any before it; and it shall rule supreme
   for many ages and be highly exalted; in it truth shall not dwell, but
   all who are stained with crime shall find refuge therein, as evil
   beasts hide themselves in the forest. "And it shall come to pass when
   the time of its fall shall approach, then the dominion of Messiah shall
   be revealed, and He shall root up the multitude of that kingdom" (chap.
   xxxix.). But before that event, "the harvest of the good seed and the
   bad shall come, and the Almighty will bring upon the earth and its
   inhabitants and upon its rulers confusion of spirit and stupor of
   heart. And they shall hate one another and provoke one another to
   battle, and the base-born shall lord over those of high degree, and the
   mean shall be exalted above men of renown, and the many shall be
   delivered to the few, and those who were nothing shall rule the mighty,
   and the poor shall be more than the rich, and the wicked shall be
   raised above the heroic, and wise men shall hold their peace and fools
   shall speak: the thought of men shall then not be confirmed, nor the
   counsel of the Almighty, nor the hope of those that hope. And when what
   has been foretold shall come to pass, on all men shall come confusion,
   and some of them shall fall by the sword in battle, and some shall
   perish in great tribulation, and some shall be ensnared by their own
   friends. But the Most High shall reveal it to those nations whom He
   prepared before, and they shall come and fight with the leaders who
   shall then remain. And it shall come to pass that whosoever shall
   escape from the war shall die in the earthquake, and whosoever shall
   escape from the earthquake shall be consumed in the fire, and whosoever
   shall escape from the fire shall perish in the famine. And it shall
   come to pass that whosoever shall escape from all these evils, of the
   conquerors and of the conquered, shall be delivered into the hands of
   my servant Messiah. For the earth shall devour the inhabitants thereof"
   (chap. lxx.). Other signs are mentioned (chap. xlviii.), some of which,
   as we have seen above, have a striking similarity to those which our
   Lord foretold should usher in the last day. No safety shall anywhere be
   found except in the Holy Land, which "shall have pity on its own
   children and protect them in that day" (chap. lxxi.). And then shall
   Messiah begin to be revealed.

   In his idea of the reign of Messiah, Pseudo-Baruch takes a different
   line from Esdras and other apocalyptical writers. The common notion of
   a great Leader, who by a course of uninterrupted triumph should restore
   and enhance the glory of the depressed Israelites, does not satisfy his
   hopes. This is only one and a partial view of the effects of this
   Divine interference. The Messiah has a twofold kingdom, an earthly one
   which passes away; and a heavenly one which is everlasting. Such a
   question as that of the apostles (Acts i. 6): "Lord, wilt Thou at this
   time restore again the kingdom to Israel?" spoke only of temporal
   restitution and sovereignty, and would not have intimated the full hope
   that we see to have been conceived by our seer. Of a suffering Messiah
   he has no notion; nor does he give any trace of the later belief in two
   Messiahs, a Messiah ben David of whom were predicted glory and triumph,
   and a Messiah ben Joseph to whose lot fell all the foretold sufferings
   and woe. His Messiah is one only person viewed at different times and
   under a different aspect. First He comes as the great earthly
   conqueror, who was to emancipate the people from the dominion of Rome,
   punish their enemies, and restore the Jews to more than pristine glory.
   In this earthly kingdom all the Israelites who are then alive shall
   have their part; and while those who have oppressed them shall perish,
   they who have never known them or had connection with them, and they
   who have joined themselves unto their God as proselytes, shall be
   saved, being in subjection to the ancient people. This dominion shall
   be established in the Holy Land, when the last leader of the enemy is
   brought in chains to Zion, and is there condemned and executed by
   Messiah. The glories of this kingdom, in accordance more or less with
   ancient prophecy, are thus described (chap. lxxiii.): "It shall come to
   pass when He shall have humbled whatsoever is in the world, and sat
   down in peace for ever upon the throne of His kingdom, then shall He be
   revealed in happiness, and a great calm shall ensue. Health shall
   descend like dew, and sickness shall pass away, and care and distress
   and groaning shall no more be found among men; and joy shall pace
   through all the earth. No one shall die before he hath filled his days,
   no sudden calamity shall happen to any. Trials, accusations,
   contentions, revenge, bloodshed, avarice, envy, hatred, and all such
   things shall be utterly abolished. For these are the things which have
   filled this world with evil and vexed the life of men. Then the wild
   beasts shall come forth from the forests and minister unto men; and
   asps and snakes shall issue from their holes to become a little one's
   plaything. Women shall be delivered without pain. The reaper shall not
   be wearied, the builder shall feel no fatigue, for all works shall
   co-operate with the labourers in that time of peace." Like other
   apocalyptic writers, Pseudo-Baruch represents the happiness of
   Messiah's kingdom under the figure of a splendid banquet, in which
   mighty animals shall be served up as the food of the righteous guests.
   The Lord says to him, chap. xxix.: "Behemoth shall be brought to light
   from his place, and Leviathan shall ascend from the sea, two great
   creatures which I made on the fifth day of the creation, and have
   reserved unto this time; [189] and then they shall be for food for them
   that are left. The earth also shall give her fruits, ten thousand for
   one." Then comes the passage about the vine (quoted by Papias) given
   above. He proceeds: "Those who have hungered shall be gladdened, and
   they shall again see prodigies daily. For spirits [190] shall go forth
   from my presence every morning to bring the odour of aromatic fruits,
   and at the close of day clouds dropping the dew of health. And then
   shall fall a second time the treasure of manna, and they shall eat
   thereof in those years, since these are they which have come to the end
   of the time."

   Such is our seer's description of the earthly reign of Messiah. But we
   may note that in two points he differs from many of the writers of
   Apocalypses. First he takes a more liberal view of the Gentile world
   than his contemporaries. While others were content to believe that
   salvation was of the Jews, and belonged to them exclusively,
   Pseudo-Baruch admits certain of the Gentiles to share the glories of
   Messiah's kingdom. Proselytes from the heathen, and any that had taken
   no active part in oppressing Israel, or from their remoteness of
   position knew nothing of God's people, would be allowed to participate
   in the blessings of the Messianic reign, provided that they came in
   humbly as subjects of the heavenly Prince. It is interesting to observe
   an abatement of that jealousy which so frequently meets us in the
   Gospels, where an extension of God's favour to the Gentiles is
   reprobated by the Jews as an opinion profane and detestable. Our seer
   has lighted upon a great truth, though he knew not its full import, how
   that the Christ should be not only the glory of Israel, but, as the
   aged Simeon believed, a light to lighten the Gentiles, and to be for
   salvation unto the ends of the earth. [191]

   The other point in which our seer differs from many Hebrew writers is
   this: he allows a participation in Messiah's earthly kingdom to those
   Jews only who are alive at His appearing. The common opinion among the
   Jews was that the righteous dead should rise from the brave to inherit
   His glory: this was to be their privilege; they were to obtain part in
   the first resurrection which was quite distinct from the general
   resurrection at the day of judgment. Of this opinion Pseudo-Baruch
   makes no mention. "Messiah," he says, "shall protect the people who are
   found in the appointed place," i.e. Zion. [192]

   How long this earthly kingdom is supposed to last is nowhere distinctly
   stated. The seer speaks of the time of Messiah's appearance being
   fulfilled (chap. xxx.), before He returns again in glory, but he does
   not assign any definite period to His earthly sojourn. The notion of a
   reign of a thousand years, which is generally supposed to have
   originated in Judaism and to have passed from thence to Christianity,
   does not appear in our book. There is a passage in Esdras [193] which
   reckons the duration at four hundred years. This, is probably derived
   from the consideration that the period of affliction in Egypt was to be
   compensated by a similar period of refreshment and rest. But
   Pseudo-Baruch gives no confirmation to this opinion. Nor does he assert
   with Esdras [194] that Messiah shall die. He passes over this event in
   silence, and proceeds to picture His return in glory in the fulness of
   time. At His coming all men shall arise again, not Jews only, but all
   men; and not the righteous only, but sinners also. "To the dust it
   shall be said, Restore that which is not thine, and place thou here all
   that thou hast kept safe till now" (chap. xlii.). "And the storehouses
   [195] shall be opened wherein have been kept the souls of the
   righteous, and they shall come forth, and the multitude of souls shall
   appear in one concordant assembly, and the first shall rejoice and the
   last shall not be sad, for they shall know that the end of all the
   times has come. But the souls of sinners, when they shall see all
   things, shall pine away the more; for they know that their punishment
   has come and the hour of their damnation" (chap. xxx.). "The earth
   shall restore the dead which it had to keep, changing nothing in their
   form; but as it received them so it shall restore them, and as I [the
   Lord] have committed them unto it, thus shall it place them before me.
   And they shall recognise each other" (chap. 1.). Here again
   Pseudo-Baruch is not in agreement with the usual opinion of his
   contemporaries. Josephus [196] asserts that the Pharisees believed that
   the souls of the righteous alone would rise again, while the wicked
   would remain in prison everlastingly, suffering there eternal
   punishment. This dogma probably could not be truly predicated of all
   Pharisees, [197] but it was undoubtedly held by a large majority of
   Jews. The Book of Enoch, [198] which represents the current belief,
   teaches that the souls of sinners shall suffer vengeance without being
   united again to their bodies, but the righteous shall be raised, body
   and soul, to participate in the blessings of Messiah's reign. And such,
   with certain modifications, was the opinion that generally obtained in
   these and later times; while Pseudo-Baruch teaches that synchronally
   with Messiah's return shall be the general resurrection, the judgment,
   and the eternal reign. Whether the period between the first and second
   advent of Messiah corresponds with the millennium of St. John in Rev.
   xx. is a question which we cannot now discuss. That no mention of the
   first resurrection is made in our book is a fact which separates it
   from Jewish and Christian speculations. One thing is plain, that what
   others call the second or general resurrection is the great event which
   Pseudo-Baruch foresees as appertaining to Messiah's second appearance
   in glory.

   In presenting the details of this resurrection, the seer says, as St.
   Paul, that all will be changed, the aspect of the evil becoming more
   horrible, and that of the righteous more glorious; the one being
   transformed to the splendour of the angels, the other terror-stricken
   by fearful sights and visions; the one made bright and beautiful to
   receive the blessings of the eternal world, the other tantalised with
   the sight of the blessed and sent away to punishment. [199] On the
   subject of the happiness of the saved he enlarges in many passages.
   "They shall see the world which is now invisible to them; they shall
   see the time which is now hidden from them. And time shall never more
   grow old to them; for they shall dwell in the high places of that
   world, and shall be like unto the angels and equal to the stars, and
   shall be transformed into all the beauty that they can desire, and
   changed from light unto the radiance of glory. In their sight shall be
   unfolded the breadths of Paradise, and there shall be displayed before
   them the comeliness of the majesty of the living creatures which are
   beneath the throne, [200] and all the hosts of angels who now are
   holden by my word from being seen, and holden by my command that they
   should stay in their own places till the time of their appearance is
   come. Thus the excellency of the righteous shall surpass that of the
   angels. For the first shall succeed the last, those for whom they
   waited, and the last those whom they heard to have passed by; and they
   have been delivered from this world of sorrow, and have laid down the
   weight of care." If it might semi an extravagant belief in the mouth of
   a Jew that, admitted to the life beyond the grave, he should be more
   excellent than the angels, yet his hope is far inferior to that of the
   Christian. We are told that we shall see God, behold "the King in His
   beauty." The Jewish prophet holds out no hope of this blessed vision.
   The righteous shall see highest orders of angels, and all the hosts of
   heaven, yea, the glory of God, the light in which He dwells; but
   Himself no eye of man, however holy and blessed, shall behold. [201]

   The scene of this happiness is the new world which God shall create
   especially for His true servants. And that the prophecies of the glory
   of Jerusalem may be rightly understood, the seer is taught that the
   earthly city may be destroyed once and again, but it shall be renewed
   in glory, and receive an everlasting crown (chap. xxxii.). "Dost thou
   remember," says the Lord, "what that city is of which I said, I have
   graven thee upon the palm of my hands'?" No earthly city this, but a
   heavenly, mystic one, prepared before the world was made, shown to Adam
   before he fell in Paradise, but withdrawn, as Eden itself, after he had
   sinned. [202] Abraham, too, beheld it when he kept watch between his
   victims slain; and to Moses it was revealed on Mount Sinai, when he
   received the communication touching the Tabernacle and its
   appurtenances. Since then it has been kept in the secret place of God
   till the time for its disclosure should arrive. [203] This glorious
   city shall be the abode of the righteous. But the seer, unlike St.
   John, attempts not to describe its splendours; no revelation of these
   particulars is made unto him, and he leaves it in its beauty a wonder
   and a mystery. The Paradise, in which he locates both the throne of God
   and the home of the blessed, is not the place in the other world where
   the souls of the just await the day of judgment, which was its usual
   signification among the Jews, but heaven itself, and, as one would
   suppose, the so-called third heaven. St. Paul, in the account of his
   own rapture (2 Cor. xii.), seems to make a distinction between Paradise
   and the third heaven, speaking of being on one occasion "caught up even
   to the third heaven," and on another, "being caught up into Paradise."
   But in this, as in some other points before noticed, Pseudo-Baruch does
   not adhere closely to the received opinion, but follows another
   tradition, or takes an original view.

   With regard to the punishment of the wicked, the seer holds this
   opinion. They shall first see the glory of the righteous, and then
   shall be led away to punishment,--their home shall be in the eternal
   fire (chap. xliv.). Of the annihilation of the condemned other writers
   have spoken; [204] but nothing of the kind is found in our book.
   Sinners are said, indeed, to waste away ("tabescere"), but this is only
   an expression to characterise their torment, which they are
   transfigured to endure. [205]

   Such are the chief points of interest in this book; and they are useful
   in many ways, but chiefly as conveying instruction on the tenets and
   expectations of the Jews about the period of the first Christian
   century, and exhibiting the contrast between real and spurious
   revelations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [169] There exists also an Ethiopic work called by Dillmann, "Reliqua
   verborum Baruchi haud apocrypha, quæ ad tempos quo in Babylonia captivi
   erant pertinent."--Chrest. Ethiop., Lips. 1866.

   [170] See Kneucker, Das Buch Baruch, pp. 190 ff.

   [171] The most available comment on the book is that by Joseph Langen,
   Commentatio qua Apocalypsis Baruch anno superiori primum edita
   illustrator, Bonnae 1867.

   [172] Ewald, in Gött. gelehrte Anz. 1867, p. 1715.

   [173] Renan, Journal des Savants, April 1877.

   [174] Kneucker, p. 195.

   [175] See Langen, p. 4.

   [176] The two works are compared by Langen, p. 6 ff. See also Ewald, ut
   sup. p. 1707.

   [177] See Kneucker, p. 191, note 2, and Langen, § vii. We have in the
   Latin version, "agon et molestia in labore multo," which must be the
   equivalent of the Greek agon te kai thlipsis en pollo pono.

   [178] Ewald, p. 1713.

   [179] So 2 Esdr. v. 13, vi. 31. In other works of this kind the fast is
   usually of three days' duration (three weeks in Dan. x. 2). Comp.
   Assumpt. Mos. ix. 6; 2 Macc. xiii. 12; Test. XII. Patr. Test, Jos. 3.

   [180] Historical truth is here violated. Jeremiah was compelled to go
   to Egypt, while Baruch in the course of time, according to Jewish
   tradition, made his way to Babylon. The seer has manipulated facts to
   suit the requirements of his Apocalypse. Comp. Jer. xliii. and Bar. i.

   [181] This notion is found, 2 Esdr. vi. 55, ix. 13; Assumpt. Mos. i.
   12.

   [182] Comp. 2 Esdr. xiv. 9, 49 (Fr.).

   [183] [Ewald expounds them with zest, Göt gel. Anz. pp. 170-8.]

   [184] "Mensura autem et supputatio temporis illius erunt duæ partes
   hebdomades septem hebdomadarum" (chap. xxviii.). This somewhat obscure
   sentence may be intended to signify that this time of tribulation is
   divided into seven parts which are weeks, and into two parts which are
   also of septenary dimensions. So Langen, p. 16.

   [185] Apost. Constit. ii. 22; Suidas, s.v. Manasses; Fritzsche, Exeg.
   Handb. zu d. Apokr. i. p. 158.

   [186] E.g. v. 16, x. 4 ff., xiv. 4, etc. Such passages as these
   substantiate the reading seirais, chains, not sirois, dens, in 2 Pet.
   ii.

   [187] See Acts vii. 53; Heb. ii. 2. Joseph. Antiq. xv. 5. 3: hemon ta
   kallista ton dogmaton kai ta hosiotata ton en tois nomois di angelon
   para tou Theou mathonton.

   [188] "O thou Adam, what host thou done? for though it was thou that
   sinned, thou art not fallen alone, but we all that come of thee" (2
   Esdr. vii. 48). "Unto Adam Thou gavest commandment to love Thy way;
   which he transgressed; and immediately Thou appointedst death in him
   and in his generations" (iii. 7). "The first Adam bearing a wicked
   heart transgressed, and was overcome; and so be all they that are born
   of him. Thus infirmity was made permanent" (iii. 21, 22).

   [189] See 2 Esdr. vi. 49, where instead of "Enoch," the Syr. and
   Ethiop. version, read "Behemoth." Book of Enoch, lix. 7 ff.

   [190] Spiritus; or is it "winds"?

   [191] Luke ii. 32; Acts xiii. 47.

   [192] Comp. 2 Esdr. vi. 25, ix. 8, xiii. 16 ff., 49.

   [193] 2 Esdr. vii. 28. Comp. Gen. xv. 13 and Ps. xc. 15.

   [194] 2 Esdr. vii. 29: "After these years shall my Son Christ die."
   This clause is wanting in the Arabic version, and many doubt its
   genuineness.

   [195] Promptuaria. The word often occurs in 2 Esdr. in the same
   connection.

   [196] Antiq. xviii. 1. 3; Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 14.

   [197] Comp. Acts xxiv. 15. Schoettgen, Hor. Hebr. in Matt. xxii. 29;
   and in Joh. vi. 36.

   [198] See xcviii., ciii., cviii.

   [199] Chaps. xxxii., li.

   [200] These are elsewhere (chap. xxi.) called "the powers, that stand
   before God," and seem to mean the highest angels, the seven mentioned
   Tob. xii. 15 and Rev. viii. 2.

   [201] So in the Book of Enoch xiv. 8. 2 Esdr. vi. 64 (Fr.): "Primo
   vident in gaudio multo gloriam Altissimi qui assumit eas."

   [202] In 2 Esdr. iii. 6, Paradise is said to have been created before
   the earth.

   [203] 2 Esdr. vii. 26: "The bride (or city) shall appear, and she
   coming forth shall be seen, that now is withdrawn from the earth."
   xiii. 36: "Zion shall come, and shall be showed to all men, being
   prepared and builded." Comp. Rev. xxi. 2.

   [204] Pseudo-Clem. Hom. iii. 6: einai gar eis aei ouk eti dunantai hoi
   eis ton aei kai monon asebesantes theon. Thus also, Ascens. Isa. iv.
   18.

   [205] "Fiet enim aspectus eorum qui nunc impie agunt pejor quam est, ut
   sustineant supplicium"--Chap. li.
     __________________________________________________________________

  THE TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE PATRIARCHS.

   The work thus named has a special interest for Englishmen, as having
   been first made known in this country, in the middle of the thirteenth
   century, by the celebrated Grosseteste or Greathead, Bishop of Lincoln,
   who, with the aid of a clerk of St. Albans, translated it from Greek
   into Latin. It had been brought to his notice by one John de
   Basingstokes, Archdeacon of Leicester, who, while studying at Athens,
   had lighted upon this treatise, and thought so highly of it that he
   induced the bishop to obtain a copy of it from Greece. The credulous
   Matthew Paris, who supplies these particulars, asserts roundly that the
   document formed part of the sacred canon, but had been suppressed by
   the Jews on account of the evident prophecies of Christ contained
   therein. [206] This, of course, is a mistake. What is certain is, that
   it was well known in the early Church, was honoured and quoted by early
   Christian writers, and was named in some catalogues of sacred books. In
   the synopsis of Sacred Scripture which is found among the writings of
   Athanasius it is mentioned as one of the Apocrypha in conjunction with
   the Book of Enoch, the Assumption of Moses, and some others; and it is
   referred to in the Stichometria of Nicephorus of Constantinople. It is
   also probably named in the Acts of one or two minor Councils held in
   Rome and Spain in the fifth and sixth centuries. But there is no doubt
   that Tertullian and Origen knew and quoted the book. Thus the former
   [207] writes: "For to my mind Paul was promised even in Genesis. Among
   the tropes and prophetical benedictions on his sons, Jacob, turning to
   Benjamin, said, Benjamin, a ravening wolf in the morning shall devour,
   and in the evening shall give victual.' For he foresaw that from the
   tribe of Benjamin would some day arise Paul, a ravening wolf in the
   morning devouring,--that is, at first laying waste the Lord's flock, as
   a persecutor of the Church, and afterwards giving victual at
   evening,--that is, as time declined feeding the sheep of Christ as the
   Teacher of the nations." This is evidently a reproduction of the idea
   of a passage in the Testaments, where Benjamin thus addresses his
   children: [208] "I shall no longer be called a ravening wolf on account
   of your ravages, but a worker of the Lord, distributing food to them
   that work what is good. And one shall rise up from my seed in the
   latter times, beloved of the Lord, hearing His voice, enlightening with
   new knowledge all the Gentiles, bursting in upon Israel for salvation
   with the light of knowledge, tearing it away from it like a wolf, and
   giving it to the synagogue of the Gentiles; and until the consummation
   of the ages shall he be in the synagogue of the Gentiles and among
   their rulers as a strain of music in the mouth of all. And he shall be
   inscribed in the holy books, both his work and his word, and he shall
   be a chosen one of God for ever; and because of him my father Jacob
   instructed me saying, He shall fill up that which lacketh of thy
   tribe." Similarly in another place Tertullian says: [209] "Paul, from a
   persecutor becoming an apostle, who first shed the blood of the Church,
   and afterwards changing his sword for a pen, and turning his falchion
   into a plough, even Benjamin, a ravening wolf, then himself bringing
   victual, according to Jacob, he commendeth martyrdom and what he deems
   desirable." Origen cites the book by name. [210] "Nay," he says, "but
   in a certain little book, which is called the Testament of the Twelve
   Patriarchs, although it is not contained in the canon, we find the
   thought that by individual sinners we ought to understand individual
   Satans." This idea occurs in the Testament of Reuben (chaps. ii. and
   iii.), who warns his sons that all sins are the embodiment of the seven
   spirits of evil which he specifies. There is possibly, too, an allusion
   to our work in Jerome, [211] who writes: "And if so it please you, you
   may read the fictitious revelations of all the patriarchs and prophets;
   and when you have, studied them, go and sing in the women's weaving
   shops." It is possible that the notion of Christ's descent from the
   tribes of Levi and Judah, found first in Irenaeus, may have been
   derived from our book, where it occurs frequently. The passage alluded
   to is found in Iren. Fragm. xvii. (ed. Harvey, ii. 487): "From them
   Christ was foreshadowed and acknowledged and born; for in Joseph He was
   foreshadowed; from Levi and Judah He was born according to the flesh as
   king and priest; and through Simeon He was acknowledged in the temple."
   These are nearly all the references to the book which occur. For many
   centuries it fell completely out of sight, and, indeed, nothing was
   heard of it till, as mentioned above, the Bishop of Lincoln took it in
   hand. But the Greek text did not profit by the invention of printing in
   its early stage, nor was it till quite the end of the seventeenth
   century that it was published in an available form. In 1698 Grabe
   printed the Greek text entire in his Spicilegium Patrum et Hæreticorum
   from a MS. left to the University Library of Cambridge by Archbishop
   Parker, and containing that prelate's autograph. This is probably the
   original from which Grosseteste's version was made. It was reprinted by
   Fabricius in his Codex Pseudepigraphus, and by Gallandi in the first
   volume of the Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum, and later by Migne in his
   Patrologia Græca. There is only one other Greek MS. of the Testaments
   existing in England, and that is one in the Bodleian Library at
   Oxford--a paper quarto of the fourteenth century, presented to the
   University by its then Chancellor, the Earl of Pembroke, in 1629. Quite
   lately two other MSS. have been examined, one in the Vatican Library,
   of the thirteenth century, and one in a monastery at Patmos, belonging
   to the sixteenth century, which has been noticed by Tischendorf. [212]
   A careful collation of these MSS., and of some transcripts made from
   them, has been published by the Rev. Robert Sinker, and in his hands
   the text has assumed as great an accuracy as is likely to be attained
   till other aids are supplied from continental sources. Of versions,
   especially in the Latin language, there are numerous specimens. Mr.
   Sinker mentions no less than forty MSS. of the Latin version, and
   numerous published editions dating from 1510-1520. The work has been
   translated into most modern languages, including French, German, Dutch,
   Icelandic, etc. The first English version was printed by John Daye in
   1577, long before the Greek text was published, the earliest Latin
   translation having appeared some sixty years previously. This English
   edition was the work of A. G., the initials probably of Arthur Golding,
   and was continually reproduced in subsequent years. Another version,
   rendered from the text of Grabe and Fabricius, was put forth by W.
   Whitson in his Collection of Authentical Records, belonging to the O.
   and N. Testaments, 1727. Of late years a new version has appeared in
   the second volume of Clark's Ante-Nicene Christian Library. This
   translation is the work of Mr. Sinker.

   The language of the original work was certainly Greek; that is, the
   writing which we now possess is probably that which came from the hand
   of the author. It is at the same time quite possible that a Hebrew
   document may have existed on which the present was more or less based.
   But of this no trace has ever been found; nor does the present writing
   bear any of the characteristics of a version, though it is thoroughly
   impregnated with Hebrew thought. In it we find an employment of the
   Septuagint: and there are certain paronomasias which could not have
   been derived from a Hebrew original, and many expressions which
   appertain to Greek philosophy, and have no equivalent in the Hebrew. We
   may conclude that the work as we have it is essentially Greek, and can
   be traced to no other source.

   Having thus sketched the literary history of the Testaments, we may
   next glance at its contents, and shall then be able to consider its
   origin and date, and to mention some of the features most noteworthy in
   points of history and doctrine. The name indicates the nature of the
   treatise. The twelve sons of Jacob herein give their final instructions
   to their children. With the account more or less extended of their
   lives, wherein are often contained facts not found in the canonical
   Scriptures, they combine moral injunctions for the guidance of their
   descendants, forecasts of future backslidings, and revelations
   concerning the coming of Messiah's kingdom, which shall triumph over
   sin, and bring universal peace and happiness. Thus in each section
   three elements are distinguishable, Haggadean history, appropriate
   exhortations, and predictions of the future. Each Testament is supposed
   to embrace some chief topic, more or less apposite to the particular
   patriarch's life and character. Thus that of Reuben is concerning
   Thoughts, Simeon concerning Envy, Levi concerning Priesthood and
   Arrogance, and so on, through the whole twelve. But let us take the
   sections in the order in which they occur, and give a short statement
   of the subjects contained in each Testament. Further details will be
   presented when we come to analyse these contents.

    Reuben--Concerning Thoughts.

   Reuben, before he died in the 125th year of his life, two years after
   Joseph's death, gathering his children and grandchildren around him,
   gives his last instructions. He confesses his great sin, and urges them
   to avoid his error, for which he had been sorely punished. Man has
   seven spirits given him wherewith to carry on his work in the world,
   viz. life, sight, hearing, smell, taste, speech, reproduction, and an
   eighth, sleep. With these Beliar (Satan) has intermingled seven spirits
   of error, which are these: fornication, greediness, fighting, fraud,
   arrogance, lying, injustice, and sleep, which belongs to both classes.
   In forcible language the patriarch denounces fornication. Women from
   the first have been seducers; they caused the fall of the Watchers
   (egregoroi) before the Flood; it behoves men to be wary in their
   converse with them. He ends by commanding his children to give heed to
   Levi, to whom with Judah is entrusted the chieftainship. For Levi shall
   know the law of the Lord, and shall judge Israel and offer sacrifices,
   until the consummation of the times of Christ the High Priest whom the
   Lord hath declared.

    Simeon--Concerning Envy.

   He was fierce and unfeeling, and the most inimical to Joseph of all the
   brethren; but Joseph bore no malice. His example should be followed,
   and brotherly love cherished. The writing of Enoch foretold that the
   Simeonites should corrupt themselves, and attempt to injure Levi; but
   they shall not prevail. If they repent, they shall flourish and blossom
   like the rose. The Canaanites, Philistines (Kappadokes), and Hittites
   shall perish; peace shall be established, Shem shall be glorified,
   because Messiah shall come. "Obey, Levi!" he concluded, "and in Judah
   ye shall be redeemed; for from these two tribes salvation shall arise."

    Levi--Concerning Priesthood and Arrogance.

   This is the most important of all the Testaments, professing to tell
   all that shall happen to the tribe till the day of judgment. Other
   patriarchs indulge freely in moral and religious warnings; here the
   apocalyptic element is much more conspicuous. Levi narrates how that
   the Lord showed him two visions; first of the heavens, seven in number,
   which he was privileged to see, because he was appointed to minister in
   sacred things, and to announce the coming of Him who was to redeem
   Israel. It was at this time that he was enjoined to take vengeance on
   the Shechemites. In the second vision he is invested by seven angels
   with the insignia of the priesthood. The first angel presents him with
   the holy oil and the rod of judgment; the second washed him with pure
   water, and gave him bread and wine, the holy of holies, and clothed him
   in glorious robes; the third indued him with a linen ephod; the fourth
   with a purple girdle; the fifth gave him an olive branch; the sixth put
   a crown on his head; the seventh gave him a diadem and incense. And it
   was announced that his seed should be divided into three powers, which
   are obscurely explained. Jacob, knowing by revelation the office of
   Levi, taught him much lore concerning sacrifice, tithe, first-fruits,
   etc. He foretells the rejection of the Messiah, and the consequent
   dispersion of the nation. Levi then sketches his own family history,
   mentioning among other facts that Amram married his daughter Jochabed.
   He deduces from the prophecy of Enoch that the active iniquity of the
   people will last seventy weeks, and their punishment shall continue
   "until He Himself shall again visit you, and pitying, shall receive you
   in faith and water."

    Judah--Concerning Fortitude, Avarice, and Fornication.

   He was keen and bold when young, loving and obedient to his parents,
   and won the favour of the Lord. His heroic deeds are recounted, many
   details being given which are not found in Scripture. He urges his
   children to avoid drunkenness and uncleanness, sins of which he had
   been guilty in the matter of Tamar; and covetousness, which is
   pernicious. "Love ye Levi," he enjoins, "that ye may live long. To me
   the Lord hath given the kingdom, and to him the priesthood; and He hath
   subjected the kingdom to the priesthood. On me He bestowed things of
   earth, on him things of heaven. For as the heaven is above the earth,
   so is the priesthood above every earthly kingdom. And the Lord hath
   chosen him above thee to come near unto Himself, and to eat of His
   table and the first-fruits of the dainties of the children of Israel."
   He predicts wars and commotions which shall last till Messiah comes.
   After this the patriarchs shall rise again, and they that suffered on
   earth shall be recompensed by a happy life.

    Issachar--Concerning Simpicity.

   He begins by narrating the story of the mandrakes, amplifying the
   briefer account of Gen. xxx., and then sketches his own character and
   life. He was a husbandman, simple, quiet, industrious, faithful,
   scrupulous in payment of tithes and offerings. He enjoins his sons to
   practise agriculture and to be simple in their lives, so that Beliar
   may not seduce them to luxury and irreligion.

    Zebulon--Concerning Compassion and Mercy.

   This patriarch asserts that he has no sin to recall but that against
   his father when he connived with his brethren in concealing from him
   the fate of Joseph, though he grieved bitterly for it. He gives a long
   account of the transaction, and as a lesson from this incident, urges
   his sons to be kind and merciful, not only to brethren, but even to
   irrational animals, remembering that as a man deals with his
   neighbours, so the Lord will deal with him. He was the first to make a
   boat and go a-fishing, and with the produce to feed the poor. He
   admonishes concerning the duty of forgiveness of injuries, and love and
   unity; and he concludes by predicting the evils which dissension and
   unbelief will bring upon them, and which will only be terminated when
   the Lord, the light of righteousness, shall Himself appear among them,
   and he, Zebulon, should some day rise again.

    Dan--Concerning Anger and Lying.

   He had tried all his life long to avoid anger and lying, and to please
   God; but was guilty of envy and malice in the case of Joseph. Let his
   sons beware of these sins, or they will bring on themselves
   destruction. In the last days, he knows that they will oppose Levi and
   Judah, and be grievously punished for it. But a time will come when
   from these tribes the salvation of the Lord will arise, and wage
   victorious war against Beliar; and the saints shall rest in Eden, and
   the righteous shall rejoice in the new Jerusalem, which shall be unto
   the glory of God for ever and ever! "Therefore draw ye nigh unto God
   and to the angel that intercedeth for you to paraitoumeno humas), for
   He is the Mediator between God and man for the peace of Israel."

    Naphtali--Concerning Natural Goodness.

   He was the son of Bilhah, daughter of Rutheus, brother of Deborah,
   Rebecca's nurse. Rutheus himself was a Chaldaean of Abraham's kindred,
   a worshipper of God, who had been carried away as a captive and bought
   by Laban. Naphtali, being remarkably active, was his father's
   messenger. When forty years old he saw a vision on the Mount of Olives,
   towards the east of Jerusalem. The sun and moon stood still; Isaac
   called his sons to run and seize them; Levi laid hold of the sun, Judah
   of the moon, and both were raised aloft with them. Levi received twelve
   palm branches, Judah had twelve rays beneath his feet. Then appeared a
   bull with two horns, and on its back the wings of an eagle. All tried
   to seize it, but Joseph alone was successful, and was carried up on
   high. And the holy writing came in sight which spake of the captivity
   of Israel. In a second vision Naphtali sees Jacob and his sons standing
   by the Sea of Jamnia; and, lo! a ship appeared full of dried flesh,
   inscribed The Ship of Jacob, but without crew or pilot. Jacob and his
   sons embark, a tempest arises and carries away the father; the ship is
   almost engulphed, and finally dashed to pieces. Levi prays, and the
   twelve are saved on pieces of wreck, and, reaching home, find their
   father safe and sound. The usual prediction concerning the punishment
   of sinners and the advent of Messiah closes the Testament.

    Gad--Concerning Hatred.

   He boasts of his courage in defending the flocks from wild beasts, and
   tells how he was incensed with Joseph for repeating to his father the
   evil deeds of the brethren, and desired his death. He and Judah sold
   him for thirty pieces of gold, but kept ten for themselves, concealing
   the real amount received. He confesses his sorrow for this sin, and
   urges his children to beware of hatred and covetousness, on which
   subjects he dilates at considerable length. "For," he says, "as love
   wishes even to revive the dead, and to recall those who are sentenced
   to death; so hatred would like to slay the living, and desires the
   destruction even of those who have but little erred. The spirit of
   hatred by reason of faintheartedness (oligopsuchias,? hastiness of
   spirit) co-operateth with Satan in all things unto the death of men;
   but the spirit of love co-operateth with the law of God unto men's
   salvation." As the other patriarchs, he enjoins his sons to honour
   Judah and Levi, because from them the Lord shall raise up a Saviour for
   Israel.

    Asher--Concerning two Faces of Vice and Virtue.

   He begins in much the same way as the Didachè: "Two ways hath God given
   to the sons of men;" and he proceeds in words which recall the dictum
   of Ben-Sira: [213] "All things are two, one over against the other.
   There are two ways, of good and evil, and withal two counsels in our
   breasts distinguishing these paths." He admonishes his sons to be
   single-minded, and not to wear two faces; and he gives various examples
   of double-mindedness, and shows how hateful such a character is in
   God's eyes. He terminates his advice by uttering the warnings and
   predictions in the same strain as his predecessors.

    Joseph--On Moderation.

   He recounts his life, summing it up at first almost in the words of the
   Gospel (Matt. xxv.): "I was an hungered," etc., and then narrating the
   circumstances twice over at much length, with the addition of many
   legendary particulars. "See, then, my children," he continues, "how
   much may be effected by patience and prayer with fasting; for God
   loveth sobriety, and always helpeth the continent and
   self-controlling." He tells of a vision which he saw. There arose in
   Judah a virgin, clad in a linen robe, and from her came forth a lamb
   unspotted, and on his left there was, as it were, a lion. Against him
   all the beasts of the earth contended, but prevailed nothing; and the
   lamb trode them under foot, to the great joy of angels and men. "Do ye,
   my sons, observe the commandments of the Lord, and honour Judah and
   Levi, for from out of them shall arise the Lamb of God, by grace saving
   all the nations and Israel."

    Benjamin--Concerning a pure Mind.

   Benjamin tells that his mother Rachel was twelve years barren, and
   then, fasting and praying for twelve days, she conceived, and in due
   time bore him; and he was therefore called Benjamin, "son of days."
   [214] He gives much good advice concerning the direction of the
   thoughts, and simplicity of heart, and rectitude of conduct; in the
   course of his admonition he recounts this prophecy of Jacob: "In thee
   shall be fulfilled the prophecy of heaven touching the Lamb of God and
   the Saviour of the world; for He, the undefiled (amomos) shall be
   delivered up in behalf of sinners; and He, the sinless (anamartetos)
   shall die for the impious, by the blood of the covenant, for the
   salvation of Gentiles and Israel, and shall destroy Beliar and his
   servants." There is much that is beautiful and edifying in this
   Testament. Here is a thought with which we are all familiar, though we
   scarcely expected to meet with it here: As the sun, shining on what is
   filthy and noxious, is not defiled thereby, but rather purifies it and
   removes its ill savour; so the pure mind, mingling amid the pollutions
   of earth, dwelleth safely there and suffers no defilement."

   Such, in brief, are the contents of our book. We must glance at the
   writer or writers, and attempt to estimate the date of the production.

   Of course, in this, as in all such literature, the author's personality
   is veiled and unknown. But we can form an estimate of his views, and
   see to what sect or party he belonged. And here we must at once protest
   against the free use made by some critics of the theory of
   interpolation. [215] These scientists form certain opinions concerning
   the age, author, objects, tendencies of a work; and when any paragraph
   or expression coincides not with their conception, they arbitrarily put
   it aside as a later addition inserted by some unscrupulous scribe or
   editor. If the criminated passage were evidently foisted into the
   original text without any connection with the context, if it were
   plainly the work of some clumsy glosser, if it differed from the style
   of the rest of the document and contained language or ideas not found
   elsewhere, the theory of interpolation becomes reasonable. But where,
   as in the present case, none of these suppositions can be verified,
   where the disputed paragraphs are in full keeping and tone with the
   rest of the work, and there is no substantial variation in MSS. or
   versions, the notion of unauthorised additions falls to the ground, and
   we may take the text as genuine without further disquieting ourselves
   about baseless criticism. At the same time it is, of course, possible,
   and, indeed, probable, that the work would exhibit traces of editing
   and revision, and that words or passages might have been inserted in
   the course of time by scribes or redactors. But these additions, if
   they do exist, would not affect the general tone of the book, and we
   found our view on this, and not upon isolated expressions. Now we
   gather from a careful perusal of the document that the writer was a
   Jewish Christian, of views not in all respects orthodox, addressing his
   own countrymen. To none other would the utterances of the patriarchs
   have been of any value or weight; to none other would the future
   destiny of Israel have been of any importance. And the object which he
   had in view was the conversion of his auditors to Christianity. He
   desires to show how the old Law led up to this consummation, and how
   the evil times upon which his contemporaries had fallen were a
   discipline to drive them to acknowledge the true Messiah. He holds that
   the New Testament was always hidden in the old covenant, and existed in
   germ in the patriarchal dispensation, so that Christianity is merely a
   continuation and development of the more ancient religion.

   There were, as is well known, two parties in the primitive Church who
   held opposite views upon the subject of the duty of Christians with
   respect to the Jewish ceremonial law. While one would impose this
   routine on all Gentile converts as necessary to salvation, thus
   narrowing the merits of Christ's sacrifice and ignoring the new
   covenant, the other held that the Mosaic law was not of eternal
   obligation, and that Gentile converts must not be compelled to observe
   it. The former developed into Ebionites, the latter into Nazarenes. Of
   the heretical tendencies of the Ebionites there can be no question; not
   only on the question of circumcision did they separate from the
   orthodox as represented by St. Paul, but more especially in regard to
   the person and nature of Christ. The Nazarenes, on the other hand,
   accepting and recognising the Pauline view of the duty of Gentile
   converts, and seeking to be themselves altogether Christians while
   retaining their own nationality, had a very imperfect conception of the
   eternal generation of Christ, dating the hypostasis of the Divine
   nature in Him either from His birth or His baptism. To this sect our
   author seems to have belonged, for in his utterances we can trace the
   opinions which have been mentioned, erroneous tenets on the nature of
   Christ, generous appreciation of the great Apostle of the Gentiles,
   faithful adherence to the old ritual, and liberal views with regard to
   converts from heathendom. It has been also remarked that there is much
   in the ethics of the book which corresponds with the known tenets of
   the Nazarenes. Thus it advocates voluntary fasting, abstinence from
   flesh and wine, not only in order to avoid temptation, but also as an
   atonement for past excesses; it enjoins peaceableness, kindness to men
   and animals, benevolence, compassion, the avoidance of female
   seductions; it inveighs against covetousness, and sets a high value on
   poverty. All these points seem to suit the modified asceticism of the
   Nazarenes. It is asserted that no one author could have enunciated the
   views which are found in our book. No Jewish Christian, it is said,
   could ever have characterised the tribes of Levi and Judah as those
   which were to guide Israel, or exhorted his countrymen to submit to
   their authority; while it is certain that official Judaism, represented
   by those tribes, was most active in rejecting the gospel. To this it
   may be answered that the author is thinking of Levi and Judah in their
   ideal character, not as they had exhibited themselves during later
   events. Christ as Priest, Christ as King, takes His descent from the
   two; and it is the truth which this descent teaches that the writer
   wishes to enforce.

   Concerning the date when the book was written, we have certain facts to
   guide us. Being quoted by Tertullian and Origen, it must have been
   extant in the second century A.D. To the same conclusion we are led by
   the writer's evident acquaintance with the Book of Enoch, a great part
   of which, as we have determined in our account of that production, was
   probably composed in the age of John Hyrcanus, about 110 B.C. In the
   Testaments we find this work continually alluded to under the titles of
   "the writing (graphe) of Enoch;" "the book, books, or words of Enoch
   the Righteous," "the Scripture of the law of Enoch," and so forth; and
   there are many expressions borrowed, and facts employed, without
   special acknowledgment. It is true that most of these citations are not
   now found in the book as it has come into our hands; but that this work
   has been sadly mutilated, and originally contained much material no
   longer existing, is certain; and many of the passages which cannot be
   traced are probably rather appeals to the general tone and scope of the
   prophecy than actual quotations. But there are other criteria by which
   to judge of the age of our work. In it reference is made to the
   destruction of Jerusalem and the temple, [216] it was therefore written
   after A.D. 70. Also, according to the words of Benjamin (chap. xi.),
   the writings of the New Testament, especially the Acts and the Epistles
   of St. Paul, had been collected into a volume. At the same time, the
   Jewish priesthood is spoken of as if still existing, which could not
   have been the case after Hadrian's demolition of Jerusalem in
   punishment of the revolt of Bar-Cocheba, A.D. 135. We have therefore
   these limits between which our book could have been produced, A.D.
   70-130; and we shall not be far wrong if we assign it to the end of the
   first or the earliest portion of the second hristian century.

   We have now to notice some points of interest which are found in our
   book touching on history, Christology, and doctrinal, critical, and
   ethical questions. And first, let us look to the historical element.
   Here, as in the Book of Jubilees, and generally in Haggadistic
   literature, we meet with additions to, or amplifications of facts
   recorded in the Old Testament, some doubtless derived from tradition or
   from documents no longer extant, others which are owed to the inventive
   faculty of the writer. It is almost impossible in most cases to say
   where truth ends and fiction steps in; the probability is that
   generally there is some ground for the detail added, and that the
   author is dealing with material ready to his hand. In his chronology,
   and in no few of his legends, he is indebted to the Book of Jubilees
   and the Book of Enoch; many of his statements have been repeated in the
   Targum, the Midrashim, and Josephus, being obtained by them from
   independent sources. This is a further argument for the authenticity of
   our history.

   As additions to the Biblical record, we may note the following. The
   treacherous attack on the Shechemites at the hands of Simeon and Levi
   is justified by the violent conduct of these Canaanites in former time,
   when they persecuted Abraham; plundered his flocks, and even attempted
   to outrage Sarah; [217] and by a special communication from heaven,
   which directed vengeance to be taken upon them. During Jacob's sojourn
   at Hebron he waged successful war with the Canaanites, Judah taking the
   foremost place, and performing prodigies of valour, his acts being
   related at some length. [218] Likewise many particulars are added in
   connection with Judah's marriage with the Hamite Shuah, and the episode
   with his daughter-in-law Tamar. Esau, who at first had peaceable
   relations with his brother, after an interval of eighteen years came
   against him with a large force; but Jacob slew him; and his sons
   attacked his chief city, and reduced the Edomites to tribute. Joseph's
   greatest enemy among his brethren was Simeon, who quarrelled with Judah
   for sparing his life; and his envy was punished by the paralysis of his
   right hand, which was only healed on his repentance and prayers. [219]
   Zebulun tells us that he felt deeply for Joseph but feared his brothers
   too much to attempt his deliverance, though he refused to share in the
   price of their crime. The evil report which Joseph brought to his
   father concerning the sons of Bilhah and Zilpah referred to their
   killing the best of the flock and eating them. [220] The story of
   Joseph's sojourn in Egypt is related at considerable length, the
   account being apparently derived from two distinct documents, not
   worked together into one narrative. The youth concealed his identity,
   pretending to be a slave; but the Ishmaelites, who had bought him, were
   not content with this account of himself, and thinking that he was the
   son of some great personage, detained him in the house of their agent
   till they should determine what should be done with him. While he was
   thus placed, Potiphar's wife happened to see him, and induced her
   husband to interfere in his behalf, and in the end purchased him as a
   slave, Joseph all the time quietly submitting to be thus treated that
   he might not bring his brethren to shame. Potiphar, who is called
   archimageiros, chief cook, entrusts his whole establishment to him, and
   greatly prospers. Then follows a detailed account of the seduction
   employed by his shameless mistress, and his chaste resistance to her
   words, caresses, and love potions: His wife Asenath, who brought him an
   enormous fortune as her dower, belonged to the same family as Potiphar.
   [221] It is especially noted that all the patriarchs were buried in the
   cave of Machpelah, the bodies of many of them being previously placed
   in coffins. The transmission of these bodies to Hebron was conducted
   with much secrecy, as the Egyptians kept careful watch over the corpse
   of Joseph, it having been predicted that the removal of his bones would
   be accompanied with signal plagues on the land and people. The
   opportunity for the undisturbed conveyance of the patriarch's remains
   to Canaan was afforded by the attention of the natives being occupied
   by certain warlike operations in which they were engaged.

   Such are the chief additions to the Biblical narrative found in our
   book. Of the elaborate chronological details we cannot speak at length.
   These regard generally the dates of the births of the several
   patriarchs and the chief events in their lives; they are based almost
   wholly on the Book of Jubilees, and differ scarcely in any particulars
   from the statements in that work, though they give some few facts not
   found therein, e.g. the marriages and deaths of the patriarchs.

   The writer's views on the nature and person of Christ are to be
   gathered rather from incidental statements than found definitely
   expressed in formal enunciations of dogma. In the absence of any
   authoritative creed, containing definitions and limitations and
   doctrinal pronouncements, an early writer, producing a treatise for
   popular use, was not constrained to put forward his opinions with
   logical precision, or to formulate a system of theology. Hence we find
   a certain haziness in our author's conception on this great subject,
   and it is somewhat what difficult to arrive at his real sentiments. His
   ideas concerning the Messiah are, of course, essentially Jewish, and
   differ considerably from what we have learned to consider the orthodox
   Christian tenet. The straightforward simplicity of the Nicene doctrine
   is unknown to him, and he fluctuates between the notions of Christ as
   Divine and Christ as sanctified man, at one time regarding Him as God
   incarnate, at another seeming to speak of Him as human and nothing
   more. The passages which bear on the latter assumption are only three
   in number, and are these: in the Testament of Levi (chap. xvi.) we
   read, "the man who reneweth (andra anakainopoiounta) the law in the
   power of the Most High ye shall call Deceiver, and at last, as ye
   think, ye shall kill Him, not knowing His resurrection (anastema),
   wickedly taking the innocent blood upon your heads. On account of Him
   your holy places shall be desolate." Judah, borrowing his language from
   Balaam's prophecy, proclaims (chap. xxiv.): "After these things a star
   shall arise to you from Jacob in peace, and a man (anthropos) shall
   stand up from my seed, as a sun of righteousness, walking with the sons
   of men in meekness and righteousness, and no sin shall be found in
   Him." Naphtali warns his children of the fate that shall befall their
   descendants in punishment of their transgressions (chap. iv.): "The
   Lord shall scatter them over the face of all the earth, until the
   compassion of the Lord (splanknon Kuriou) shall come, even a man
   (anthropos) working righteousness, and showing mercy unto all those
   that are far off and those that are near." These passages regard purely
   the human nature of Christ, and taken by themselves might show that the
   writer did not believe in His Divinity. But other expressions modify
   this conclusion. Thus the passage above quoted from Judah proceeds:
   "The heavens shall be opened upon Him to pour forth the spirit and
   blessing of the holy Father; and He Himself shall pour forth upon you
   the spirit of grace. . . . This is the scion (blastos) of the Most High
   God, and this is the fountain unto life of all flesh." Levi (chap.
   xviii.) refers to the baptism of Messiah in these words: "The heavens
   shall be opened, and from the temple of glory shall come upon Him
   consecration (agiasma) with the voice of the Father (al. of the
   Spirit), as from Abraham, father of Isaac." This is explained [222] to
   mean that the relation of Christ to the Father is as close as that of a
   human son to his father. But the expression is obscure. We have,
   however, much more definite statements to produce. The pre-existence of
   the Messiah is fully allowed. Before He comes to perform His special
   work on earth He is called the Angel that intercedes for Israel, a
   mediator between God and man. [223] This is probably a term derived
   from the Old Testament idea of the Angel of Jehovah, or the Angel of
   the Presence, who adumbrated Christ. Benjamin (chap. ix.) speaks of Him
   as the "Only-begotten;" Levi (chap. iv.), as "Son of the Lord;" Simeon
   tells (chap. vi.) how "the Lord, the great God of Israel, shall appear
   upon the earth as man, [224] and shall save man (Adam) in Him." . . .
   "Then," he adds, "I shall arise in gladness, and shall bless the
   Highest for His marvellous works, because God having taken a body, and
   eating with men, saved man;" and he proceeds (chap. vii.): "Do not lift
   up yourselves against Levi and Judah, for from them shall arise unto
   you the salvation of God. For the Lord shall raise up from Levi as it
   were a Priest, and from Judah as it were a King, God and Man. Thus
   shall He save all the nations and the race of Israel" In another place
   Levi appears to enunciate the heresy of Patripassianism, with which the
   Nazarenes were more or less infected. "Now, know ye that the Lord will
   take vengeance on the sons of men, because, when the rocks were rent,
   and the sun quenched, and the waters dried up, and fire cowered, and
   all creation was confounded . . . at the passion of the Most High, men
   unbelieving continued in their iniquities:" [225] Judah (chap. xxii.)
   speaks thus: "The Lord shall bring upon them dissensions one with
   another, and there shall be in Israel continual wars, and among the
   Gentiles shall my kingdom be accomplished, until the salvation of
   Israel shall have come, until the appearing (eos parousias) of the God
   of Righteousness to give rest in peace to Jacob and all the nations."
   From certain expressions in the Testament of Zebulun we should gather
   the writer's opinions to be that the man Christ was deified by union
   with the Godhead, a modified form of the Cerinthian heresy. We read
   (chap. ix.): "Ye shall see God in the form of man, whom the Lord shall
   choose; Jerusalem is His name." [226] In many other places it is stated
   that God, the Lord, the Holy One of Israel, shall dwell among men, and
   be worshipped, and shall judge the nations. [227] Not to multiply
   examples to the same effect, we must infer that the author himself held
   somewhat indistinct views concerning the two natures of Christ and His
   relation to God, at one time identifying Him with God, at another
   plainly distinguishing Him from God. From two paragraphs which refer to
   Christ's baptism, [228] it would seem that it was not till that event
   that the man Christ became participant of the indwelling of God in the
   highest sense. That He was to be born of a virgin we have seen in our
   quotation from the Testament of Joseph, where the linen robe in which
   she is dressed implies a connection with the priesthood. [229] And His
   spotless character is gathered from the epithets which occur in the
   Testaments, e.g. guiltless, sinless, true, long-suffering, gentle,
   lowly. Schnapp, followed by Schürer and others, would regard all such
   passages as Christian interpolations foisted into a Jewish work; and,
   of course, such a theory would explain their appearance in the places
   where they are found. But the opinion which we have adopted equally
   well accounts for such paragraphs; and the large extent of these
   Christian passages makes the opposite theory unlikely and difficult of
   acceptance. It may also be said that a later Christian would have had
   more definite views than those intimated herein.

   The view taken of the office of Messiah is indicated by the continual
   reference to His origin from the tribes of Levi and Judah. He is Priest
   as well as King, and under the former aspect is supreme. But little is
   said of His death, and its connection with the Priesthood of Messiah is
   ignored; the teaching of the Epistle to the Hebrews has not been
   studied, and we are not told that Christ, by His own blood, bath
   entered once for all into the holy places, having obtained eternal
   redemption for men. But it is believed that sins are blotted out
   through the priesthood, though how this is exercised is not distinctly
   stated. As King, Messiah wars against evil, and crushes the power of
   Beliar; and this victory shall be finally accomplished when Israel has
   learned the lesson of faith. Of Christ's ascension and session in
   heaven some little is said; but of His return to judgment nothing
   definite can be found expressed. The author certainly holds that the
   just shall rise again, and be rewarded for all their sufferings on
   earth, and share in Messiah's kingdom; but he is very indistinct
   concerning the fate of the wicked, and has nothing to say of Messiah's
   part as Judge.

   The indefiniteness of the writer appears conspicuously in the view
   which He takes of the Holy Spirit. Nowhere is He spoken of as God. He
   is called the Spirit of Sanctification, the Spirit of Understanding,
   and He is said to rest on Messiah; but no hint of His equality with the
   Father and the Son is given. Nor can we discover that our author
   believed in His distinct. personality; but he seems to have regarded
   Him merely as an operation or manifestation of the Godhead.

   For the criticism of the New Testament the book affords some
   assistance, as it contains quotations or allusions which show
   familiarity with most of our early Christian documents. References to
   the writings of St. John are not infrequent. Thus Dan (chap. xiv.)
   speaks of "the light of the world, which was given among you for the
   enlightenment of every man," which recalls chap. i. 9 and viii. 12;
   Benjamin (chap. iii.) and Joseph (chap. xix.) call the Saviour of the
   world "the Lamb of God." [230] Issachar (chap. vii.) has the phrase, "a
   sin unto death." [231] Levi (chap. xviii.) says that Messiah "shall
   give unto the saints to eat of the tree of life;" Dan (chap. v.) makes
   mention of "the new Jerusalem." [232] Traces of acquaintance with most
   of the other books of the New Testament may be found scattered
   throughout the work. Levi (chap. xviii.) tells of the Father's voice
   that came upon Christ in the water, [233] and of Him "who should redeem
   Israel." [234] We have allusions to the holy books, and the work and
   word of Paul, [235] which would imply that the Acts and Pauline
   Epistles were known to the writer. "The Spirit of God," says Benjamin
   (chap. ix.), "shall come upon the Gentiles, as fire poured forth."
   [236] Reuben (chap. v.) admonishes, like St. Paul and St. Peter, "Flee
   fornication; and bid your women not to adorn their heads and faces."
   [237] Levi (chap. vi.) repeats St. Paul's difficult phrase in 1 Thess.
   ii. 16: "The wrath of God is come upon them to the uttermost,"
   ephthasen ep' autous . . . eis telos. "The God of peace," and "God in
   the form of man," are Pauline terms. [238] Levi (chap. x.) and Benjamin
   (chap. xi.) adopt this phrase, "the consummation of the ages," from
   Heb. ix. 26 [239] As bearing on the canonicity of disputed books, we
   may add that Reuben's (chap. v.) utterance, that the woman who is a
   deceiver "is reserved unto eternal punishment," seems to be a quotation
   from 2 Pet. ii. 4, 9 and Jude 6.

   In De la Bigne's Magna Bibliotheca, where Grosseteste's Latin version
   is printed, the following verdict concerning our book is given: "Liber
   hic apocryphus est pseudepigraphus, fabulosus et indignus plane qui
   legatur; multa enim continet partim erronea, partim vana et mendacia,
   nullo auctore aut fundamento subnixa, quæ facile lector et discernet et
   repudiabit." A careful student of the work would not nowadays assent to
   this conclusion. Far from being unworthy of perusal, it may justly
   claim the most attentive consideration, as the product of an important
   era too little understood, and embodying the views of a party which has
   left the scantiest literature. Whether it was composed at Pella, as Mr.
   Sinker supposes, we have no ground for deciding; but that it emanated
   from a Nazarene, at a time when dogma was still fluctuating and no
   authoritative decree had fixed the truth on doubtful questions, is
   obvious. We have here a glimpse of early Christian doctrine and ethics
   which is almost unique. The large-minded utterances of the Patriarchs
   are very notable. The author has accepted the Messiah as He really
   appeared, though His guise was far different from what was expected:
   and he aims at making his unbelieving countrymen see with his eyes, and
   recognise in the Jesus whom they slew the Messiah long promised and
   foretold, who should bring salvation, not to the Jews only, but to
   those who were far off, even unto the ends of the earth.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [206] Matt. Par. Hist. Anglor., quoted by Mr. Sinker, whose most
   valuable and interesting work has supplied many of the materials of
   this paper. The title of this book is the following: Testamenta XII.
   Patriarcharum: ad fidem codicis Cantabrigiensis edita: Accedunt
   Lectiones cod. Oxoniensis. The Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs: An
   attempt to estimate their Historic and Dogmatic Worth, Cambridge 1869.
   Appendix, containing a collation of the Roman and Patmos MSS., and
   Bibliographical notes, Cambridge 1879.

   [207] Adv. Marcionem, v. 1.

   [208] The translation is Mr. Sinker's.

   [209] Scorpiace, xiii.

   [210] Hom. in Josuam, xv. 6.

   [211] Adv. Vigilant. c. vi.

   [212] Aus dem heiligen Lande, p. 341.

   [213] Ecclus. xlii. 24: "All things are double, one against another,
   and He hath made nothing imperfect."

   [214] The name is usually explained as "Son of my right hand," i.e. of
   good fortune. The interpretation given in our text is that of the
   Samaritan copy, which has a different reading from the Masoretic. The
   expression would probably refer to his being born in Jacob's old age.

   [215] If any one wishes to see this theory wantonly and largely
   developed, let him read Die Testamente der XII. Patriarchen untersucht
   von L. F. Schnapp (Halle 1884). This writer divides the greater part of
   the book between a Christian and a Jewish interpolator, relying
   entirely upon internal evidence for his conclusions. He regards as
   genuine only those parts of each Testament which contain biographical
   details and exhortations founded thereon; all predictions, visions,
   etc., he determines to be later interpolations.

   [216] Levi xv.; Dan v.

   [217] Levi v. and vi.

   [218] Judah iii. There is a similar account in the Book of Jubilees
   xxxiv.

   [219] Simeon ii.

   [220] Gad i.; Gen. xxxvii. 2.

   [221] With the view of saving Joseph from the imputation that he
   intermarried with an alien race, the Targum, Ps. Jon. on Gen. xli. 45,
   makes Asenath the daughter of Dinah by Shechem. Sinker, p. 77.

   [222] By Dorner (i. 156), quoted by Sinker, p. 93.

   [223] Dan chap. vi.; Lev. ii-v.

   [224] The words os anthropos occur in all the MSS. except the Oxford,
   which, as Mr. Sinker opines, has a tendency to omit words.

   [225] Levi iv. This is one of the passages supposed to be an
   interpolation; but there is no sufficient ground for the supposition.

   [226] This last expression is peculiar, and is varied in the MSS. Mr.
   Sinker's text is that of the Cambridge, with which the Roman agrees.
   The Patmos MS. has "in Jerusalem, for His name's sake;" the Oxford
   gives the same. The rendering of Grabe is: "Quoniam elegit Deus
   Hierusalem, nomen Deus ei." Probably the text is corrupt.

   [227] Dan v.; Napthali viii.; Asher vii.; Benjamin x.

   [228] Levi xviii.; Judah xxiv.

   [229] Mr. Sinker appositely quotes the Apocryphal Gospels in
   illustration of the tendency to associate the priestly tribe with the
   royalty of Messiah through the Virgin Mary.

   [230] John i. 29, 36.

   [231] 1 John v. 16, 17.

   [232] Rev. ii. 7, xxi. 2.

   [233] Matt. iii. 16, 17.

   [234] Luke xxiv. 21.

   [235] Benjamin chap. xi.

   [236] Acts ii. 3.

   [237] 1 Cor. vi. 18; 1 Pet. iii. 3.

   [238] 2 Cor. xii. 11, Phil. ii. 7, compared with Dan chap. v. and
   Zebulun chap. ix.

   [239] Sunteleia ton aionon. See a full collection of these coincidences
   in Mr. Sinker's Index II.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

III.

LEGENDARY.
     __________________________________________________________________

  THE BOOK OF JUBILEES

   The Book of Jubilees, or the Little Genesis, is mentioned by name
   continually in the writings of the early Fathers, and by a succession
   of authors reaching to Theodorus Metochita (A.D. 1332). Allusions to
   information contained therein, without actual naming of the origin of
   the statements, are very numerous, particularly in the Byzantine
   chroniclers, so that the work was well and widely known up to the
   middle of the fourteenth century; but from that time the original has
   been entirely lost. For four hundred years nothing but a few scattered
   fragments was known to exist. The age, however, which witnessed the
   rediscovery of "The Assumption of Moses" has been gratified by the
   reappearance of the Book of Jubilees. Dr. Krapff, an African
   missionary, found the book in Abyssinia, had it transcribed, and sent
   the manuscript to the University Library in Tübingen. The work was an
   Ethiopian version of the original, complete, indeed, in one sense, but
   full of errors, and not a trustworthy representation of the original.
   It was translated by Dillmann in Ewald's Jahrbücher, ii. and iii., with
   an appendix containing discussions on the main points of interest. With
   the aid of another MS., Dillmann published the Ethiopian text in 1859.
   [240] Some further fragments of two old Latin translations have been
   set forth by Ceriani and Rönsch, [241] and these with the Ethiopic text
   enable us to give a satisfactory account of this curious and long-lost
   work. Previously to the appearance of these publications, students who
   desired to know anything about the book had to refer to Fabricius'
   Codex. Pseudep. V. T., wherein were collected such fragments as had
   been preserved by Jerome and other early writers. Some years later, A.
   Treuenfels [242] added a few other passages discovered by himself,
   comparing them with the Jewish Midrashim, the correspondence with which
   he was the first to proclaim. But these fragments gave a very
   inadequate impression of the contents of the Parva Genesis, and the
   announcement in 1844 of the existence of a complete copy was hailed
   with delight by the learned world.

   Some difficulty had occurred in earlier investigations in fixing the
   identity of the book from which the citations were made, owing to the
   different appellations under which it was known, or by which reference
   was made to it. The oldest reference, that in Epiphanius, [243] calls
   it "Jubilees," or the "Book of Jubilees," a very fitting designation of
   a treatise which divided the history of which it treated into periods
   of Jubilees, i.e. of forty-nine years, the author, in his strong
   partiality for the number seven, departing from the Mosaic principle
   which counted the fiftieth as the year of release (Lev. xxv. 10).
   Epiphanius and many others also name it the "Little Genesis,"
   Microgenesis, Leptogenesis, or ta lepta Geneseos--the minutiæ of
   Genesis [244] --appellations appropriate to it, not as being less in
   bulk than the scriptural record, but as giving particulars of name,
   date, and other "small matters" not found in the canonical book, or
   because it divides the history into small periods. Other references are
   current which probably, though not with certainty, appertain to this
   book. Thus Syncellus [245] more than once alludes to "what is called
   the Life of Adam," quoting from it passages which occur in the
   "Jubilees," so that it seems likely that the work which he names is
   merely a portion of the latter. The same is also true of the "Book of
   Adam's Daughters," mentioned in a decree of Pope Gelasius. [246] The
   title "Apocalypse of Moses," Syncellus himself applies to "Little
   Genesis." [247] In the Ambrosian MS. our book is followed immediately
   by the "Assumption of Moses," as though this formed an appendix to the
   former; and in the catalogues of Pseudo-Athanasius and Nicephorus, the
   "Testament (Diatheke) of Moses" directly precedes the "Assumption;" so
   that it is not unlikely that the "Testament of Moses" is merely another
   name for the "Book of Jubilees." The Abyssinian Church names it the
   "Book of the Division of Days," from the first words of the inscription
   at the beginning.

   The original language of the book is without doubt Hebrew or Aramaic.
   Many expressions in the version are unintelligible without reference to
   this text; Hebrew or Aramaic etymologies of proper names are given; and
   we have Jerome's express statement [248] that certain Hebrew words on
   which he is commenting are found in what he calls "Microgenesis." The
   wives of the Sethites are called by names which are expressive of
   beauty or virtue in Hebrew. That Seth married Azurah, restrain; Jared,
   Beracha, blessing; Enoch, Adni, pleasure; while Cain married his sister
   Avan, vice. There are also numerous passages wherein our book agrees
   with the Hebrew in opposition to the Septuagint, [249] and some where
   it follows an independent Hebrew original. The present Ethiopic
   version, however, was made from a Greek and not a Hebrew original. This
   fact, which the history of other Abyssinian literature made
   antecedently probable, is confirmed by the introduction of Greek words
   into the text, e.g. drus, balanos, lips, pharanx, etc. Thus, too, we
   have the Septuagintal forms, Mambrim for Mamre, Geraron for Gerar,
   Kiriath Arbok for Kirjath-Arba, Aunan for Aner (Gen. xiv. 24),
   Heliopolis for On, Gesem for Goshen. On the other hand, if the old
   Latin may be supposed to have been translated directly from the Hebrew,
   [250] containing as it does many grammatical forms or phrases peculiar
   to that language, which would hardly have escaped alteration in passing
   through Greek into Latin, yet the translator seems to have been well
   acquainted with the work of the Seventy, and to have referred to this
   version in rendering his original.

   As to the date of the composition, nothing can with certainty be
   determined. The author was well acquainted with and refers to some
   sections of the Book of Enoch, and has adopted many of its glosses on
   Old Testament history. [251] Thus, as Ewald and Schürer note, it is
   said of Enoch that "he wrote in a book the signs of heaven in the order
   of their months, in order that the children of men might know the
   seasons of the year, according to the order of the various months . . .
   . He saw in his dream the past and the future, what was going to happen
   to the sons of the children of men in their generations one after
   another down to the day of judgment. All this he saw and knew, and
   wrote it down as a testimony, and left it on the earth as a testimony
   for all the sons of the children of men, and for their generations."
   This is quite a correct account of the contents of part of the Book of
   Enoch as it has come down to us. On the other hand, he himself has been
   known to, and probably, quoted by, the writer of the "Testaments of the
   Twelve Patriarchs." There are many verbal parallelisms or plagiarisms
   which have been noted by Rönsch and others; there are also some details
   which may be derived from the same source. The account of Reuben's
   crime agrees with the narrative in the Jubilees. Other matters are,
   Levi's dream concerning the priesthood, and the favour which the Lord
   should shower upon him; the names of the wives of Levi and Judah; the
   war against the Canaanite kings; Zebulon's prediction of Israel's
   apostasy; Joseph's temptations, which are plainly an imitation of
   Abraham's. In these and many other passages the Testaments reproduce
   the facts of the Jubilees. In the chronology also there is remarkable
   similarity. Now, if this connection is established, as Rönsch and
   others [252] have with tolerable certainty demonstrated, we have at
   once a limitation of the period during which Leptogenesis was composed,
   and may assign it to some date between B.C. 100 and A.D. 100. But
   further limitation is possible. The author appears to have used the
   Second Book of Esdras, the genuine portions of which are attributed to
   the age immediately preceding the Christian era. Whether the writers of
   the New Testament were conversant with the Book of Jubilees is a
   question which we cannot here discuss. Certainly there are many points
   in the Angelology and Demonology of both which afford a striking
   similarity, and many expressions which are analogous or identical;
   [253] but we will found no argument upon this. Some have traced an
   intentionally antichristian spirit in the work, and have thence
   inferred that it was produced some few years after the death of our
   Lord. We must at any rate date it before the destruction of Jerusalem,
   A.D. 70. The seer speaks (chap. i.) of the Lord dwelling for ever in
   Zion, of the temple lasting to all time, and its holiness enduring to
   all eternity. Like Enoch (chap. lvi.), he makes Jerusalem the centre of
   the earth and the seat of sovereignty. Such expressions could not have
   been used by one who had witnessed the overthrow of the sacred city at
   the hands of the Romans. The great stress laid on the duty of sacrifice
   and of making the legal offerings points to the same conclusion. The
   writer must have had in his view a regular ritual, and a temple wherein
   sacrifices were then offered, which, as he expressly says (chap.
   xxxii.), were to continue to the end of the world. We may therefore
   from the above considerations conclude that the book was composed about
   the middle of the first Christian century.

   That Palestine was the abode of the author may be justly inferred from
   the language in which the work was originally written. The few striking
   cases, where apparently the wording of the Septuagint has been adopted,
   must be attributed to the translator, as the well-known animosity
   against the Greek version exhibited by the Palestinian Jews precludes
   the possibility of the author himself employing it in writing his
   history. The angel of the vision orders Abram to transcribe the Hebrew
   books, and to teach that language to his descendants (chap. xii.)--an
   injunction which, understood as the author intended, could be carried
   out in no foreign land, but only in Palestine, the home of "Adam's
   primitive language." Joseph speaks Hebrew when he makes himself known
   to his brethren. The stress laid upon complete separation from the
   heathen, and the necessity of holding aloof from all communication with
   exterior peoples, would have been absurd if addressed to any but
   dwellers in the promised land; and although attempts have been made to
   show that the writer was a priest of the temple of Leontopolis, in
   Egypt, the evidence for this theory is feeble, and the argument is
   based on assumptions which are unproved. There are indeed certain
   intimations that the author followed sometimes a different tradition
   from that which obtained among the Jews of Palestine, as where he
   enjoins that the first-fruits of a tree in its fourth year should be
   brought to the altar, and that the remainder should be eaten by the
   ministers of the Lord before the altar (chap. vii.); whereas, according
   to the Palestinian Halacha, the fruit belonged to the owner of the tree
   absolutely, who was bound to consume it in Jerusalem. [254] And hence
   arises one of the arguments for the theory that the work was composed
   in Egypt; but we have no proof that any of the traditions adopted by
   the author were especially of Egyptian origin; nor is it probable that
   a Hebrew treatise would emanate from that country. The Jews in Egypt,
   if we may believe the translator of Ecclesiasticus, had not maintained
   the knowledge of their ancient tongue; and the writings of Philo, the
   Book of Wisdom, and other works of that era, lead to the same
   conclusion.

   The author is certainly a Jew. The careful description of the Sabbath
   and the festivals, with their ceremonies and rabbinical observances,
   and the heavenly authority attributed to them, could have emanated from
   none but a Hebrew of the Hebrews. To the same conclusion points the
   elevated position ascribed to the nation of Israel. There is no
   Christian sentiment or opinion in the book, not even a reference to a
   personal Messiah. [255] The only passage that can be supposed to have a
   Messianic meaning is one referring to Abraham's seed (chap. xvi.):
   "From him would come the plant of righteousness for the generation of
   eternity; from him should also come the holy seed like him who had made
   all things" (Schodde). But this is too vague to form the basis of any
   notion of Christian feeling in our book. Equally free is it from
   Alexandrian philosophy. The author never allegorises. He expands,
   explains, particularises the scriptural accounts, but does not see in
   them types or figures of moral truths, and founds on them no
   philosophical speculations. He seems to stand between the apocryphal
   writers of the Old Testament and the composers of those pseudepigraphic
   books which were produced in early Christian times, as the Testaments
   of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Ascension of Isaiah. The teaching
   concerning angels and demons differs considerably from that which
   obtains, e.g., in the Book of Enoch, and appears to be less developed
   and complete. From the reverence shown to the number seven and the
   marked importance attributed to the feast of the Sabbath, some have
   assigned the writer to the sect of Essenes; [256] but the grounds of
   this opinion are of little weight, more especially as there is no
   mention of the washings and purifications which were an essential
   feature of this sect. Nor can the writer be a Samaritan, for, in
   speaking of the four places favoured by God in all the earth, he names
   Eden, Sinai, Zion, and the mountain of the east, but not Gerizim. That
   he was not a Sadducee is proved by his belief in angels and the
   immortality of the soul. We must be satisfied with conjecturing that he
   was a Pharisee of the dominant type, a man of learning, well read in
   Scripture, well acquainted with myth and legend, and belonging probably
   to the body of scribes. Many apocalyptic writers have, with more or
   less fulness, narrated the history of the Jewish nation from the
   earliest times unto their own; but the method pursued by our author is,
   as far as we know, peculiar to himself, and can have been invented only
   by one who was not merely conversant with the sacred text and the
   traditions connected with it, oral or written, but was capable of
   taking a comprehensive view of a great subject, and had the desire of
   expressing some personal views of his own, and of effecting important
   reforms in the observances of his co-religionists.

   The form of the book is peculiar. Professing to give a history of the
   world from the creation to the settlement in Canaan, it breaks up this
   period into divisions of Jubilees, and arranges all the facts narrated
   in the scriptural accounts into these segments of time. In order to
   confer on his new matter the same authority which Scripture possessed,
   the writer introduces Moses as receiving this revelation of past and
   future from an angel of the Presence, while he tarried on Mount Sinai
   in the first year of the Exodus. This system of chronology is supposed
   to be a direct Apocalypse; it had not its origin in the days of Moses,
   but was known long before to the patriarchs, partly by tradition,
   partly by direct communication from God, and was a portion of the
   original design of God which He purposed from the creation. So the
   jubilee-reckoning is a heavenly system: all the history of God's people
   falls into this form, and Moses could not have known it had it not been
   revealed to him by the Lord. Thus the author presents his work stamped
   with the highest sanction, and at once disarms prejudice and wins
   assent by assuming Divine authority for his statements. "Moses was in
   the mount forty days and forty nights, and the Lord taught him of the
   past and the future; He declared unto him the division of the days and
   the law and the testimony, and bade him write it in a book, that his
   posterity might know it and be warned against breaking the commandments
   of the Lord. And the Angel of the Presence, who went before the camp of
   Israel, wrote out the revelation for Moses, and took the heavenly
   tables which contained the account of jubilees and weeks and days and
   seasons, and told him all that follows" (chap. i.). Thence to the end
   of the book we have history poured into this mould, the earlier part
   being made consistent by transferring to patriarchal times feasts and
   observances of later date. The events are treated with much freedom,
   and illustrated by amplification and tradition, so that the whole
   deserves the appellation which has been affixed to it, "a Haggadistic
   Commentary on the Book of Genesis." [257]

   We proceed to give some specimens of the treatment of Biblical stories
   herein, premising that many of the additions and explanations may be
   found in other apocryphal works as well as in the Talmud and Midrashim,
   while others are peculiar to the author, and have no existence in other
   treatises. We will for a moment omit chronological matters, with which
   our book is greatly concerned, and confine our attention to other
   points. Some have hoped to find herein grounds for revision of the
   Hebrew text of the Pentateuch; and certainly there are passages which
   seem to point to readings that differ from the received wording. But in
   the absence of the original text such indications are scarcely
   reliable, and nothing of importance has been elicited from them. And
   first, with regard to religious observances; with the view of giving
   indisputable authority to Mosaic ordinances, the writer refers them to
   primitive times far removed from the Sinaitic incidents. The feast of
   Pentecost dates from the covenants made by God with Noah and Abraham;
   the feast of Tabernacles was first celebrated by Abraham at Beersheba,
   and further solemnised by Jacob after his vision at Bethel. The
   mourning on the Day of Atonement commemorated the loss of Joseph. Other
   matters are manipulated in a similar manner. Many of the glosses on the
   inspired statements are made with a view of obviating real or supposed
   difficulties. Thus concerning the speech of the serpent, it is
   explained that in Paradise before the fall all animals spoke, but lost
   their power in consequence of Adam's sin (chap. iii.). Cain and Seth
   took their sisters as wives; and the names of the wives of all the
   chief patriarchs are carefully given as if from traditional
   genealogies. Adam's death at seventy years short of a thousand is a
   literal fulfilment of the curse, Gen. ii. 17, because he did die in
   "the day" in which he ate the forbidden fruit, one day being with the
   Lord as a thousand years (chap. iv.). [258] The angels brought the
   animals to the ark (chap. v.). Canaan, contrary to the advice of his
   father and his brethren, persisted in colonising the land of Libanus
   from Hamath to the river of Egypt; and when Japhet moved westward, his
   son Madai dwelt in the Median land--statements made to account for the
   fact that descendants of Ham and Japhet were found in the Semitic
   domain (chap. x.). It was Satan who induced God to order Abraham to
   sacrifice his son. Rebecca loved Jacob, because she knew that Abraham
   had been warned that that son of Isaac should be specially favoured by
   God (ch. xvi., xix.); and it was in the time of a great famine that
   Esau sold his birthright (chap. xxiv.). Reuben escaped the punishment
   due to his crime, because the law had not at that time been fully
   revealed (chap. xxxiii.). Er was slain because he would not receive the
   wife offered him by his father, but preferred to take one from the
   Canaanitish relations of his mother (chap. xli.). Judah's ignorance at
   the time and subsequent repentance obtained for him forgiveness of his
   sin with his daughter-in-law Tamar. Moses lay for seven days in the
   ark, during which time his mother came and suckled him by night, and
   his sister watched him by day to defend him from the birds (chap.
   xlvii.). It was not God, but the arch-enemy, Mastemah, who hardened the
   hearts of the Egyptians.

   Sometimes remarks are introduced which have reference to earlier or
   later passages, and are intended to give a completion to the bare fact
   mentioned in the sacred text. [259] Of this nature is the appearance of
   the angels to Abraham and Sarah (chap. xvi.), in fulfilment of the
   promise in Gen. xviii. 14; Jacob's tithing of his goods in Bethel
   (chap. xxxii.), according to his vow (Gen. xxviii. 22); his purposing
   to build a sanctuary there, from which he was dissuaded by the angel in
   his dream; Jacob's war with seven Amorite kings (chap. xxxiv.), when he
   obtained the portion which he gave to Joseph (Gen. xlviii. 22). [260]
   The difficulties connected with the names and number of the members of
   Jacob's family that came into Egypt are not materially lightened by the
   statements of our book, which, omitting the two sons of Pharez and of
   Beriah (Gen. xlvi. 12, 17), adds in their place four sons of Dan and
   one of Naphtali, all of whom died prematurely in Egypt, and makes Dinah
   to have met her death in the land of Canaan before the removal (chap.
   xliv.).

   As additions to the inspired account may be mentioned such particulars
   as these: Adam took five days to name all the animals which came unto
   him, and having seen them all, found none like himself, which could be
   a helpmate for him (chap. iii.); as soon as Eve had eaten of the fruit,
   she was ashamed, and made herself a garment of fig leaves; Adam was
   seven years in the garden of Eden, where he guarded the ground from
   birds and beasts, collected and stored the fruits, "dressed and kept
   it;" in the days of Jared the angels came down to earth to teach men
   righteousness (chap. iv.); Adam was the first who was buried in the
   earth; Cain met with his death by the fall of his house, a just
   retribution, that he who had slain his brother with a stone should
   himself be killed by a stone; the three sons of Noah built three towns
   on Mount Lubar, the part of Ararat on which the ark grounded, and where
   Noah was afterwards buried (chap. vii.). To these may be added the
   prolix account of Noah's distribution of the earth among his sons, and
   the curse laid on either who sought to take any portion which had not
   fallen to his share (chap. ix.); the statement about the position of
   the Tower of Babel, that it stood between the territory of Assyria and
   Babylon in the land of Shinar, and that the asphalt used in its
   construction was brought from the sea and the springs in Shinar; the
   explanation of the selection of Levi for the priesthood by the
   principle of taking the tithe for God's use, Jacob counting upwards
   from Benjamin and thus reckoning Levi as the tenth; Jacob's wrath at
   the deception practised on him in the matter of Leah and his angry
   speech to Laban, "Take thy daughter and let me be gone, for thou hast
   dealt ill with me;" Joseph's observation of his brethren's return to
   better feeling before he made himself known to them; the war between
   the kings of Canaan and Egypt, which was the reason of Joseph's
   interment in the Holy Land being postponed till the Exodus. We have
   also an intercalation between vers. 1 and 2 of Gen. xlvi., showing how
   Jacob, fearing to go down into Egypt, waited patiently for a vision,
   and on the seventh day of the third month celebrated the feast of
   harvest; and a long addition between vers. 27 and 28 of Gen. xxxv.,
   containing Rebecca's advice to Jacob, and her exacting an oath from
   Esau not to injure his brother, and many other particulars, including
   Leah's death and burial. Here may be mentioned Jacob's war with the
   Amorite kings, which is also recorded in the Testaments of the Twelve
   Patriarchs (Testam. Jud.). The identification of some of the names of
   the cities of these kings is very difficult. The first is Thapha
   (Tapho, Lat.), which is probably Tappuah (Josh. xii. 17); the second,
   Aresa (Arco, Lat.); the third, Saragan, cannot be identified; the
   fourth, Selo (Silo, Lat), is doubtless Shiloh; and the fifth, Gaiz
   (Gaas, Lat.), is the Gaash of Judg. ii. 9. The Amorites combined
   against Jacob to rob him of his cattle and to destroy him and his
   family; and the patriarch, with his three sons, Levi, Judah, and
   Joseph, went out against them, slew the five kings, and made the people
   tributary. So again the account of Enoch is much enlarged, and gives
   evident proof of reference to the Book of Enoch, so called. "He was the
   first of men who taught learning and wisdom; he wrote in a book the
   signs of heaven according to the order of the months; he bare testimony
   to the generations of men, showed them the weeks of the jubilees, and
   the days of the years, and the sabbatical year. In his visions he saw
   the past and the future, how it should happen to the sons of men until
   the day of judgment, and wrote it all in a book. After the birth of
   Methuselah he was for six years with the angels, who instructed him in
   heavenly and earthly lore, which he transcribed at their dictation. He
   bore testimony against the angels who had sinned with the daughters of
   men. And for his reward he was taken away from among the sons of men,
   and carried by angels into the garden of Eden, where he learned the
   judgment and the eternal punishment of sinners, and wrote it all in a
   book." This is indeed a fairly complete account of the contents of the
   Book of Enoch as known to us. Sometimes the speeches of the actors in
   the Biblical drama are altered and lengthened. Thus Gen. xliv. 9
   becomes: "he shall die, and we with our asses will become servants of
   thy lord;" ver. 10: "Not so; the man with whom I find it I will take as
   servant; but ye, go home in peace;" ver. 15 (in order to eliminate the
   idea of divination): "Know ye not that such a man as I, who drink from
   this cup, dearly loves his cup?" and ver. 20, instead of "his brother
   is dead," "one is gone and was lost, so that we have never found him
   again."

   Under the same category come the names of the wives of the patriarchs
   from Adam to Terah, and those of the sons of Jacob (whence these
   details are derived is wholly unknown); the number of Adam's sons, who
   seem to have been twelve in all; the four sacred spots in the earth,
   Eden, the mountain of the East (probably Lubar), [261] Sinai, and Zion;
   the inscription found by Canaan, son of Arphaxad, containing
   astronomical lore taught to the forefathers by the angels (chap.
   viii.); [262] the division of the earth by lot among the sons of Noah;
   the mention of the forty-three years consumed in the building of the
   Tower, with the avowed intention of thereby ascending to heaven (chap.
   x.); the beginning of war and the practice of slavery among the sons of
   Noah; the introduction of idolatry by Ur, who built a town which he
   called after his father Kesed (chap. xi.); [263] Jacob's yearly
   presents to his father and mother after his return from Mesopotamia;
   the assertion that Zebulon and Dinah were twins, that Zilpah and Bilhah
   were sisters (chap. xxviii.); the dream of Levi about his future
   priesthood (chap. xxxii.); the death of Bilhah and Dinah for grief at
   the loss of Joseph (chap. xxxiv.); the war which, at the instigation of
   his sons, Esau makes with Jacob after Isaac's death, and wherein he
   himself falls by his brother's hand, and his forces are defeated and
   slain (chaps. xxxvii., xxxviii.); the failure in the annual rise of the
   Nile, which was the cause of the famine in Egypt; the hostilities
   between the Egyptians and the Canaanites, during which the remains of
   the other sons of Jacob, except Joseph, were taken into Canaan and
   buried in the cave of Machpelah on Mount Hebron; [264] the lingering of
   some of the Jews in Canaan after this business of sepulture, and among
   them, Amram, who returned to Egypt shortly before Moses' birth (chaps.
   xlvi., xlvii.); the name of Pharaoh's daughter, Tharmuth (Lat. Termot);
   the order for the drowning of the Israelites' children executed for
   seven months only; Moses' instruction for twenty-one years by his
   father Amram, and his residence at Pharaoh's court for the same period;
   the binding of the evil spirit from the fourteenth to the eighteenth
   day, to give the Israelites time to escape from Egypt (chap. xlviii.).

   We have mentioned the introduction of the names of persons who are not
   specially designated in Scripture. Names are also affixed to places,
   rivers, etc., which are elsewhere not defined, or are called
   differently. Thus Shem's possession extends from the mountain Rafu
   (Rhiphaei M.), where the river Tona (Tanais) flows, to the sea Miot
   (Pal. Mæotis) and Karaso (Chersonese). Adam's second place of abode is
   the land Eldad. Ham claims territory up to the fiery mountains, and
   westerly unto the sea Atil (Atlantic) and "the end at Gadith" (Gades).
   To Japhet appertains the district of Lag (Liguria), the mountain of
   Kilt (Kelts), the country to the west of Para (?), opposite to Apherag
   (Africa), and to his son Ijoajon (Javar) the land Adlud (Italy) and the
   neighbouring islands. Then Jacob after his return dwells at Akrabit;
   Rachel bears her son Benjamin in Kebrathan (Gen. xxxv. 16, Sept.). The
   Amorites build two towns, Robel and Thamuathares; the king of Canaan
   pursues the Egyptians up to the walls of Eromon (Heroopolis).

   The legendary lore connected with Abraham is a study in itself. Many of
   the following Sagas are found in the Targum and elsewhere; but the
   labour of identifying them or tracing them to their sources is, for
   Bible students, more curious than profitable. The child Abram was, from
   very early years, filled with loathing for the vices of those among
   whom he lived. When only fourteen, he separated himself from his
   father, refusing to worship his idols, and praying to the great Creator
   to save him from being led astray by the evil practices of his
   countrymen. At his command the ravens refrained from devouring the seed
   that was sown in the fields; more than this, he invented a kind of
   drill, which was attached to the plough, and covered up the seeds as
   they were sown. As he grew older, he spoke seriously to his father
   about the folly and wickedness of worshipping idols; and Terah assented
   to his words, but dared not openly avow his sentiments for fear of his
   relations, who would slay without scruple all who opposed the
   prevailing religion. But when he was sixty years old, Abram could
   endure it no longer, and set fire to the temple by night; and Haran,
   his brother, perished [265] in the attempt to save the idols. Upon
   this, Terah and his family removed to Charran, [266] where they
   remained fourteen years. Here Abram learns the futility of astrology,
   shows entire dependence upon God, prays for deliverance from evil
   spirits who lead men's hearts astray, and is told by an angel not to
   return to Ur, but to leave his father's house, and to travel to Canaan.
   During his life he was subject to ten great trials or temptations:
   [267] --1. The departure from his native land. 2. The famine which
   occasioned his retreat to Egypt. 3. The abduction of his wife. 4. The
   war with the kings. 5. The painful rite of circumcision. 6. The
   dismissal of Ishmael. 7. The expulsion of Hagar. 8. The sterility of
   Sarah. 9. The offering of Isaac. 10. The death and burial of Sarah. It
   is said that while the descendants of Noah down to Abraham's time
   violated the command not to eat blood, Abraham strictly observed it,
   and taught it to his posterity. Variations from the received ritual
   observed in the celebration of festivals sometimes occur in our book.
   The beginnings of the first, fourth, seventh, and tenth months are to
   be observed as feasts, as they had already been observed by Noah. In
   the case of the feast of Tabernacles, no mention is made of the custom
   of drawing water from the pool of Siloam, and pouring it out solemnly
   at the altar, to which our Lord is supposed to allude in John vii. 37,
   38. The omission may possibly be intended to befriend the Sadducees,
   who made the practice a subject of contention with the Pharisees,
   urging that it was never formally ordained by Moses, and therefore
   ought not to be observed. [268] Not, as already remarked, that the
   author was a Sadducee, but he may have wished to write in a
   conciliatory spirit, and not unnecessarily to obtrude points of
   difference. Other omissions are the injunction of fasting on the Day of
   Atonement, the exclusion of the uncircumcised from the Passover, and
   the appointment of Pentecost about the middle of the third month
   without specially naming the day. The time for the observance of the
   Passover is thus ordained: "The children of Israel shall keep the
   Passover on its appointed day, the fourteenth day of the first month,
   between evenings, in the third part of the day unto the third part of
   the night; for two parts of the day are given to the light, and the
   third to night. This is that which the Lord hath commanded, that thou
   shouldst do it between evenings. And it shall not be done (sacrificed)
   in the morning, at any hour of the light, but in the confines of the
   evening. And ye shall eat it in the evening unto the third part of the
   night, and what remains after the third part of the night shall be
   burned with fire." The author divides the day and the night into three
   parts each; his "evening" consists of the third part of the day and the
   first two parts of night, his "morning" of the last part of the night
   and the first two parts of the day. The whole ceremony connected with
   the lamb must take place within the limits of the "evening" thus
   defined; it must be killed in the last third of the day, and eaten
   within the first two parts of the night, or, as he puts it, "unto the
   third part of the night," i.e. exclusive. [269] This interpretation of
   the phrase, "between the two evenings," Ex. xii. 6, and the other
   directions, express the practice which obtained in the writer's time,
   and offer a possible solution of what has always been a subject of
   dispute.

   Explanations of the meaning of names are sometimes given. [270] Thus
   Eden is interpreted pleasure, which reminds one of the LXX. paradeisos
   tes truphes, Paradisus voluptatis, Vulg. Sala (son of Cainan) is
   dismissal; modern authorities make it to signify extension. Phalek is
   division, "for in his days the sons of Noah began to divide the earth."
   Ragev (= Reu or Ragau) is so named "because the sons of men have become
   evil" (chap. x.). Seruch refers to his turning away in order to commit
   wickedness (chap. xi.). Ur Kasdim takes its appellation from its
   founder Ur, and his father Kesed (chap. xi.). Tharah (Terah), son of
   Nakhor (Nahor), was so called by his father "because the birds stole
   and devoured the seeds sown in the fields."

   Corrections of passages in the inspired narrative misunderstood, or
   liable to be misinterpreted, are offered, and supposed omissions or
   gaps are supplied from other sources. Some of these intercalations have
   been given above. The following are a few further examples. On the day
   that Adam fell, the mouths of all animals were closed, and they spoke
   no more as heretofore; our first parents were clothed in order to show
   their superiority to the beasts of the earth, and the directions
   concerning apparel were given to the Israelites to differentiate them
   from the heathen; the gradual deterioration of men was induced by the
   efforts of evil demons, who, until checked by God's interference,
   exercised terrible power upon earth; Noah's sons were saved, not for
   their own, but for their father's sake; the blessing of Shem (Gen. ix.
   26, 27) was, "Blessed be the Lord God of Shem, and may the Lord dwell
   in his habitations;" it was at a religious festival that Noah drank
   wine; Terah abode in Charran when Abram left his home, but prayed his
   son to come and fetch him when he was settled in his new abode; Hagar
   died before Sarah, and it was after the death of both that Abraham
   married Keturah; before his death Abraham summoned Ishmael and his
   twelve sons, Isaac and his two sons, and the six sons of Keturah with
   their children, and gave them a solemn charge to cultivate purity and
   righteousness, and to live at peace with each other; Judah and Levi
   remained at home with their father (while the other sons were sent
   forth to tend the herds), and received special blessings and
   prerogatives from Isaac; for his action against the Shechemites, Levi
   was highly honoured, and his posterity was elected to the everlasting
   priesthood; Joseph withstood the solicitations of Potiphar's wife for a
   full year, being then seventeen years old; he was beloved by all the
   courtiers, because he was perfectly upright and fair, took no bribes,
   and behaved with affability to all; Jacob his father gave him two
   portions in the land of Canaan, and thenceforward Joseph lived in
   peace, and nothing evil happened to him till the day of his death.

   In the chronology of our book many points are noteworthy. We have the
   formal announcement: "These are the words of the division of the days,
   according to the law and the testimony, according to the events of the
   years in sabbatical years and in jubilees." The Flood occurs A.M. 1353;
   and from the Creation to the Exodus, the period comprised in the work,
   the author reckons forty-nine jubilees, one year-week, and two years,
   i.e. 2410 years, and makes the passage of the Jordan to occur A.M.
   2450. This date is composed exactly of fifty jubilees of forty-nine
   years each, and allows a new jubilee period to commence with the
   entrance into the promised land. Then his year consists of fifty-two
   weeks, i.e. 364 days. The sun,' he says, was made for a great sign upon
   the earth to regulate days, and sabbaths, and years, and jubilees, and
   all seasons' (chap. ii.); "but the moon confuses and mars the order,
   and comes every year ten days in advance" (chap. vi.); and the only way
   of preventing confusion and error in the whole system of feasts, is to
   make the year number 364 days. Taking for granted that a new jubilee
   began at the entrance of the Israelites into Canaan, he had to arrange
   his chronology accordingly, and he therefore reckons, as we have said,
   fifty jubilees of forty-nine years each to the close of the wanderings
   in the desert. In very many particulars he agrees entirely with the
   Masoretic texts of Genesis and Exodus, but he takes liberties or
   follows a different reading in other passages. To give a few
   examples:--Jared was sixty-two years old when he begat Enoch, the
   present Hebrew text giving his age as one hundred and sixty-two;
   Methuselah's son Lamech was born when his father was sixty-seven (187,
   Heb.); Lamech was fifty-three (182, Heb.) when he begat Noah. These
   details are supported partly by the Septuagint, partly by the Samaritan
   Pentateuch. But in enumerating the post-diluvian patriarchs, the author
   is greatly at variance with existing authorities. Arphaxad begets
   Cainan seventy-four years after the Flood; [271] Cainan begets Salah in
   his fifty-seventh year; Salah begets Eber in his sixty-seventh; Eber,
   Peleg in his sixty-eighth; Peleg, Reu in his sixty-first; Serug, Nahor
   in the 116th year after the birth of Reu; Nahor, Terah in his
   sixty-second year. All these numbers differ from those in the Hebrew
   and the Septuagint. On the question of the "four hundred and thirty
   years," in Ex. xii. 40, the Jubilee Book would seem to agree with the
   LXX. in reading "in the land of Egypt and in the land of Canaan;" for
   the date of Isaac's birth is fixed A.M. 1980, i.e. 430 years before the
   Exodus, and thus the reckoning includes the sojourn in Canaan; but it
   dates the arrival of Jacob in Egypt at A.M. 2172, thus making the
   residence of the Israelites in that country last for two hundred and
   thirty-eight years. The arrangement of the years of Moses' life is not
   altogether in accordance with Scripture. He is born A.M. 2330, is
   introduced at the king's court at the age of twenty-one, kills the
   Egyptian and flees when he is forty-two, and remains in Midian for
   thirty-six years. Joseph's birth is set A.M. 2134, he is sold when
   seventeen years old, was a slave for ten and in prison for three years,
   and held supremacy in Egypt for eighty years, dying at the age of 110,
   "in the second year of the sixth week (year-week) of the forty-sixth
   jubilee," A.D. 2242. This would make him only 108 years old at his
   death. There are very many other passages where the dates given do not
   harmonise with preceding or succeeding statements. Some of these
   miscalculations are doubtless ascribable to clerical errors in MSS.,
   some are corrected in the old Latin versions, but a great number of
   deviations remain which can only be explained by carelessness in the
   translator, or lapse of memory in the writer. Abraham is born A.M.
   1876; he dies at the age of 175, "in the first week of the forty-fourth
   jubilee, in the second year," i.e. A.M. 2109, which is quite wrong, and
   would make him 233 years old at his death. And if, as Dillmann
   proposes, we read "the forty-third jubilee," we shall set his decease
   in A.M. 2060, which is still nearly ten years wrong according to the
   jubilee date of his birth. Such manifest mistakes we should be inclined
   to attribute to the scribe or the translator, rather than to the author
   himself. His plan, indeed, required great skill and precision. Starting
   from the principle that the period from the creation to the entrance
   into Canaan consisted of fifty jubilees of forty-nine years each, and
   being dominated by the idea of the sacredness and preponderance of the
   number seven, he had to fit events into their proper place in this
   septenary system. And certainly, if we consider the use of numbers in
   Holy Scripture and the mystery which attaches to them, we cannot but
   allow the importance of the number seven. In his zeal, however, for the
   use of this number, our author sometimes introduces it where Scripture
   is silent, sometimes for this purpose even alters the wording of his
   text. Thus he affirms that God opened seven sluices in heaven to
   produce the Flood, and that Benjamin's mess was seven times as great as
   his brethren's. But other considerations lead us to think that there is
   a significance in the scriptural employment of this number which is not
   to be disregarded. Its continual recurrence in the Revelation of St.
   John confirms this view. It is the number of forgiveness, of covenant,
   of holiness, perfection, and rest. The idea of rest, of course, meets
   us at the close of the work of creation; but there are many other
   instances of a similar use. Enoch, the seventh from Adam, never tasted
   death, but was translated and entered into his rest; six times seven
   stations brought the Israelites to the promised land; on the seventh
   day the walls of Jericho fell down, and the people took possession of
   the city, after they had marched round it seven times with seven
   priests blowing seven trumpets. I need here hardly mention the
   sabbatical year and the year of jubilee, by the former of which the
   soil obtained a period of rest after being cropped for six successive
   years, and by the latter the state, the body politic, had its rest and
   sanctification, for then estates returned to their original possessors,
   and slaves were manumitted. All the feasts were more or less connected
   with the sabbatical system. The Passover and the feast of Tabernacles
   lasted each of them seven days; seven weeks after the Passover came
   Pentecost; the great Day of Atonement occurred in the seventh month of
   the year, itself a sacred month; the days of holy convocation were
   seven. Further, the blood of propitiation was sprinkled seven times
   before the mercy-seat; seven were the pieces of furniture pertaining to
   the tabernacle; seven were the branches of the sacred candlestick.
   [272]

   With such grounds for giving considerable importance to the number
   seven, our author with great skill reduced his historical facts to
   these dimensions; and it is not unlikely that many errors have crept
   into the present text from the scribes' or translators' neglect of this
   principle, and that many difficulties might be removed by the
   restoration of the septenary reckoning where it seems to be neglected.
   Where the chief dates, the epochs assigned to leading events, are not
   divisible by seven, we may reasonably conclude that there is some error
   in our versions which did not exist in the original, or that some
   passages have perished which would have introduced consistency in
   statements now incomplete or contradictory. The intended precision in
   the text, which to some events assigns not only the year, but even the
   month and the day, is attained by a comparison of the various dates
   afforded by the Hebrew, by arbitrary alterations, by rabbinical
   glosses, and by the introduction of later holy days and seasons into
   these earlier times. Many of the dates thus obtained are interesting.
   Thus the Fall takes place on the seventeenth day of the second month in
   the year 8; Abel offers his sacrifice in his twenty-second year at the
   full moon of the seventh month = the feast of Tabernacles, A.M. 99;
   Noah is born A.M. 709, and dies at the age of 950, A.M. 1659, having
   observed the feast of Weeks for 350 years, and being contemporary with
   Adam for more than 200 years. The sons of Noah were born thus:--Shem in
   1207, Ham in 1209, and Japhet in 1212, and the Flood began in 1308;
   Noah divides the earth among his three sons in 1569; the tower of Babel
   was begun in the fourth week of the thirty-fourth jubilee = 1645 A.M.,
   and the construction was stopped forty-three years afterwards. Abram
   leaves Egypt in 1961, when Tanis was built, and receives the covenant
   of circumcision on the feast of First-fruits in 1979; Isaac is born on
   the same festival in the following year; he marries Rebecca in the same
   year that his father married Keturah; Abraham before he dies (A.M.
   2060), blesses and instructs Jacob. Jacob is sixty-eight years old when
   he is sent away to Mesopotamia, A.M. 2114. Isaac dies (A.M. 2162) in
   the same year that Joseph, being then of the age of thirty, is raised
   to be next to King Pharaoh. The birth of Pharez and Zarah coincides
   with the end of the seven years of plenty in Egypt.

   In the above chronological arrangements there are many inconsistencies
   and inaccuracies which are easy to point out; but the labour is hardly
   profitable, as the dates have been quoted merely to give a notion of
   the treatment employed which satisfied the author's requirements, and
   not with any idea of effecting an improvement in the received
   chronology, faulty and deceptive as it undoubtedly is. The subject has
   been taken in hand by Krüger (in Zeitschrift der Deutsch. morgenl.
   Gesellschaft, 1858), who has examined most of the chronological
   statements in the book, showing their various inconsistencies and
   correcting errors where possible.

   There are passages relating to events then future, sometimes not told
   in prophetic character. Thus it is said (chap. xxxviii.): "There were
   kings who reigned over Edom, before that a king reigned over the
   children of Israel, even unto this day. There was a king in Edom, Balak
   son of Beor, the name of whose city was Dinaba." But commonly many
   matters of later history are assigned to early times, especially those
   that are concerned with ceremonial and ritual observances. Thus the
   Sabbath was observed by the angels in heaven [273] before it was
   appointed for men at the end of the creation. The law about the
   purification of women after childbirth (Lev. xii.) is traced to the
   fact that Adam was made in the first week and Eve in the second; hence
   the enactment, "seven days for a man-child and two weeks for a
   maid-child." And the further law concerning the time of separation
   after parturition is grounded on the introduction of Adam into Eden
   forty days after his creation, and of Eve eighty days after her
   formation. This law is still observed in the Abyssinian Church. At
   sunrise on the day that Adam was banished from the garden, he offers
   incense composed of the four ingredients specified in Ex. xxx. 34;
   Cain's fate was an example of the law of retaliation afterwards
   re-enacted, Lev. xxiv. 18 ff.; the use of the jubilee periods was
   taught by Enoch to his contemporaries; Noah does all in accordance with
   the Mosaic Law, offering sacrifice of the appointed animals, and
   first-fruits and drink-offerings. The law of tithes is established from
   the time of Abraham, who also celebrated the feast of First-fruits and
   of Tabernacles, and made it an ordinance for ever according to Lev.
   xxiii. 34 ff. Abraham anticipates the special instructions concerning
   laying salt on the sacrifice, using certain wood for the fires, [274]
   purifications, and washings. The prohibition against intermarrying with
   the Canaanites was originally uttered by the same patriarch; and the
   rule concerning the betrothing of the elder daughter before the younger
   was transcribed in the heavenly tables, which also enacted the
   punishment of death for Israelites guilty of mixed marriages or
   harlotry. The Day of Atonement on the tenth day of the seventh month
   (Lev. xxiii.) was established by Jacob in memory of the loss of Joseph.
   Joseph resisted the temptation of Potiphar's wife because he knew of
   the eternal law against adultery which had been delivered to Abraham
   and transmitted by him to his children; and Judah's sin with his
   daughter-in-law Tamar led to the statute against such incestuous
   unions, and the punishment of them by fire. It was at the feast of
   Tabernacles that Levi was consecrated to be priest by his father in
   Bethel, when "he clothed him in sacerdotal robes, and filled his
   hands," offering very ample sacrifices, and assigning to him from that
   day forward not only the first-fruits, but also the second tithe which
   was now introduced. We may add that, according to our book, there was
   much esoteric teaching which was not openly divulged to the people, but
   was communicated to the patriarchs in secret writings and by them
   transmitted to posterity.

   Having given the above sketch of the contents of our book, we may now
   briefly examine the author's teaching upon certain points of doctrine,
   and then we shall be better able to come to some conclusion concerning
   the aim and tendency of the document.

   The teaching concerning angels and demons is in many respects such as
   is found elsewhere. The former are often called Watchers, as in other
   apocalyptic works. The Angel of the Presence and his companions convey
   God's will to men, instruct them in all useful knowledge of things in
   heaven and in earth, and execute God's wrath against sinners. The
   serpent is not identified with Satan in the account of the Fall. The
   great flow of iniquity overspreading the earth is traced to the
   intercourse of angels with the daughters of men, which introduced a
   race of beings gigantic in stature as in wickedness. And when God
   determined to destroy men with the Flood, he punished the sinning
   angels by confining them in the depths of the earth till the great day
   of judgment. But a race of evil demons sprang from them, [275] who
   vexed and deceived and tortured the sons of Noah so grievously that
   they came to their father and asked his intercession to free them from
   their malice. And Noah prayed to God to check their power and withhold
   them from having dominion over the righteous seed. And the Lord
   commanded His angels to take and bind them and cast them into the place
   of torment. But Mastema, [276] the chief of the demons, requested that
   some might be left to execute his will in the earth; and God permitted
   one-tenth of them to remain, reserving the rest for the place of
   judgment. And to counteract the diseases which the demons had
   introduced among mankind, one of the good angels taught Noah the use of
   medicines and the virtues of herbs, all which lore he wrote in a book
   and imparted to his son Shem before his death. There is some appearance
   of a classification of angels in Lepto-Genesis. The highest is the
   Angel of the Presence, who leads the Israelites in the pillar of fire
   and cloud; the second are the archangels, or the angels of blessing;
   the third are the angels of the elements, who direct the powers of
   nature. These were all created on the first day with the heaven and
   earth (chap. ii.); and their agency is introduced on every occasion.
   Nothing happens or is done without their co-operation. They bring men's
   sins before God. Adam was indebted to them for learning his work in
   Eden, Enoch for his knowledge of all things in heaven and earth. It was
   they who bound the fallen angels, taught Noah the use of feast days,
   presided at the division of the earth among his sons, came to inspect
   the Tower of Babel. Abram was called by an angel to the Land of
   Promise, and instructed in the Hebrew tongue; by an angel was his hand
   arrested at the sacrifice of Isaac. Angels unfold the future to Abram
   and to Jacob, save Moses at the inn from the demon who thought to slay
   him, bring to naught the devices of the Egyptian magicians.

   Concerning the immortality of the soul, though it is an article of the
   author's creed, very little is said, nothing concerning the
   resurrection of the body. Speaking of the prosperity of Israel in the
   latter days, the writer observes (chap. xxiv.): "They shall see the
   punishment of their enemies, and their bones shall rest in the earth,
   but their spirit shall have much peace, and they shall know that the
   Lord is He who keeps justice and shows mercy on hundreds and thousands
   and on all who love Him." If, as is probable, the author wished his
   work to be acceptable to all his countrymen without regard to sects and
   parties, the omission of a tenet repudiated by the powerful sect of the
   Sadducees may be accounted for.

   The idea of a personal Messiah is nowhere recognised. Moses is told to
   write the account of his revelation for the use of posterity, "till the
   Lord should descend and dwell with them for ever and ever, and His
   sanctuary should be raised in their midst, and He Himself should be
   seen by them, that all might know that He is the God of Israel" (chap.
   i.). So in the Assumption of Moses the seer looks forward to no earthly
   monarch or heaven-sent delegate who should fill the throne of David and
   lead the people to victory, but he expects the manifestation of Jehovah
   Himself, as in the wilderness of old, guiding and ruling with some
   evident token of His presence. In Lepto-Genesis, Zion is to be the seat
   of this Epiphany; for "in the new creation Zion shall be sanctified,
   and through it shall all the world be purified from guilt and
   uncleanness for ever and ever" (chap. iv.). And as for Israel, it is
   written and firmly established, that if they turn to the Lord in
   righteousness, He will remove their guilt and forgive their sin," and
   compassion shall be shown to all who turn from all their misdeeds once
   a year" (chap. v.), i.e. on the Day of Atonement. In another place
   (chap. xv.) the author says, that God has appointed no one to reign
   over Israel, neither Spirit nor angel, but that He Himself is their
   only Lord and Sovereign. Other nations have their appointed guardian
   angels, and depend less directly upon God for government, but Israel is
   guided and protected by the immediate interference of the Lord. [277]
   He is the first-born, chosen out of all the peoples, selected to be the
   depositary of the law, and bound to mark his superiority to the rest of
   the world by the observance of the Sabbath and the rite of
   circumcision. In his family is the race of priests who intercede with
   God for all flesh and do Him acceptable service. The writer is copious
   in enunciating the preeminence of his people, and looks forward to a
   time when, as a reward for their repentance and renewed adherence to
   God, they should triumph over their enemies and reign supreme in the
   earth. What is to become of the rest of the world is nowhere definitely
   expressed, as in pursuance of his plan the seer was not bound to extend
   his gaze beyond the occupation of the Promised Land and the results
   consequent thereon; and if he looks forward to a time when Israel shall
   revolt from God and disobey His law, he is really recalling the
   warnings given in Deuteronomy with only faint allusion to the events of
   later times or the prospects of a dim futurity. At the same time the
   narrow insularity of the writer and his contempt for, and hatred of
   other nations are continually appearing in his pages, so that what
   Tacitus (Hist. v. 5) says of the feeling of the Jews may certainly be
   predicated of our author: "Adversus omnes alios hostile odium." Ammon
   and Moab, the Edomites and Amorites, are exhibited as the enemies of
   God's people, the object of Heaven's curse, and doomed to destruction.
   The feud with the Canaanites dates from very early times. They were to
   be exterminated, not merely for their enormous wickedness which cried
   aloud for chastisement, but chiefly because Canaan the son of Ham
   seized on the region from Lebanon to the brook of Egypt which
   appertained to the inheritance of Shem, thus dispossessing the
   righteous seed. While Israel was under God's immediate rule and
   guidance, other nations were governed not merely by guardian angels,
   but by demons who alienated them from the Lord. And the reward of
   Israel's repentance is to be found in the utter subjection of enemies
   and the heavy punishment inflicted on subject peoples.

   Inflated with the notion of the superiority of Israel, the author can
   ill admit errors in the conduct of the chief fathers of the race, and
   takes pains to palliate the faults which are attributed to them in the
   canonical accounts, or to pass them over in silence. They are in his
   view paragons of virtue and piety, scrupulous observers of the ritual
   and ceremonial law before it was publicly enacted. Such excellent
   personages could not greatly err. Thus Abram's deceit in the matter of
   Sarai at the court of Pharaoh is left unrecorded, while various
   particulars of his early piety, learning, and devotion, not mentioned
   in Genesis, are painted in glowing colours. In Isaac's question to
   Jacob the omission of the name Esau--Art thou my very son?" and his
   answer, "I am thy son"--clears Jacob from a verbal falsehood; just as
   the alteration in Gen. xliv. 15, mentioned above, is intended to secure
   Joseph from the charge of practising divination Isaac repents of his
   partiality for Esau and learns to regard Jacob as his true son and
   heir; so Jacob in late life loves and honours Leah, having freely
   forgiven the treacherous part which she once had played. His piety is
   exhibited in every circumstance of his life; when he flees from Laban,
   he prays and worships the God of his fathers before he sets forth; he
   affords a pattern of filial devotion by his obedience to his parents,
   and the care he takes in ministering regularly to their wants. Not to
   weary the reader with particulars, one can say shortly that the book is
   filled with the glorification of the patriarchs, who were represented
   as adorned with every virtue, and as genuine Israelites, observers of
   the Mosaic Law, moral and ceremonial.

   A few words may now be added concerning the object and intention of
   this treatise. The aim of the writer is not difficult to define. In the
   first place, he evidently desired to explain difficulties which had met
   him in reflecting on the statements of Scripture. Some things had been
   misunderstood; he would interpret them aright. Some things were
   obscure; he would make them clear. Some omissions occurred; he would
   supply the missing links. Some points were only hinted at or too
   briefly stated; he would develop these intimations into complete and
   well-rounded statements. Especially seemed the glosser's hand to be
   needed in arranging the chronology of the patriarchal times. In this
   matter, however, as we have shown above, he has not been uniformly
   successful, his arithmetic being sometimes faulty and landing him in
   impossible results. As he claims credit for his statements on the
   ground of a heavenly revelation, we should be inclined to attribute
   these errors to copyists; but unfortunately they are of such frequent
   occurrence, and many of them are so interwoven with the narrative, that
   they must be assigned to the author's carelessness or his inability to
   keep in hand all the links of his long history. Another object was in
   the writer's mind. Around the sacred record of Genesis and Exodus had
   arisen a rank growth of legends, additions, and traditionary
   statements; some features of Biblical characters were exaggerated, the
   merest hints were expanded into detailed narratives, and sagas took the
   place of the simple authentic accounts. In the Alexandrian school
   persons and events were idealised into abstractions, and became merely
   metaphors and pictures of vices and virtues. The Book of Jubilees
   recalls men from these speculations to plain historical, or
   quasi-historical, facts. It makes the heroes of the Bible living
   characters. Discarding much legendary matter, it claims for the
   narrative, with its many additions to the sacred text, a supreme
   importance, and tells the tale of the patriarchs in an authoritative
   style which enforces acceptance, and with such amplification as
   requires no further increment. It recounts early history in the spirit
   of the writer's own day. We here are shown what a pious Jew felt and
   believed at the commencement of the Christian era. His opinions on
   momentous topics, such as Satan, the immortality of the soul, future
   judgment, are intimated or distinctly set forth. The writing aims to be
   a popular work, such an one as would seize upon the mind of the less
   instructed, whether Jews or proselytes, and hold them to their faith by
   fear as well as reverence. Hence come the exaggerated penalties for
   certain common offences, and the claim of primitive revelation for many
   peculiarly Jewish observances. Compared with the heavenly origin and
   hoar antiquity of Jewish customs, morals, and ritual, all other
   religions were inferior and of no account; and the Hebrew must be known
   among all nations by his strict adherence to the precepts of his
   forefathers. Having this object in view, the writer takes special pains
   to enforce certain portions of the Mosaic Law, both by glorifying its
   origin and by denouncing vengeance on its infringement. Notably is this
   the case with the law of sacrifice and offering. He is most particular
   in showing the customs of the earliest patriarchs in this matter, how
   that they never failed to make offerings on every suitable occasion,
   how that Abraham delivered to Isaac most stringent commands concerning
   sacrifice, and how highly honoured was Levi as the father of the
   priestly family. In other cases the inculcation of a command goes far
   beyond Scripture in strictness. The man who eats blood shall be utterly
   destroyed, he and his seed for ever, as long as the earth exists (chap.
   vi.). The father who gives his daughter, or he who gives his sister, in
   marriage to a heathen shall be stoned to death, and the wife shall be
   burned with fire (chap. xxx.). The Sabbath is broken even by speaking
   of taking a journey, or of buying and selling, by lighting a fire, by
   drawing water, etc., [278] and the offender is to be put to death. A
   second tithe is due to the Lord, and must be paid for ever by all true
   Israelites. Only certain named (chap. xxi.) woods are to be used for
   the fire of the burnt-offering. The feast of Tabernacles is to be
   celebrated with garlands on the head, and with a procession round the
   altar seven times on every day of the festival. There is a multitude of
   other strict and irksome enactments, which, as they were in force in
   the time of our Lord, justified His saying of the scribes and Pharisees
   (Matt. xxiii. 4): "They bind heavy burdens, and grievous to be borne,
   and lay them on men's shoulders." One sees in the Jubilees the spirit
   and temper which met our blessed Lord in His earthly teaching, the way
   in which a strong and dominant party used the Old Testament to support
   their objects. Close observance of the law, minutiae of ceremony,
   strictness of ritual, were enjoined by our author with the view of
   differentiating his own people from all other nations, and raising them
   to the highest eminence as specially favoured by God, and bound to
   uphold their just prerogatives. They were subject to many perilous
   attractions at this time. Greece with its science and culture, Rome
   with its might and supremacy, alike drew away adherents from Hebraism.
   Many had become ashamed of their religion and their very nationality.
   Herod's party was Jewish only in name. It may be that the teaching,
   miracles, and example of Christ had also begun to move men's minds. All
   these dangers required some counteracting energy to resist their
   influence. Our author offers his book as a panacea. The law, which he
   endeavours to enforce, was of no human origin, and of no ephemeral
   existence; it was eternal, always written in the heavenly tablets, and
   intended to last and to be executed for ever and ever. Evidently he
   desires to reanimate the spirit of Judaism, which he saw to be
   endangered by contact with its surroundings; and, taking no prominent
   side in the contest of parties, he wishes to combine all true
   Israelites together in resistance to the worldly or heathen influences
   around them, which were undermining the faith of the people, and
   introducing laxity and innovation, to unite under one banner the
   divided elements of the holy nation, "till the sanctuary of the Lord
   should be raised on the hill of Zion, and the portion of Israel should
   be holiness, and peace, and blessing, from henceforth and for ever"
   (chap. i.).
     __________________________________________________________________

   [240] Kufâlê, sive Liber Jubilaeorum . . . nuper ex Abyssinia in
   Europam allatus. Æthiopice ad duorum librorum MSS. fidem primum ed. Dr.
   Aug. Dillmann (Kiliæ et Londini 1859).

   [241] Ceriani, Monumenta sacra et profana ex codd. præsertim Biblioth.
   Ambrosianæ, Mediol. 1861, Tom. i. Fasc. i. Rönsch, Das Buch der
   Jubiläen oder die kleine Genesis (Leipz. 1874).

   [242] "Die kleine Genesis," in Literaturbl. d. Orients, 1846, Nos. 1-6.
   Other works on the subject are these: A. Jellinek, Bet ha-Midrasch, Th.
   1-3 (Leipz. 1853-1855). B. Beer, Das Buch der Jubil. u. sein
   Verhältniss zu den Midraschim (Leipz. 1856); and Noch ein Wort über d.
   B. d. Jub. (Leipz. 1857). Frankel in Monatsschrift f. Gesch. des
   Judenthums, 1856, 1857. Two treatises by Dillmann; Krüger, "Die
   Chronol. im Buch der Jubil.," in Zeitschr. 1858. Rubin, Das Buch der
   Jubil. 1870. Ginsburg in Kitto's Cyclopoed. There is a translation by
   Schodde in Bibliotheca sacra, 1885.

   [243] Hæres. xxxix.: hos en tois Iobelaiois eHorisketai, te kai Lepte
   Genesei (al. leptogenesei) kaloumene.

   [244] Hieron. Ep. 127, Ad Fabiol. Syncell. Chronogr. p. 3.

   [245] Chronogr. pp. 7-9; ho legomenos bios Adam.

   [246] Mansi, Conc. viii. 167, where, according to Rönsch, p. 478, the
   correct reading is: "Liber de filiabus Adæ, hoc est Leptogenesis."
   This, at any rate, proves that the book was known in the West, which,
   indeed, the fact of the existence of a Latin version would also show.

   [247] P. 4: hen kai Mouseos einai phasl tines apokalupsin. So, p. 49, a
   little before, Syncellus refers the clause in Gal. vi. 15: "Neither
   circumcision availeth anything," etc., to the "Revelation of Moses."
   Tischendorf in his critical note writes: "Item Syncell. teste Gb., sed
   ignoro locum" The clause in question is not found in our present text
   of "Jubilees;" but as this is confessedly very imperfect, the omission
   proves nothing.

   [248] Ep. 127, Ad Fabiol.: "Hoc verbum [rsh, Num. xxxiii. 21], quantum
   memoria suggerit, nusquam alibi in Scripturis sanctis apud Hebræos
   invenisse me novi absque libro apocrypho qui a Græcis Mikregenesis
   appellatur. Ibi in ædificatione turris pro stadio ponitur, in quo
   exercentur pugiles et athletæ et cursorum velocitas comprobatur." The
   passage referred to is lost in the Ethiopic version. Jerome again
   appeals to our book in the same Epistle, Mansio, 24: "Hoc eodem
   vocabulo [trch, Num. xxxiii. 27] et iisdem literis scriptum invenio
   patrem Abraham, qui in supradicto apocrypho Geneseos volumine abactis
   corvis, qui hominum frumenta vastabant, abactoris vel depulsoris
   sortitus est nomen."

   [249] E.g. Gen. xlv. 22: "Three hundred pieces of silver;" Sept.
   "gold." iii. 17: "Cursed is the ground for thy sake;" Sept. "in thy
   works." xv. 11: "And when the fowls came down upon the carcases, Abram
   drove them away;" Sept. "sat among them." xxxvii. 29: "Let thy mother's
   sons bow down to thee;" Sept. "thy father's." On the other hand, some
   passages agree with the Greek version and not with the Hebrew. Thus
   Jubil. chap. xxiv.: "And the servants of Isaac digged yet another well
   and found no water; and they went and told Isaac that they had found no
   water." The Hebrew of Gen. xxvi. 32 is: "We have found water;" but the
   LXX. give ouch heuromen hudor. The introduction of Cainan as son of
   Arphaxad (chap. viii.) is supported by the Sept. but not by the Hebrew,
   and is further warranted to be original by the comparison of the number
   of created works, viz. twenty-two, with the number of the patriarchs
   from Adam to Jacob, who amount to twenty-two only by including this
   Cainan. See Frankel, v. p. 345. And some few differ from both. Thus
   Gen. xiii. 14 (Heb. and Sept.): "North, south, east, west;" Jubil.
   "West, south, east, north" (according to the Latin version). Gen.
   xxviii. 5: " The mother of Jacob and Esau;" Jubil. "mother of Jacob."
   After Gen. xxx. 28, Laban says: "Remain with me for wages, and feed my
   flocks again, and take thy wages,"--which has no exact counterpart in
   Heb. or Sept. For Gen. xxxiii. 18, where Heb. and Sept. coincide,
   Jubil. gives: "And Jacob moved further and dwelt towards the north in
   Magd Ladra Ephrathah." In the honour paid to Joseph, Gen. xli. 43, it
   is proclaimed before him, "El el Waabrir," in the Latin, "Elel et
   Haboid," or "El el et abior." From these variations it is natural to
   conclude that the writer used a text differing materially from the
   Masoretic recension.

   [250] For the grounds for this statement see Rönsch, § 15, where the
   opinions on both sides are presented, the writer himself concluding
   that the Latin translator had before him the Greek rather than the
   Hebrew text.

   [251] See Jubil. chap. iv.; Jahrb. ii. pp. 240, 241.

   [252] Rönsch, § 11; and Dillmann, Jahrb. iii. p. 91 ff.; Sinker, Test.
   of the Twelve Patriarchs, pp. 41 ff.

   [253] Thus: Abraham is inscribed in the heavenly tables as "a friend of
   the Lord," chap. xix. Cf Jas. ii. 23. Noah, chap. vii., is said to have
   taught his sons and grandsons all God's commandments and the way of
   righteousness. Cf. 2 Pet. ii. 5; and the fate of the evil angels in
   ver. 4; and the giving of the Law through the medium of angels, Acts
   vii. 53; Gal. iii. 19; Heb. ii. 2.

   [254] See Frankel, Monatsschr. v. 384 ff.; Beer, Das Buch. d. Jubil.
   and Noch ein Wort.

   [255] Frankel (Monatsschr. v. 314) has detected a Christian influence
   in the wording of some passages; but the examples given are very far
   from being decisive. Thus in blessing Judah, Isaac says: "Be thou lord,
   thou and one of thy sons, over the sons of Jacob," where nothing more
   than the supremacy of Judah is necessarily implied. "I will send them
   witnesses," says the Lord to Moses (chap. i), "and my witnesses they
   will slay." Here, it is said, is plainly introduced the Christian word
   martures, where a Jew would have written "prophets," as 2 Chron. xxxvi.
   15, 16. But such expressions may fairly be laid to the account of the
   Ethiopian translator. Rönsch has endeavoured to show that the author
   levied some of his statements directly against Christian practices and
   doctrines: his arguments are to my mind inconclusive.

   [256] See Jellinek, Bet ha-Midrasch.

   [257] Dr. Bissel in Lange's Comment. on the Apocrypha, p. 670.

   [258] The same explanation is given by Just. Mart. Dial. c. Tryph. c.
   81, cited by Dillm. and Rönsch, who have noted the particulars
   mentioned above.

   [259] I avail myself here of the references in Rönsch, p. 495, and
   Jahrb. iii. p. 79.

   [260] This war is mentioned in the Test. of the Twelve Patr. (Test.
   Jud.). A different account is given in Josh. xxiv. 32.

   [261] See the identity of this mountain discussed by Rönsch, pp. 504
   ff. If this mountain be the peak of Ararat, then the four holy places
   correspond respectively to Adam, Noah, Moses, and David.

   [262] Comp. Joseph. Antiq. i. 2. 3.

   [263] Here doubtless is an attempt at accounting for the name "Ur of
   the Chaldees," Gen. xi. 28.

   [264] In Acts vii. 16, St. Stephen says the patriarchs were buried at
   Sychem, and Jerome affirms (Ep. 86) that their sepulchres were shown
   there in his day. Josephus, Antiq. ii. 8. 2, agrees with our book; but
   in Bell. Jud. iv. 8. 7 introduces the same story with legousi. Perhaps
   some jealous feeling against Samaria may have led to the alteration of
   the locality in popular tradition.

   [265] Gen. xi. 28.

   [266] This is the first call, Acts vii. 2-4; Gen. xi. 31.

   [267] These are variously given in rabbinical tradition. See Rönsch,
   pp. 382 ff. Only the tenth is actually numbered in "Jubilees."

   [268] See the authorities, ap. Rönsch, p. 514.

   [269] Krüger, Die Chronol. im B. d. Jub. p. 298.

   [270] These examples are collected by Rönsch, pp. 496 ff., and Frankel,
   Monatsschr. v. pp. 380 ff.

   [271] The introduction of Cainan between Arphaxad and Salah is
   authorised by the LXX., but the chronology is different. Those who
   desire to enter further into the chronology of the Jubilees will find
   help in Dillmann, and in Zeitschrift der Deutsch. morgenl.
   Gesellschaft, 1858, pp. 279 ff., only rejecting the writer's
   unwarrantable conclusion that the book was written some three hundred
   years B.C.

   [272] Some of the above remarks concerning the number seven are quoted
   from an article contributed by me some years ago to a now forgotten
   Review.

   [273] This notion is found also in the Assumption of Moses, chap. i.
   17.

   [274] There are some fourteen trees mentioned whose wood may be used in
   the sacrificial fire (chap. xvi.). Many of these cannot be identified.
   A wood offering is spoken of Neh. x. 34, xiii. 31. Abraham's incense
   consists of the seven substances mentioned in Ecclus. xxiv. 15.

   [275] The same idea is found in the Book of Enoch xv. 8-10.

   [276] Mastema is often mentioned in Lepto-Genesis, generally with the
   epithet "supreme," "highest." The Hebrew word Mastemah is found in Hos.
   ix. 7, 8, in the sense of "hatred," where the LXX. translate mania and
   Aquila enkotesis. The word in the Ethiopian is written Mastema, in the
   Latin Mastima, and in later Greek Mastiphat. In the apocryphal Act.
   Apost. (ed. Tischend., Lips. p. 98) the form is Mansemat.

   [277] Comp. Deut. xxxii. 8, 9, 12, Sept., and Ecclus. xvii. 17.

   [278] Among Sabbath-breakers is reckoned, according to Dillmann's
   version, "der bei seinem Weibe schläft," a deduction from Ex. xix. 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

  THE ASCENSION OF ISAIAH.

   Passing through Drury Lane in the year of grace 1819, and examining the
   bookstalls which then rendered that locality a happy hunting-ground for
   bibliomaniacs, Richard Laurence, Archbishop of Cashel, at the counter
   of one J. Smith, lighted upon an Ethiopic version of the Prophecy of
   Isaiah, to which was appended a further treatise, called the "Ascension
   of Isaiah." The bookseller, not recognising the value of the work, sold
   it for a trifle; but the Archbishop, who was tolerably well acquainted
   with the language in which it was written, at once perceived that he
   had become the possessor of a long-lost book, and one which was a
   precious contribution to the study of Jewish-Christian thought in the
   first period of Christianity. Nor was it long before he made the
   literary world cognisant of his discovery, publishing the Ethiopic text
   with an English and a Latin version, critical notes, and observations
   on the date, contents, and bearing of the tractate. [279] Of this
   pseudepigraphical work, considered to belong to the earliest Christian
   centuries, I propose to give some account.

   The history of the text is soon told. The MS. on which Archbishop
   Laurence based his edition is now in the Bodleian Library, and was for
   a time deemed to be the only authority extant or available. It had
   previously passed through perilous experience. Written originally for
   the use of a monk, Aaron, who was about to travel in the Holy Land, it
   had been brought back from Jerusalem by Th. Petraeus, who, in his
   edition of the Prophecy of Jonah translated from the Ethiopic into
   Latin (A.D. 1660), mentions that he had examined it. How it arrived at
   the bookstall in Drury Lane is unknown. At the time it appeared no
   other copy was known to exist.

   But since that date supplementary aids for determining the text have
   come to light, and scholars on the Continent have exercised their
   ingenuity in correcting erroneous readings and renderings, and in
   elucidating and illustrating the work. In 1828, Angelus Mai published
   two fragments of an ancient Latin version of portions of the work,
   containing chaps, ii. 14 to iii. 13, and vii. 1-19, without being aware
   of what work they formed a portion. Their right position was discovered
   by Niebuhr, and fully discussed by Nitzsch in Stud. und Krit. 1830.
   Another section (chaps. vi.-xi), containing what is called the "Vision
   of Isaiah," was known to have been printed at Venice in 1522, and was
   quoted by Sixtus Senensis in his Bibl. Sancta (lib. ii. p. 59) under
   the title of "Anabasis" or "Anabatikon," but no copy was forthcoming,
   till one was found in 1832 in the library at Munich, and edited with
   preface and notes by J. C. L. Gieseler. The Abyssinian war in 1868, as
   it was magnificently named, if it conferred no glory on its promoters
   and executors, brought into our possession some literary treasures
   which have proved of great interest. Among the plunder thus obtained at
   Magdala were two Ethiopic MSS. of the "Ascension," which are now
   deposited in the British Museum. They are of no great antiquity, being
   attributed to the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries respectively; but
   they have been employed with good effect by Dillmann in preparing his
   useful edition of the work. [280] By collating these MSS. with
   Laurence's text, he has been enabled to correct the latter in numerous
   places, to fill up lacunae, and to prove the existence of many
   interpolations and corruptions. In the year following this publication
   another discovery was made. The National Library at Paris was found to
   possess a Greek MS. with the title: "The Prophecy, Revelation, and
   Martyrdom of the holy and glorious and greatest of the prophets, Isaiah
   the Prophet," and it was concluded that at length the original and
   long-lost text had been discovered. Further examination proved that
   this expectation was by no means realised. The document in question was
   a beautiful parchment of the twelfth century, containing a collection
   of Legends of the Saints commemorated in the Calendar between the first
   day of March and the last of May. In the Eastern Church Isaiah is
   commemorated, May 9, in company with the martyr Christopher, and as
   appointed for that day the MS. inserts the Legends of these two
   worthies. The Latin Church observes another day in memory of the
   prophet; but neither in the Roman Breviary nor in the Greek Menaion is
   there any trace of this particular form of the myth. Disappointment met
   the sanguine examiners of this manuscript. It was found to contain only
   a portion of the work, and that in a different order from that of the
   Ethiopic text, and with the omission of an important and lengthy
   passage. It is to be regarded merely as an extract from the original as
   contained in chaps, vi.-xi. and ii.-v., with many glosses and
   additions. The omitted part is that which, from internal evidence, is
   supposed to be of Christian origin, and was doubtless absent from the
   copy whence the Greek MS. was taken; otherwise, as it contains matter
   most suitable for a legendary, it would have found a place there. In
   this document, to the legend concerning Isaiah's death is appended a
   myth concerning his burial and the origin of the Pool of Siloam, which
   came into existence in answer to his prayers. The legend here takes the
   same form as that which is found in the Chronican Paschale of the
   Byzantine Histories. There is no doubt that it is not a correct copy of
   the original Greek work, but is a compilation from it, containing
   doubtless many genuine passages, retaining much of the actual wording,
   but with the whole story abbreviated, epitomised, and refashioned. The
   fragment is printed with prefatory remarks by Dr. Oscar von Gebhardt in
   Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift for 1878, pp. 330 ff. Since this publication I
   am not aware that any further aid for the settling of the text has
   appeared. Postponing for a time the consideration of the internal
   evidence for the date of the work, which will be more satisfactorily
   treated after we have glanced at the contents, we may proceed to
   examine its external claims to be regarded as contemporaneous with
   primitive Christian times. In suchlike investigations, where the
   original is no longer extant, we are reduced to searching for citations
   and references in early writers, whether acknowledged or recognisable.
   Speaking of the trials of God's servants in old time, the author of the
   Epistle to the Hebrews mentions (chap. xi. 37) that some of them "were
   sawn asunder." Now to the other trials, or forms of death noticed, in
   the passage, we can find parallels in the histories of the worthies of
   the Old Testament, or in the Books of Maccabees; but there is no
   instance of a primitive saint meeting his death by the saw. It is true
   that David is said to have put the Ammonites under saws; but these were
   not martyrs, but enemies of Israel, and it is quite possible that the
   expression means no more than that they were put to the servile work of
   sawing timber. It is true also that, according to the Greek version of
   Amos, the Damascenes sawed asunder the Gileadite women; [281] but the
   writer in the Epistle is not speaking of such wholesale cruelty
   practised on a large district, but of the tortures and murders of
   individuals. The only saint who is supposed to have experienced death
   in this manner is Isaiah; and the tradition which asserts that he was
   sawn asunder with a wooden saw is found embodied in the book which we
   are considering, where we are told that Manasseh, incensed at Isaiah's
   warnings, had him thus slain, and with his fawning false prophets
   around him stood by deriding the holy man's sufferings. [282] Of
   course, the reference in the Epistle may belong to some other person
   than Isaiah, though we know of none to whom it would apply; or the
   writer may have derived the tradition from a different source than the
   "Ascension;" and therefore no argument for the date of the work can be
   grounded on this allusion; but there seems to have been a curious
   consensus of commentators in regarding the expression as appertaining
   to the peculiar end of Isaiah as detailed in the Jewish story, which
   also seems to have been known to Josephus, as he speaks of Manasseh not
   sparing even the prophets of the Lord (Antiq. x. 3. 1). But there are
   early references to the book itself under different names. Justin
   Martyr, indeed, who, in his Dialogue with Trypho the Jew (chap. cxx.),
   alludes to the death of Isaiah, does not mention our book by name, but
   he refers unmistakably to the tradition therein embodied. He is showing
   from the Old Testament the mission and character of Christ, and he
   tells his antagonist that, had the Jews understood the full import of
   such passages, they would have removed them from the text, as they have
   removed "those relating to the death of Isaiah, whom," he says, "ye
   sawed in pieces with a wooden saw." It is not clear what part of
   Scripture Justin supposes to have been thus violently handled, but his
   reference to the mode of the prophet's death recalls the wording of the
   "Ascensio." There can, however, be no mistake about Tertullian's
   acquaintance with the work, and with that part of it which is evidently
   of Jewish origin. In his treatise On Patience (chap. xiv.), he writes,
   "Exhibiting such powers of patience, Isaiah is cut asunder, and holds
   not his peace concerning the Lord." Evidently he has in view that
   passage of the Ascension given below, where it is said that Isaiah
   continued to converse with the Holy Spirit till he was sawn asunder. In
   the so-called Apostolical Constitutions (vi. 16), the work is mentioned
   among certain ancient productions and termed apokruphon Hesaiou. The
   same name is given to it by Origen, who more than once appeals to it as
   his authority for the martyrdom, and derives other observations
   therefrom. In his Epistle to Africanus (chap. ix.), after remarking
   that the Jews were accustomed to remove from popular cognisance all
   things supposed to be derogatory to elders and judges, while preserving
   many of such facts in secret books, he instances the story of Isaiah,
   which, he says, is confirmed by the testimony of the Epistle to the
   Hebrews, thus making the document that contains the legend of more
   ancient date than the Epistle. And he continues: "It is clear that
   tradition reports that Isaiah was sawn asunder; and so it is stated in
   a certain apocryphal writing (en tini apokrupho), which was perhaps
   purposely corrupted by the Jews who introduced incongruous readings in
   order to throw discredit on the whole narrative." So again, in the
   Commentary on St. Matthew (xiii. 57, xxiii. 37), he writes: "Now, if
   any refuse to receive this story because it is recorded in the
   Apocryphon of Isaiah (en to arokrupho Hesaia), let him believe what is
   written in the Epistle to the Hebrews, even as the account of the death
   of Zechariah, slain between the temple and the altar, is to be believed
   on the testimony of the Saviour, though the tale was not drawn from the
   common and published books, but, as I suppose, from some apocryphal
   writing." His acquaintance with our book is still further expressed in
   one of his Homilies on Isaiah (tom. iii. p. 108), where the resemblance
   to a passage quoted below is perfectly obvious. "They say that Isaiah
   was cut asunder by the people, as one who depraved the law and spoke
   beyond what Scripture authorised. For Scripture says, No one shall see
   my face and live; but he says, I saw the Lord of Hosts. Moses, they
   say, saw Him not, and thou didst see Him! And for this cause they cut
   him asunder and condemned him as impious." Quoted from memory, as this
   doubtless was, it is sufficiently close to the original to show whence
   it was derived. St. Ambrose (in Ps. cxviii. tom. i. p. 1124) refers to
   Satan's attempt to make Isaiah save his life by apostasy, narrated in
   chap. v. of the Ascension. "It is recorded by many that a certain
   prophet, being in prison, and in danger of immediate execution, was
   thus addressed by the devil: Say that the Lord hath not spoken by thee
   in all that thou hast uttered, and I will turn all men's hearts and
   affections to thee, so that they who now are wroth at thy offence shall
   be the first to pardon thee." The author of the Opus imperfectum on St.
   Matthew, inserted among the works of St. Chrysostom, which is assigned
   to the fifth century, gives some details which must have been derived
   from what is now the first and second chapters of our book. He is
   commenting on the name Manasseh in the genealogy of our Lord, and he
   asserts, resting on the etymology of the word, "one who forgets," that
   he was proleptically so called, because he would forget all the holy
   conversation of his father and all the benefits which he had received,
   and at the instigation of the devil would do everything to provoke the
   anger of the Lord. This, as we shall see below, is in exact agreement
   with the beginning of the martyrdom in our book. But there is more than
   this. The passage that follows is evidently borrowed from the proëmium
   of the Apocryphon, as a comparison with the words in brackets will
   show: "Now when Hezekiah was sick at a certain time, and Isaiah the
   prophet came to visit him, he called for his son Manasseh, and began to
   admonish him that he ought to fear God, and told him how to reign, and
   many other things. (It came to pass in the twenty-sixth year of the
   reign of Hezekiah, king of Judah, that he sent for his only son
   Manasseh, and called him before Isaiah, the son of Amos, the prophet,
   and before Josab, the son of Isaiah, that he might deliver unto him the
   words of truth in which he had himself been instructed . . . and the
   truths relating to the faith of the Beloved which had been communicated
   to him in the year of his reign when he was visited with sickness.) And
   Isaiah said unto him: These words of mine do not descend into thy son's
   heart, and therefore I myself must needs die by his hand. (And Isaiah
   spake unto King Hezekiah in the presence of Manasseh, and said: As God
   liveth, Manasseh thy son will surely disregard all these precepts and
   words, and by the deed of his hands, with great torment of body, shall
   I depart this life.) When Hezekiah heard this, he wished to kill his
   son, saying: It is better for me to die childless than to leave a son
   who will provoke the wrath of God, and persecute His saints. (When
   Hezekiah heard this he wept abundantly, rent his garments, put dust
   upon his head, and fell upon his face. . . . And Hezekiah secretly
   intended to kill his son Manasseh.) But the prophet Isaiah restrained
   him with difficulty, saying: May God frustrate this thy purpose; for he
   saw the piety of Hezekiah, that he loved God better than his son. (But
   Isaiah said: In these things I cannot indulge thee . . . the beloved
   hath frustrated thy purpose, and the thought of thy heart shall not be
   fulfilled.") Epiphanius [283] attests that certain heretics of the
   third century made use of our work, which he calls to anabatikon
   (Ascensio) Hesaiou, to support their opinions. Thus one Hieracas, an
   Egyptian heresiarch, grounded his position that Melchisedek (of whom it
   is said, Heb. vii. 3, that he was like the Son of God, and abideth a
   priest continually) was the Holy Spirit, upon certain passages in
   chaps. ix. and xi. of the Ascension. "The angel showed me of all things
   before me, and said: Who is this on the right hand of God? And I
   answered: Thou knowest, O Lord. And he said: This is the Beloved. (I
   beheld one standing whose glory surpassed all things. . . . This is the
   Lord of all the glory which thou hast beheld.) And who is the other
   like unto Him coming on the left hand? And I answered: Thou knowest.
   This is the Holy Spirit that speaketh in thee and in the prophets. And
   He was like to the Beloved. (While I was conversing, I perceived
   another glorious being, who was like to Him in appearance. . . . The
   second which I saw was on the left hand of my Lord. And I asked: Who is
   this? And he replied: Worship Him, for this is the angel of the Holy
   Spirit who speaketh in thee and other saints. . . . I perceived that He
   sat down on the right hand of that great glory. I perceived likewise
   that the angel of the Holy Spirit sat down on the left hand.")
   Epiphanius says of the Archontici (a sect who held that the world was
   created by angels, and that there were seven heavens, each presided
   over by an archon or ruler) that they derive their tenets from the
   Anabatikon Hesaiou, and other apocryphal works. The statement on which
   they relied is found in the seventh and following chapters of the
   Ascension, where Isaiah's passage through the seven heavens, with their
   presiding angels, is described. The work was also known to St. Jerome,
   who refers to it in his commentary on Isa. lxiv. 4: "From of old men
   have not heard, nor perceived by the ear, neither hath the eye seen a
   God beside Thee, which worketh for him that waiteth for Him." [284]
   After comparing the analogous passage in 1 Cor. ii. 9, he adds:
   "Ascensio enim Isaiæ et Apocalypsis Heliæ [285] hoc habent
   testimonium." We search in vain for this reference in the existing
   Ethiopic text, but it occurs as an interpolation in the Latin fragment
   printed at Venice, where we read (xi. 34): "The angel said unto me:
   This is sufficient for thee, Isaiah; for thou hast seen what no other
   mortal man in the flesh hath ever beheld, what neither eye hath seen,
   nor ear hath heard, nor hath it risen into the heart of man what great
   things God hath prepared for all who love Him." There is no record of
   our work after this in the Fathers, though it is mentioned under the
   names Anabaticon, Ascensus, Hesaiou horasis, in two or three catalogues
   of Scripture and apocryphal writings. [286] In the Apostolical
   Constitutions (vi. 16) a list of apocryphal works is given which are
   deemed pernicious and repugnant to the truth; among these appears
   apokruphon Hesaiou, which probably represents the Ascension. For some
   five or six centuries the book remained in obscurity; then, for an
   instant, it crops up in the Quæstiones et Responsiones of Anastasius in
   the eleventh century, where, in the catalogue of canonical and
   apocryphal books, we find Hesaiou horasis, the Vision of Isaiah, which
   describes the second section of our work. Under the same name Euthymius
   Zigabenus denounces it as the origin of the heresy of the Messalians
   with regard to the Holy Trinity. Many of the Gnostic sects found
   support in the statements or wording of the Ascension, and it is said
   to have been employed in the same way by the Cathari of Western Europe,
   the Albigenses, and similar sects. On the other hand, Archbishop
   Laurence adduces passages from the work in defence of orthodoxy against
   the Unitarians and depravers of the Gospel history, endeavouring, and
   with partial success, to show that the doctrine of the Holy Trinity and
   the miraculous conception and birth of our Lord were known to the
   author, as well as other events narrated in the Christian story. We
   shall meet with these statements when we investigate the contents of
   the book.

   A critical examination of the work confirms Dillmann's opinion that it
   consists of three or four sections composed by different authors and at
   different periods, and very clumsily arranged as a whole, the writer
   introducing the prophet as relating to Hezekiah his vision, after he
   has been recounting the deaths of Isaiah and the king. This inversion
   is accounted for by the mode in which the present work was put
   together. There is markedly a Jewish portion containing an account of
   the martyrdom of Isaiah, and a purely Christian portion embracing the
   ascension or vision of the prophet. Combining together these two
   divisions come a preface and conclusion of Christian origin, though the
   introduction displays a not very evident connection with what follows;
   and interspersed occur many Jewish and Christian additions,
   interpolations, and supplements. The first part, which (according to
   Laurence's arrangement of the work into chapters and verses, is
   comprised in chaps. ii. 1-iii. 12, and v. 2-14) contains the details of
   the murder of Isaiah, and may be reasonably supposed to have some
   historical basis. Thus the account runs: "It came to pass after the
   death of Hezekiah that Manasseh reigned, who forgat his father's
   precepts, Sammael [= Satan] dwelling in him and adhering to him. He
   likewise ceased to worship the great and good God of his father,
   serving Satan, and his angels, and his hosts. And he changed in his
   father's house the words of wisdom which had been in the presence of
   Hezekiah and the worship of Almighty God (Eth. [287] ). And he turned
   his heart to serve Berial (Belial). [288] (Now Berial is the angel of
   iniquity, holding the dominion of this world, [289] whose name is
   Matanbukus, [290] and he rejoiced over Jerusalem on account of
   Manasseh, and held him firmly in his perversion and in the impiety
   which he disseminated in the city. [291] ) Magic likewise was
   multiplied there; incantation, augury, divination, fornication,
   adultery, and the persecution of the righteous, by Manasseh, by
   Balkira, by Tobias the Canaanite, by John of Anathoth, and by Zalik
   Nevaj. [292] Now when Isaiah, the son of Amos, saw the manifold
   iniquity which was committed in Jerusalem, the worship of Satan, and
   the wanton conversation, he fled from the city, and dwelt in Bethlehem
   of Judæa. But finding that much impiety existed there also, he took up
   his abode upon a mountain in the wilderness. Then Micah the prophet,
   and Ananias the aged, and Joel, and Habbakuk, and Josab, his son, and
   many others who believed in the ascension into heaven, withdrew
   themselves, and dwelt upon the same mountain. All these were clothed in
   sackcloth; all were prophets, having nothing with them, naked and
   destitute; [293] and all lamented with great lamentation the defection
   of Israel. And they had no food to eat except the wild herbs which they
   plucked upon the mountain and cooked as they could; and they and Isaiah
   remained among the hills two whole years. Afterwards, while they
   continued in the wilderness, there was a certain man in Samaria, named
   Balkira, of the kindred of Zedekiah, son of Canaan, a false prophet,
   who dwelt at Bethlehem. Zedekiah, the brother of his father, was he
   who, in the days of Ahab, king of Israel, was the master of four
   hundred prophets of Baal, and who smote upon the cheek and reproved
   Michaiah, the son of Amida. . . . Now Balkira perceived and marked the
   place where were Isaiah and the prophets with him; for he dwelt at
   Bethlehem, and was attached to Manasseh. He also prophesied falsehood
   in Jerusalem, where many consorted with him, though he was a Samaritan.
   . . . Now Balkira accused Isaiah and the other prophets, saying: Isaiah
   and his companions prophesy against Jerusalem and against the cities of
   Judah, saying that they shall be laid waste, and that Benjamin also
   shall go into captivity, and against thee, O king, that in a cage [294]
   and in iron chains thou shalt be carried off. They also prophesy
   falsely against Israel and Judah. Isaiah says: I see more than Moses
   the prophet saw; Moses asserted, No man can see God and live; but
   Isaiah says, I have seen God, and, behold, I live. Know, therefore, O
   king, that these are false prophets. Jerusalem also Isaiah has called
   Sodom, and the princes of Judah and Jerusalem has he declared to be
   people of Gomorrah. Thus he constantly accused Isaiah and the prophets
   before Manasseh. Now Berial dwelt in the heart of Manasseh, as well as
   in the hearts of the princes of Judah and Benjamin, and of the eunuchs
   and counsellors of the king. And the accusation of Balkira pleased him
   exceedingly; and Manasseh sent and apprehended Isaiah. For Berial was
   very wroth with Isaiah on account of the vision, concerning the advent
   of Messiah, [295] and sawed him asunder with a wooden saw. [296] Now
   while they were sawing him, Balkira stood by accusing him, and all the
   false prophets stood there deriding and triumphing over him. Yea,
   Balkira and Mekembekus stood before him uttering derision and
   reproaches. Then Beliar said to Isaiah: Say, I have lied in everything
   which I have spoken, and the ways of Manasseh are good and right, and
   good are the ways of Balkira and those who are with him.' This he said
   to him when they began to saw him. But Isaiah was in a vision of the
   Lord, with his eyes open, and he beheld them. [297] Then Malkira (i.e.
   Beliar) thus addressed him: Say that which I tell thee, and I will turn
   their hearts, and will compel Manasseh, and the princes of Judah, and
   the people, and all Jerusalem, to reverence thee.' But Isaiah answered
   and said: If the matter rests with me, cursed art thou in every word
   that thou speakest, thou, and all thy hosts, and all thy followers; for
   thou canst not deprive me of more than the skin of my body.' Then they
   seized Isaiah, the son of Amos, and sawed him asunder with a wooden
   saw. And Manasseh and Balkira and the false prophets, the princes and
   the people, all stood looking on. But Isaiah said to the prophets who
   were with him, before he was cut asunder: Go ye into the country of
   Tyre and Sidon, for the Lord Almighty hath mixed the cup for me alone.'
   And neither, while they were sawing him, did he cry out nor weep, but
   he continued in converse with the Holy Spirit till he was sawn
   asunder."

   Such, with a few omissions which merely add some particulars concerning
   persons named, is the original Jewish account of the martyrdom of
   Isaiah. This, as we have seen, was known to the early Fathers. Round it
   have gathered various legends and accretions, which the critical acumen
   of scholars has now separated from the body of the work and assigned to
   different authorship and later periods. But the simple record itself is
   founded on Jewish tradition which still exists in Talmudic writings,
   though there is some variety in details, one story being that the
   prophet, flying from his enemies, was miraculously hidden by a
   carob-tree which swallowed him up; and that workmen came and sawed down
   the tree, when the blood of Isaiah flowed. [298] In this portion of the
   work there is no trace of a Christian hand; all is unmistakably Jewish,
   and is filled with Jewish names, Serial, Sammael, Matambukus, Balkira,
   Malkira, etc.; so that we may regard the section as an independent
   pamphlet, embodying a very ancient tradition, widely disseminated and
   largely credited.

   The second division of the present book is an account of the Ascension
   or Vision of Isaiah composed by a Christian Jew, and probably in its
   original form quite distinct from the treatises with which it was
   afterwards associated. In the Venetian edition it appears as a complete
   work, with the title, Visio mirabilis Ysaiæ Prophetæ, etc., and
   concluding with the words, "Explicit visio Ysaiæ Prophetæ." It is found
   in chaps. vi. 1-xi. 1, 23-40 (Eth.), the gap in chap. xi. between vers.
   1 and 23, which in the existing Ethiopic is occupied by a Christian
   interpolation, being supplied by a few words in the Venetian edition,
   where the interpolation is not inserted. It is separated from the rest
   of the work in the Abyssinian book by a distinct heading: "The vision
   which Isaiah, the son of Amos, saw in the twentieth year of the reign
   of Hezekiah, king of Judah." Herein Isaiah recounts to the king, his
   own son Josab, and the assembled prophets how that he was rapt in
   spirit and conducted by an angel through the firmament to the highest
   heaven, and shown first all the mysteries of the six lower spheres, and
   at last those of the seventh heaven, as well as Christ's future advent
   on the earth; His descent into hell; His return and glorious Ascension
   through each of the seven heavens in reward of the redemption which He
   won. Of this narrative the following particulars will give some idea.
   While Isaiah was conversing with Hezekiah on the subject of
   righteousness and faith, all those who were gathered there heard the
   door of the chamber opened and the voice of the Spirit, and they all
   fell down and worshipped the glorious God. And Isaiah held converse
   with the Holy Spirit: his soul was rapt in ecstasy; he no longer saw
   the men who were before him; his eyes were open, his mouth silent, yet
   he continued to breathe; and he beheld a vision which was shown to him
   by an angel sent from the highest heaven, whose glory and office were
   inexpressibly great, but his name was concealed. First, he was taken to
   the firmament where Sammael and his powers reigned, and were at
   continual strife with one another, even as the battle is always raging
   on earth, and will continue till He that is coming shall appear and put
   an end to it. Thence he mounts to the first heaven, where he sees a
   throne in the midst, and angels on the right hand and on the left
   glorifying One whom he saw not; but those on the right were more
   splendid and more perfect than the others. In the second heaven the
   same scene, only more magnificent, is beheld; and the prophet falls
   down to worship, but is checked by the angel, who bids him reserve his
   adoration till he reaches the seventh heaven. (Comp. Rev. xxii. 8, 9.)
   "For," he says, "above all the heavens and their angels thy throne is
   set, and thy clothing and thy crown which thou thyself shalt behold."
   The third heaven, whither Isaiah was next conducted, was notable for
   there being no mention there of what goes on in this world, though all
   is perfectly known. The fourth heaven was reached, and the glory of the
   angels and of Him that sat on the throne was still greater than before,
   the distinction between those on the right and left hands being still
   maintained. The same effects still more intensified were found in the
   fifth heaven. But the sixth heaven was more glorious than any which he
   had seen, so that he deemed the brilliancy of the five lower spheres
   mere darkness in comparison with this. Here was no throne, and all the
   attendant angels were equal in splendour, the difference between the
   sides existing no longer; and all invoked with one voice the First, the
   Father, and His Beloved, and the Holy Spirit. At this stage of his
   ascension, Isaiah received a dim intimation of the fate that awaited
   him--viz. that he should participate in the lot of the Lord, a tree
   being concerned in the future of both (i.e. the wooden saw and the
   cross). It was further said to him: "When from an alien body by the
   angel of the Spirit thou hast ascended hither, then thou shalt receive
   the clothing which thou shalt behold, and other numbered, laid-up
   clothings shalt thou see; and then thou shalt be equal to the angels in
   the seventh heaven." Hearing this, the prophet entreats that he may
   never again return to earth, but is told that his time is not yet
   accomplished, Then, lastly, he is raised to the æther of the seventh
   heaven. And the angel who dwells above the splendour of the sixth
   heaven would fain have prohibited his ascent; but the Lord, whose name
   he cannot know while in the body, bade him come up, for his clothing
   was there. Arrived there, he saw a marvellous light and angels
   innumerable; he saw also all the saints from Adam, Abel, and Enoch, not
   clothed upon with flesh, but vested in their heavenly clothing, yet not
   seated on thrones or decorated with crowns, for these latter glories
   they should not attain to until the Beloved has descended into the
   world in the form of man. [299] But the prince of this world will lay
   his hand on the Son of God, and hang Him on a tree, and slay Him, not
   knowing who He is; and His descent to the earth shall be concealed also
   from the heavens. Then he shall descend into hell and make havoc there,
   and, having escaped from the angel of death, on the third day He shall
   rise, and shall continue in the world five hundred and forty-five days;
   [300] and He shall ascend into the seventh heaven, and many of the
   saints shall ascend with Him, and then at length they shall receive
   their clothing, and thrones, and crowns. Then Isaiah is shown books in
   which were contained all the history of Israel: and everything that is
   done upon earth is known in this region. He is bidden worship One
   standing, whose glory was great and wonderful, and whom all the saints
   adored, but who was transformed into the likeness of an angel before
   Isaiah worshipped Him; and also another glorious being on the left of
   the other, who, he was told, was the angel of the Holy Spirit who
   speaks in the saints and prophets. The great glory that was next
   revealed blinded him, and neither he nor the angels could look thereon;
   only the saints were enabled to behold it. "Then," it is added, "I saw
   that my Lord worshipped, and the angel of the Holy Spirit, and both
   together glorified God Almighty." [301] He to whom all the worship in
   heaven and earth is addressed, is the Highest, "the Father of my Lord;"
   and He sends forth the Lord Christ into the earth, even unto the
   infernal regions, and no one, not even the angels of the lower heavens,
   know who or what He is, as He assimilates His form to that of the
   inhabitants of the various regions through which He passes, till the
   time come when judgment shall be executed on the evil principalities
   and powers, and He shall ascend with great glory and sit at the right
   hand of God. [302] Then He is recognised, and all the saints and angels
   adore Him, while He sits at the right hand of the great Glory, and the
   angel of the Holy Spirit is seated on the left hand. Having seen and
   heard these things, Isaiah is dismissed, and his spirit returns to
   earth to wait till the time of his martyrdom is fulfilled. It is far
   from improbable that the author of this section was acquainted with the
   Revelation of St. John, if we may judge from the language and images
   which he employs, though unhappily his loose and unqualified
   expressions bore a very different meaning to Arians and other heretics.

   Such is the second portion of our book, which, together with the first
   part containing the martyrdom, is combined into one volume by additions
   in the form of prelude and epilogue, which may be called the third
   part, and which is comprised in chap. i. (excepting vers. 3 and 4a) and
   the two final verses of chap. xi. This part merely repeats the
   information, that Hezekiah in the twenty-sixth year of his reign
   delivered to Manasseh, in the presence of Isaiah and Josab, the visions
   which had been imparted to himself and the prophet, and impressed upon
   him certain warnings and instructions; all of which Manasseh soon
   forgot and disobeyed; and Isaiah predicted his own death at the command
   of Manasseh. These brief details are amplified by some rabbinical and
   Christian fictions. The tractate thus arranged has been at various
   times increased and decorated by many additions and supplements, the
   work of Christian hands, so that what Dillmann terms Part IV. contains
   a large amount of the present text--viz. chaps, iii. 13-v. 1, xi. 2-22,
   41, i. 3, 4a, v. 15, 16. Of the first part of this section, viz. chaps,
   iii. 13-v. 1, there is, as we have said, no trace in the Greek legend
   lately published, which certainly contains extracts from the other
   three divisions of the work, and hence we may conclude that it was a
   separate tractate not at first connected with our book. In this fourth
   section we have not only an account of Manasseh's crime, but also an
   apocalypse of Christ's life upon earth, and the fate of the Christian
   Church between the Lord's ascension into heaven and His return to
   judgment. We may note a few points worthy of observation in this
   section. The rancour of Berial against Isaiah is here stated to be
   caused by the prophet's vision and denunciation of Sammael, and
   revelation respecting the coming of the Beloved, and the doings of His
   twelve followers. Christ's sepulchre is opened on the third day by the
   angel of the Christian Church which is in heaven, and the angel of the
   Holy Spirit, and the archangel Michael. The term "angel of the Spirit"
   occurs, as we have seen, elsewhere in our book (cf. xi. 4), and is
   supposed by Dillmann to be used, because in the later writings of the
   Old Testament an angel is represented as discharging the prophetical
   office of the Spirit, e.g. in Zechariah, where the visions are unfolded
   by the angel that talked with him. Thus in the Pastor of Hermas we read
   of "the angel of the prophetical spirit," and in the Apocalypse of
   Baruch there is mention of "Ramiel who presides over the visions of
   truth." And by a loose kind of terminology all the inhabitants of
   heaven, save God the Father, are called angels; even as Origen speaks
   of "the two seraphim with six wings, the only-begotten Son of God, and
   the Holy Ghost." [303] In this portion of the book Isaiah foretells the
   existence of great disputes respecting the second coming of Christ,
   many on this subject forsaking the doctrine of the apostles, a fact
   which we know also from St. Peter's own words and from expressions of
   others, e.g. Clemens Romanus. [304] There shall be multitudes of
   iniquitous "elders and pastors, oppressors of their flocks,' and but
   few prophets or teachers of assured truths, on account of the
   worldliness and vice which shall prevail. Before the end Antichrist
   will come, Berial, the prince of this world. Here we have an
   enunciation of the curious myth concerning Nero which is found in the
   Sibylline Oracles. [305] According to this opinion, Berial descends
   from the firmament in the form of this impious monarch, "the
   matricide;" in his hand are all the powers of this world and the
   material forces of nature, and he shall use them to draw men unto him,
   and create a very wide Apostasy, so that numbers believe in him and
   serve him, and own him as God. This evil dominion lasts for three
   years, seven months, and twenty-seven days, the duration here specified
   being a little longer than the forty-two months of canonical Scripture;
   [306] but the writer has arranged the 1335 days named at the end of
   Daniel's prophecy according to the Julian computation. It is
   interesting to note this quasi-solution of the "Beast" of St. John's
   Revelation (xiii. 17, 18). Jolowicz [307] reckons that, taking the
   death of Nero as happening June 9, A.D. 68, the reign of Berial would
   begin October 29, A.D. 64. At the close of this reign, "after 332 days"
   [308] the Lord shall come from the seventh heaven with all His angels
   and saints, and shall cast Berial and his companions into Gehenna; and
   the resurrection shall then take place, and the final judgment. To the
   holy who shall be found on earth rest (anesis, 2 Thess. i. 7) shall be
   given, and they shall be clothed with heavenly garments, and associated
   with the saints who descend with the Lord, and they shall leave their
   bodies in the world. There is no mention here, or elsewhere, of any
   millennial opinions, nor is Christ expected to reign on earth. He comes
   to judge and to "consume all the ungodly, who shall be as if they had
   never been created." [309] There are two or three other points in this
   section worthy of attention. The last portion (xi. 2-22) is occupied
   with the life of Christ on earth, wherein can be recognised some of the
   additions contained in the spurious Gospels. To induce Joseph not to
   put away Mary, "the angel of the Spirit appears in the world;" Joseph
   does not approach her, but guards her as a holy virgin; after two more
   months the pair were alone in the house together, "and while Mary was
   gazing on the ground she suddenly perceived with astonishment an infant
   lying before her, and found that she had been delivered of a child."
   Joseph, observing what had come to pass, "glorified God because the
   Lord had come to His inheritance." He is warned to tell the occurrence
   to no one, lest the Divine nature of the child should be divulged. But
   reports were circulated in Bethlehem, some saying that the Virgin Mary
   was confined before she had been two months married; others affirming
   that she did not bring forth at all; for "all knew about Him, but knew
   not whence He was;" and He "was concealed from all the heavens, and the
   principalities, and the gods of this world." This last assertion is
   found in many passages of the Fathers, and notably in the Epistle of
   Ignatius to the Ephesians (xix.), where it is said that the prince of
   this world comprehended neither the virginity of Mary, nor her bearing
   of the child, nor the death of the Lord. [310] Christ's descent into
   hell is plainly affirmed, the expression being in one place (xi. 19),
   "He descended to the angel" (i.e. of death), and in another (iv. 21),
   "the descent of the Beloved to the infernal regions." The old Latin of
   ix. 15 adds particulars not in the Ethiopic version: "He shall descend
   into hell, and make it desolate and all its visions, and shall seize
   the prince of death, and shall make him His prey, and confound all his
   powers." And in an earlier passage (x. 8) a distinction is drawn
   between hell (inferi) and the abyss of perdition (abaddon); the latter
   region Christ does not enter. It is "the pit of the abyss" of St. John
   (Rev. ix. 1, etc.). Isaiah adds that this event in the life of the
   Beloved is written in the section of his prophecy where the Lord says,
   "Behold my servant shall understand." This can refer only to chap. lii.
   13, where we read: "Behold, my servant shall do wisely," which is the
   introduction to the famous Messianic chapter liii. The following
   paragraph is remarkable: "All these things are written in Psalms: in
   the Parables of David the son of Jesse, and in the Proverbs of Solomon
   his son, and in the words of Kore, and Ethan the Israelite, and in the
   words of Asaph, and in the rest of the Psalms, which the angel of the
   Spirit has inspired; also in the words of those whose name is not
   inscribed, and in the words of Amos, my father," and of the other
   eleven minor prophets, "and in the words of righteous Joseph and
   Daniel." Here, we may note, "Psalms" is a general title, including what
   follows; "Parables" would be applied to the didactic poems in the
   Psalter, called Maschil in the titles. The composite authorship of the
   Psalter is acknowledged, the songs of the sons of Korah being
   distinguished from those of Ethan and Asaph. Ethan is called
   "Israelite" by the LXX. (Ps. lxxxviii. 1), where the Hebrew gives
   "Ezra-hite." It is strange that neither Jeremiah nor Ezekiel are
   mentioned; but Nitzsch gives a parallel from the Second Book of Esdras
   i. 39, 40, [311] where the twelve minor prophets are enumerated, and
   none of the four greater ones. The confusion between Amos the prophet
   and Amoz the father of Isaiah is not peculiar to our author; even the
   great Clemens Alexandrinus fell into the same error, owing to ignorance
   of Hebrew. What is to be understood by "the words of Joseph" is a
   disputed question. Dillmann conjectures that the expression refers to a
   pseudepigraphal work mentioned by Fabricius, [312] and entitled The
   Prayer of Joseph, [313] though it is not clear why this spurious book
   should be alone named among the canonical writings specified.

   Having thus briefly examined the contents of the whole work, we are in
   a position to consider its origin and date.

   That the book was written originally in the Greek language might be
   presupposed from the ascertained source of analogous works which have
   been found in Abyssinia; the presumption is confirmed by internal
   evidence. We are often confronted with expressions which are plainly
   derived from, or are clumsy or erroneous renderings of, Greek terms.
   Thus an angel is sent expressly from the seventh heaven to make a
   revelation to the prophet; but in vii. 21 we read: "Worship not the
   throne of him who is of the sixth heaven, from whence I have been sent
   to conduct thee, . . . worship in the seventh heaven;" where the
   translator has been misled by the hothen, which here means "wherefore."
   The Venetian edition gives "propter hoc." Again, what is evidently di
   autou in the original (iii. 13) is translated "on account of him,"
   instead of "by means of him." "He who rests in the saints" is ho e9n
   hagiois anapauomenos (vi. 8); in vii. 9 the translator has confused
   homilia with homilos, and given "speeches" instead of "assemblies;" "I
   preserve thee," xi. 34, is a mistaken version of apallasso se, "I
   dismiss thee;" iii. 26, 28: "there shall be calumnies and calumniators
   many," "the spirit of empty honour (kenodoxias) and of love of money"
   (philargurias); "the pious worshippers," tois eusebesi; "Him of the
   great glory," ton tes megales doxes. Joseph "came unto her (Mary's)
   portion" (merida), i.e.she was allotted to him as wife; where Dillmann
   compares the expression in Protevang. Jacobi, viii.: su keklerosai ten
   parthenon Kuriou paralabein. There are many tokens of the use of the
   Greek version of the Old Testament. Thus we read, iv. 19: "the
   remainder of the vision is written in the vision of Babylon." The
   reference is to Isa. xiii. 1, where the Hebrew has "the burden of
   Babylon," but the Septuagint, "the vision which Isaiah saw against
   Babylon." Again, Isa. lii. 13 is quoted (Ascens. iv. 21) thus: "Behold,
   my son shall understand," which is in accordance with the Greek, while
   the Hebrew gives, "My servant shall deal wisely." The Latin Vulgate,
   the Sibylline Oracles, and the Apostolical Constitutions agree here
   with the Greek and the Ascension. In calling Ethan "the Israelite," our
   book, as we have seen, reproduces the error of the Septuagint.
   Zedekiah, son of Chenaanah (1 Kings xxii. 11) is called (Ascens. ii.
   12) "son of Canaan," which is the appellation given him by the LXX. In
   chap. iii. 2, it is stated that Shalmaneser carried away nine of the
   tribes captive to Media, "and the rivers of Tazon;" the Hebrew has
   "Gozan," but some MSS. of the Septuagint show "Tazan," 2 Kings xvii. 6
   and xviii. 11. There is evidence that the old Latin versions were
   rendered from the Greek; thus where the Ethiopia gives "will destroy"
   as the translation of a certain word (vii. 12), one Latin version gives
   "interficiet," another "emundabit," which variety could arise only from
   the original verb being katharei or kathairesei. The presumption that
   the Abyssinian version was made from a Greek original is thus greatly
   confirmed. Indeed, throughout, so closely is the Greek followed that
   Dillmann avows that it would be an easy task to retranslate the
   Abyssinian into the very wording of the original. That the present
   version was made in the earliest days of the Abyssinian Church is
   considered to be demonstrated by its agreement in diction with other
   similar works composed under the same circumstances, by the occasional
   introduction of unusual or obsolete words, and by the uncertainty of
   the orthography which appertains to all primitive Ethiopic literature.
   But how it came to be thus honoured and preserved is a question not yet
   satisfactorily solved. Probably, as the "vision" was considered to
   support certain Gnostic or quasi-Gnostic opinions, it obtained currency
   in Egypt where such tenets prevailed, and the other sections were
   usually combined with it in one volume. Certainly Origen and Tertullian
   were acquainted only with the "martyrdom" proper, without any of the
   additions and interpolations afterwards added to it.

   The section containing the martyrdom is doubtless of purely Jewish
   origin, and of earlier date than the rest of the work. It is simply a
   legendary narrative, invented, or compiled from tradition, in order to
   glorify the prophet, and containing nothing apocalyptic. The author, or
   authors, of the remainder were Jewish Christians, well versed in Hebrew
   lore and the legends which rabbinical literature had accumulated. The
   opinion that the heavens are seven in number is found in the Talmud,
   and in such works as the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs; the name
   Sammael, for Satan, is a rabbinical term not occurring in Scripture;
   [314] the notion of the clothing of souls being stored up in heaven in
   readiness for assumption at the proper moment is one that appears in
   Talmudic writings. [315] From such considerations we may conclude what
   were the religion and nationality of the writer. The vision is founded
   on the fact that Isaiah is represented in Scripture as having seen the
   Lord. This, of course, was felt to be impossible in the ordinary sense
   of the words. The vision must be vouchsafed under supernatural
   conditions; hence the prophet is raised to an ecstatic state; his soul
   is separated from its earthly tenement, and is exalted to the highest
   heaven. Accordingly, the work which records this rapture is properly
   named Anabatikon, Ascensio, as well as horasis, visio. We find a
   similar double appellation applied to the Revelation of St. John, which
   in the early Christian centuries was also known as Anabatikon. [316]
   There is no similar trance recorded in the Old Testament; for an
   analogous transaction we must refer to the scene where the beloved
   apostle "became in the spirit on the Lord's day," or where St. Paul was
   caught up even to the third heaven, and carried into Paradise on
   another occasion, whether in the body or out of the body he knew not,
   and heard unspeakable words. [317] Both in St. Paul's case actually,
   and in that of Isaiah supposedly, the vision was granted in order to
   strengthen the recipients for the trials that awaited them, and to
   teach that all things are foreknown and foreordained, and that the
   troubles of this life are not worthy to be compared with the glory that
   shall be revealed.

   As regards the date of this production, we see that its various parts
   belong to different ages and authors. The first section narrates an
   ancient Jewish tradition; but there is nothing found therein to afford
   any indication of its age. If, as we have seen to be probable, it was
   known to Justin Martyr, it was composed at least towards the beginning
   of the second Christian century. It is, however, probably very much
   earlier, and may be regarded as pre-Christian, as it contains not the
   remotest allusion to any but Jewish matters. But the ascension or
   vision contains many suggestions which would assign it to a period
   immediately succeeding the apostolic period, at any rate not later than
   the first ten years of the second century. [318] One recognises a
   compilation of ideas gathered from the New Testament, and not yet
   reduced to a formal system or any authoritative statement. The spirit
   testified in old time the sufferings of Christ, which were not revealed
   unto the angels; the Lord comes down from heaven; ascends far above all
   heavens and principalities and powers, having overcome all enemies; the
   beatitude of the saints of the old covenant is not perfected till the
   Redeemer has triumphed; the glory of the righteous exceeds that of the
   angels. Such facts as these, based on Holy Scripture, are overladen or
   interspersed with notions very alien from the simplicity and purity of
   apostolic doctrine, and indicating the taint of Hebrew and Gnostic
   error; but it is Gnosticism in its early stage, as existing among the
   Essenes and Jewish sects, and recognised in some of the books of the
   New Testament. This section shows traces of having been edited and
   glossed by a Christian of unorthodox sentiments, who held the malignity
   of matter, and many of Origen's opinions, and likewise views concerning
   Christ which Arians found agreeable to their minds. Of the doctrine of
   Aeons and Emanations there seems to be no trace. The opinion touching
   the seven heavens was current among the Jews before Christian times,
   and is found in many apocryphal works as well as in the Talmud. [319]
   The Homoousian controversy is unknown to the writer of the Ascension,
   who introduces statements which a later age justly branded with heresy.
   Thus he makes (ix. 37-40) the Son inferior to the Father; and although
   he calls Him the Beloved, and Lord of all the heavens and thrones,
   whose voice alone they obey, he represents the Father as worshipped in
   heaven by Him and the Holy Ghost. It is true that They are supposed to
   have assumed the appearance and attitudes of angels when They pay this
   worship, but no one who held the Nicene faith would have made such a
   statement, which is evidently anterior to the closer definition of a
   later age. The assertion that Christ remained on the earth between His
   resurrection and ascension for one and a half years, or 545 days (ix.
   16), was a very early error, known, as I have already mentioned, to
   Irenæus, and therefore extant in the second century. Indeed, in the
   earliest times the tradition of the Great Forty Days which afterwards
   obtained seems not to have been universally held. St. Luke, in his
   Gospel, apparently joins the Ascension on to the resurrection, though
   in the Acts he speaks of Christ being seen at intervals during forty
   days; none of the other evangelists mentions the length of His earthly
   sojourn in this interval. In the Epistle of Barnabas (chap. xv.), that
   Father omits all mention of any space of time intervening between
   Easter Sunday and the ascension; Bede reckons forty-three days; so that
   opinion on this matter fluctuated, and had not arrived at a general
   conclusion in the primitive age. Another mark of high antiquity is
   found in the address to God (vi. 8, x. 6), "the God of righteousness,
   higher than the highest, that dwelleth in the saints," which recalls
   the expressions in the apostolical Father, Clemens Romanus (Ep. ad Cor.
   lix. 3). The occasional allusions to the Parousia of Christ denote a
   primitive time. The question, as we know from references in the New
   Testament, [320] was largely debated in apostolic days, but ceased to
   have like interest in succeeding ages. In our author's view the Second
   Advent was close at hand, and there is in the work no trace of the
   early opinion being corrected by later circumstances or events. Again,
   the writer knows of only one persecution which takes place before the
   final judgment; and this can be none other than that which was
   organised by Nero; for he could not have omitted that under Domitian
   had he lived after that tyrant; and we have seen above that he plainly
   adumbrated Nero, when he prophesied of the coming of Berial under the
   form of an impious king. And as he assigned the end of the world and
   the day of judgment to less than a year after this event, it is
   reasonable to conclude that this part of the treatise was composed at
   the beginning of A.D. 69. This inference, of course, proceeds on the
   assumption that the writer wishes his calculations to be understood
   literally; if his allusions and statements are to be regarded as ideal,
   emblematical, visionary, no definition of time can be assigned to them,
   but the references to events which they contain indicate the age of the
   author.

   The apocalyptic section is of much the same antiquity. The corruptions
   of doctrine and practice spoken of in chap. iii., the disputes about
   the Second Advent, the vice and greed of the pastors who spared not
   their own flocks, the worldliness and immorality of professors of
   Christianity, the envy and hatred even among the teachers of
   religion--such errors and declensions are noticed both in the New
   Testament and in the writings of the earliest Fathers, such as Hermas.
   The organisation of the Church was evidently still in its infancy; the
   rulers are called presbyters and pastors, and the title episcopus
   nowhere appears; whereas in the Didache both episcopus and diaconus are
   found. Prophecy is not yet silenced, though greatly diminished, being
   confined to a few localities and persons. It is mentioned, we may
   remark, as extant in Hermas's days, and rules are given in the Pastor
   for distinguishing the real from the false pretender to inspiration;
   and we meet with analogous statements in the Didache. These and such
   like hints indicate a primitive origin, and could not have been
   afforded by an age greatly exceeding the first Christian century. It is
   solely from internal evidence that we gather the date of this portion
   of the work, as none of the Fathers or early writers make any reference
   to it. Offering no special support of catholic dogma,--or rather
   containing some very questionable statements and expressions,--it was
   naturally disregarded and discountenanced by orthodox believers; and,
   indeed, the whole work was brought into public notice only for
   polemical purposes, first by Gnostic controversialists, and afterwards
   by Arians, and it was from a collection of the writings of these latter
   heretics that the old Latin versions were obtained.

   From what has been said we may reasonably conclude that the purely
   Jewish section of our book was composed just before or in the first
   Christian century; that the second portion, containing the "Ascension"
   or "Vision," is not of later date than the first ten years of the
   second century, after which it was known to various heretics, and used
   by them to confirm their erroneous opinions. The third and fourth parts
   are of somewhat later date, added probably towards the last half of the
   second century. The work continued known unto the fifth century, when
   it almost disappeared from notice, till rediscovered in the manner
   mentioned above, unless we may infer that it always formed part of the
   Abyssinian canon, and bad never fallen out of use in the Church of that
   country, which, as we know, retained much of Hebrew ceremonial and
   sentiment.

   Unlike some of the apocryphal and pseudepigraphal books, the
   "Ascension" was never admitted to the catholic canon of Scripture.
   Opinion for some ages fluctuated as to the admissibility of the Wisdom
   of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit, etc. Some Conciliar and some
   private catalogues allowed their claim without hesitation; others
   admitted them only to a secondary position; but none assigned a first
   or even a second place to the "Ascension:" if it ever occurs in any of
   the lists it is mentioned as certainly apocryphal, and entitled to no
   respect as inspired. If, then, it be asked wherein lies its interest
   for us, we reply that it is a standing witness of the care taken in the
   early Church to confine the books of Scripture, in the highest sense,
   to those whose inspiration was approved by sufficient testimony. Shall
   we not say rather that the Holy Spirit guided the councils and
   authorities of the Church in their final arrangement of the canon, and
   that the rejection of such works as that which we have been considering
   was divinely ordered? In point of antiquity, indeed, parts of it might
   probably compete with portions of the New Testament, but weighed in the
   scale with undisputed Scriptures, and tried by the standard of Catholic
   doctrine, it failed to stand the necessary test, and was deservedly
   rejected.

   It is interesting also for another reason. It affords a new example of
   that literature which, as we have said, has been called
   Pseudepigraphic, from the fact that the author writes under a false
   name, not so much with any intention of deceiving his readers, but with
   the view of obtaining a hearing for his own feelings and opinions.

   And, lastly, as we have seen in the sketch which we have given, the
   book is capable of conveying valuable hints concerning the history of
   the early Church, and the heresies then coming into existence; and is a
   noteworthy contribution to that apocalyptic literature which prevailed
   so greatly in the centuries immediately preceding and succeeding the
   advent of Christ, and which even now for many minds possesses an
   absorbing interest.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [279] "Ascensio Isaiæ vatis, opusculum pseudepigraphum, multis abhinc
   seculis, ut videtur, deperditum, nunc autem apud Æthiopas compertum, et
   cum versione Latina Anglicaque publici juris factum a Ricardo
   Laurence." Oxoniae 1819.

   [280] "Ascensio Isaiæ Æthiopice et Latine cum Prolegomenis,
   Adnotationibus criticis et exegeticis, additis versionum Latinarum
   reliquiis, edita ab Augusto Dillmann." Lipsiæ 1877. Of this excellent
   little work I have made much use, and hereby thankfully acknowledge my
   obligations to the author. A translation of the Ascension is given in
   the Lutheran Quarterly of October 1878, vol. viii. pp. 513 ff.; but
   this I have been unable to consult, as it is not to be found either in
   the British Museum or in the Cambridge University Library. Many learned
   Germans, e.g. Grimm, Gieseler, Nitzsch, Ewald, Gfrörer, Movers, have
   treated of the work with completeness, not to say prolixity. It is also
   handled by Gesenius in his Commentary on Isaiah, vol. i. p. 45 ff.
   (1821).

   [281] See 2 Sam. xii. 31; Amos i. 3.

   [282] The spot where this event took place is still pointed out
   traditionally. It is marked by an ancient mulberry tree standing at the
   side of the Red, or Lower, Pool, a reservoir formed by the overflow
   from Siloam.

   [283] Epiphan. Haeres. lxvii. 3 (p. 712); xl. De Archonticis (p. 292).

   [284] The passages above are quoted by Fabricius, Codex Pseudepigr.
   Vet. Test., by Laurence, and by other writers.

   [285] The Apocalypse of Elijah is mentioned in the Apostolical
   Constitutions (vi. 16), and by some of the Fathers, consisting,
   according to the Stichometria of Nicephorus, of 316 verses; but the
   text has entirely perished.

   [286] See the catalogue in Anastasius, Quæstiones et Responsiones, Lat.
   Bibl. Max. Patr. ix.; and Sixtus Senensis, Bibl. Sancta, i. The
   Ascensio occurs in the catalogue of The Sixty Books among apokrupha.

   [287] "Eth." refers to the Ethiopic text of Laurence translated by him
   and by Dillmann, "Gr." to the Greek text edited by Gebhardt. The latter
   here has, "he turned aside all the power of his father from the service
   and worship of Almighty God, and they served the devil and his angels."
   . . . This is in agreement with 1 Cor. x. 20: "the things which the
   Gentiles sacrifice they sacrifice unto devils." Rabbinical writers
   continually refer to Sammael as using the serpent to tempt Eve (see the
   Targum on Gen. iii. 1, 6); and he plays a great part in the death of
   Moses.

   [288] Berial, and elsewhere by transposition Beliar, which occurs
   continually in the Testimony of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Book of
   Jubilees, is the same as Belial, and is used as an appellative of
   Satan. In the New Testament, where it occurs, 2 Cor. vi. 15, all the
   best MSS. give Beliar.

   [289] Comp. John xii. 31, xvi. 11; 2 Cor. iv. 4; Eph. ii. 2, vi. 12.

   [290] Elsewhere written Mekembekus. Its origin and its meaning are
   alike unknown.

   [291] This paragraph is probably a later Jewish addition.

   [292] The last name is inexplicable, and the history of the persons
   mentioned is unknown. Balkira is sometimes confused with Malkira; but
   the latter seems to be identified with Sammael.

   [293] One is again reminded of the passage in Heb. xi. 37, 38.

   [294] "In cavea," Dillm.; galeagrais, Gr.; "Galeagra," Frag. Vat. Comp.
   2 Chron. xxxiii. 11; Ezek. xix. 9, Sept.

   [295] We pass on here to chap. v., the intervening portion being an
   interpolation giving an account of the vision, which is afterwards
   expanded and augmented by new particulars, containing the history of
   Jesus and His Church.

   [296] So Eth. In the Greek legend the king orders him to be sawed
   asunder with an iron saw; but the instrument, though plied for some
   hours, is unable to enter his flesh. Then Isaiah reminds Manasseh that
   it is ordained that he shall be sawed in pieces with a wooden saw; the
   tool accordingly is changed, and the execution is accomplished.

   [297] In the account of the vision given later, chap. vi. 10, the
   prophet is rapt in ecstasy, and does not see the men who stand before
   him.

   [298] See Laurence, pp. 151 ff.

   [299] The expression in the original Ethiopic is this: "He is made like
   unto your form, and they shall deem Him flesh and man." This looks like
   Docetism, hut it may mean merely that man shall fail to recognise His
   divinity. The Venetian document has simply: "He shall be in your form."
   The rest of the clause, as well as the introduction of the name Christ
   here and elsewhere in the vision, is doubtless an interpolation.

   [300] I.e. 365 + 180 days. This was an opinion held by the Valentinians
   and Ophites, according to Irenaeus, Adv. Hæres. i. 1. 5 and i. 34. This
   statement of time is absent from the old Latin version, and seems to be
   a heretical gloss which has crept into the text.

   [301] The error which endeared the treatise to heretics leaks out here.

   [302] The passage which here follows in Eth. (chap. xi. 2-22) contains
   a garbled account of the birth of Christ, and of His life and death. It
   does not occur in the old Latin, nor in the Greek version edited by
   Gebhardt, and seems to be out of place in the vision.

   [303] Herm. Past. Mand. xi. 9; Apoc. Bar. lv. 3; Orig. De Princip. i.
   3.

   [304] 2 Pet. iii. 1 ff.; Clem. Rom. Epist. ad Cor. xxiii.

   [305] Orac. Sibyll. ii. 167, iii. 63, iv. 119, where see Alexandre's
   note, and the account in our next section.

   [306] Dan. vii. 25, xii. 7; Rev. xiii. 5. Comp. Dan. xii. 12. Georgius
   Cedrenus, quoted by Dillmann, says that "in the Testament of King
   Hezekiah Isaiah asserts that Antichrist shall reign for three years and
   seven months, being 1290 days."

   [307] Himmelfahrt und Vision des Proph. Jesaia, p. 9.

   [308] It seems probable that the numerals are here corrupt, and that
   "one thousand" has fallen out at the beginning, and that the "five" at
   the end has been changed into "two," the original number being, as
   above, 1335.

   [309] This expression does not necessarily point to the absolute
   annihilation of the wicked; it is parallel to the words in Job x. 19:
   "I should have been as though I had not been; I should have been
   carried from the womb to the grave."

   [310] References will be found in the commentators on the above passage
   of Ignatius, e.g. Funk, p. 187.

   [311] The Fourth Book in the old Latin.

   [312] Cod. Pseud. Vet. Test. i. 761 ff.

   [313] In the Chronographia of Nicephorus among the Old Testament
   Apocrypha occurs Proseuche Ioseph, containing 1100 verses; it is also
   found in Montfaucon's Catalogue.

   [314] For rabbinical lore concerning Sammael, or Satan, consult Dr.
   Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus, vol. ii. App. xiii.

   [315] See Jolowicz, pp. 11 ff., where quotations from Talmudic works
   are given.

   [316] Nitzsch in Stud. und Krit. 1830, i. 215.

   [317] Rev. i. 10; 2 Cor. xii. 2-4.

   [318] These indications have been carefully noted by Dillmann, Nitzsch,
   and others.

   [319] Comp. Test. XII. Patr. "Levi," 2 and 3; and Wetstein's note on 2
   Cor. xii. 2. Authorities are given by Dillmann on vi. 13 of our book,
   and in Kitto's Cyclopædia, art. "Heaven," note, p. 245.

   [320] Comp. 2 Thess. ii.; 2 Pet. iii.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

IV. MIXED.
     __________________________________________________________________

  THE SIBYLLINE ORACLES.

   The work thus named is a collection of Judaeo-Christian poems, of
   various dates, designed to propagate certain ideas among heathens, and
   assuming this form in order to win acceptance in such quarters. Various
   derivations have been suggested for the word Sibylla, and it has been
   attributed to the Hebrew and other Oriental languages; but many suppose
   that the word is really Greek, compounded of the Æolic sios = theos and
   bolla or bulla = boule, [321] and thus meaning, counsel of God.
   However, it may well be doubted whether it is not a feminine form of
   the old Latin word sibus, meaning "wise." Persibus, or Persicus, is
   found in this sense in Plautus and Nævius, where it is explained by old
   grammarians as = peracutus. Hence the term signifies "wise woman,
   witch." The name was applied to any female who affected to foretell the
   future, so that it may be taken to mean an inspired prophetess, or, as
   Varro puts it, "cujus pectus numen recipit, et quæ vaticinatur." She is
   not an official priestess, but one abnormally influenced by the Deity.
   The most ancient authors speak of a Sibyl; but this idea did not long
   continue, and we soon find them multiplied and assigned to different
   localities. The number of accredited Sibyls has been stated sometimes
   as three or four, sometimes as ten; and the writings that are current
   under their name have been increased by later discoveries from eight
   books to fourteen--though the whole of these are not extant, of many of
   them isolated fragments alone having been preserved. That some lines of
   the ancient heathen poems have been preserved by classical authors is
   well known; only one or two of these, however, as far as I know, are
   found in our present collection, though there are passages and
   expressions which show distinctly a pagan origin, as the account of the
   tower of Babel, quoted from a Sibyl by Josephus, [322] where it is said
   that the gods sent a mighty wind and overthrew the building. In Asia
   Minor and Greece the Sibyllines obtained only a private circulation,
   and were never officially collected or publicly used, though, even from
   the scanty notices existing, we gather that they exercised a very
   potent influence and were largely credited. The original Libri
   Sibyllini, with which the name of King Tarquin is connected, and which
   reached Borne from Asia by way of Cumae, perished in the fire which
   consumed the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, B.C. 82. Their place was
   supplied by a collection gathered from various places in Greece, Italy,
   and Asia Minor, and amounting to about 1000 verses. This was revised by
   order of Augustus, and again by Tiberius; but has been preserved only
   in fragments found in classical authors. The widespread belief in the
   authority of such productions led to the composition and circulation of
   a quantity of professed oracles, which demanded critical investigation,
   and received some such attention at the hands of the emperors Julian
   and Honorius. The verses, however, thus authorised as genuine have not
   come down to us in their integrity, and what we know of them is little
   and unsatisfactory. Servius, in his commentary on Virgil, mentions a
   hundred as the number of these Sermones, and Suidas names twenty-four
   as the production of the Chaldaean Sibyls alone. How many more were
   attributed to the other Sibyls cannot be known. Our present collection
   is of Jewish and Christian origin, and can lay no claim to any high
   pagan antiquity. So common, indeed, had the forging of these poems
   become in early Christian times, that Celsus [323] sneers at Christian
   writers as Sibollistai, sibyl-mongers, or sibyl-believers. The exact
   relation of these later compositions to the early group it is
   impossible to determine. Their acceptance as authentic in an uncritical
   age is no argument in their favour; but they seem to have been
   considered to possess some supernatural authority, far inferior, of
   course, to that of Jewish prophets, but still originated by Divine
   influence. Doubtless the later Sibyls used some of the old material
   which was found ready to their hand, though it is now almost impossible
   to say what was borrowed from floating tradition. A line here and
   there, indeed, may be identified. Thus, as of heathen origin and
   probably remnants of old oracles or Sibylline verses, we may cite the
   punning couplet in iv. 71 and elsewhere:--


   kai Samon ammos hapasan hup' eionessi kalupsei;

   Delos d' ouketi delos, adela de panta ta Delou.

   The Latin versifier has attempted to reproduce the second line thus:--

     Et Delus, non jam Delus, deleta latebit.

   From the same source come some of the lines in Book iii., which, as we
   shall see, narrate the reign of Saturn and the demigods of pagan
   theology, beginning with the building of the Tower of Babel on the
   plains of Assyria, when all men were of one language, and were animated
   with the one desire of invading the starry heaven. This is partly
   scriptural; but then follows a heathen episode: Chronos and Titan fight
   one with the other, but are reconciled by "Rhea and Guia and Aphrodite,
   with her fair crown, and Demeter, and Vesta, and Dione with her
   beautiful locks." The birth of Zeus gives occasion for a wonderful
   piece of etymology. To save him from the fate of her previous children,
   Rhea sent (diepempse) him away to Phrygia secretly, hence they call him
   Dia because diepemphthe." On a par with this derivation is that of
   Hades (i. 85), which takes its name from Adam, who was the first to
   enter it, the death of Abel being ignored for philological purposes.
   [324] Another etymology, not unrecognised by the Fathers, [325] is
   given to this name in Book iii. 26, which Alexandre calls "ingeniose
   absurdus." Here it is commended as a name of four letters which
   represent the four quarters of the earth, as the Latin versifier
   writes:--


   Qui nomine solo

   Occasus ortusque refert boreamque notumque.

   In the original:--


   Antolien te Dusin te Mesimbrian te kai Arkton.

   Another paragraph owed to heathen sources is one concerning the
   destruction of Troy (iii. 414 ff.), where Helen is called "the Erinnys
   from Sparta," which reminds one of Virgil's "Trojæ et patriæ communis
   Erinnys" (Æn. ii. 578); and another where Homer, "the blind old man who
   writes lies," is accused of plagiarising from the Sibyl whose oracles
   he was the first to use. [326] Diodorus mentions this accusation as
   made by the Erythraean Sibyl, and is not referring to our present book.

   The primary cause of the composition of these productions is not far to
   seek. Given the existence of a body of such prophetical utterances
   among the heathen, which were considered of superhuman authority and
   universally credited, it fell naturally into the mind of Jew and
   Christian to endeavour to gain acceptance for the truths which they had
   to teach, not only by tracing these truths in the extant words of poet
   and prophetess, but also by themselves expressing them in the form and
   under the guise of Sibylline inspiration. The mystery that enveloped
   these oracles greatly helped the impersonation, and the authors thought
   themselves quite justified in their undertaking if by this means they
   might insinuate the truths of God's unity and righteousness, and
   disseminate the hopes which animated their breasts. That the Sibylline
   Oracles were held in high honour during the early Christian centuries
   is proved by the frequent appeals to them made by the Fathers. The list
   of the writers who thus used them includes the names of Athenagoras,
   Theophilus, Justin Martyr, Lactantius, Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius,
   and Augustine. Some of these authors apparently were acquainted only
   with the heathen books; others, as Clemens Alexandrinus and Lactantius,
   cite passages of pagan, Jewish, and Christian authorship; and while
   some attribute to them an authority almost conclusive, others quote
   them with reserve, and own that their testimony is disputed and not
   always of decisive importance. [327]

   Every one is familiar with the verse of the "Dies Iræ," which, if an
   interpolation, at any rate proves the estimation in which the Sibyl was
   held:--


   Dies iræ, dies illa,

   Solvet sæcla in favilla,

   Teste David cum Sibylla.

   The manufacture of Sibylline verses continued for some centuries. It
   was natural and easy to employ this means of disseminating correct
   opinions among piously-disposed minds. What had been done by heathen
   Greeks might become a power for good in Jewish and Christian hands. For
   two centuries before Christ writers used this form to propagate Jewish
   opinions; in the early days of the Christian era, Sibyllines attempted
   to force Christian views into prominence in pagan circles. Existing
   poems were largely used, adopted, and published. Imitations were freely
   made, and these additions to the already copious collection enlarged
   the stock to an unwieldy extent, which defied every effort at order or
   classification. Every writer allowed himself full liberty of inserting
   his lucubration wherever he chose; isolated fragments, therefore,
   abound, many duplicates occur, and the result is confused and chaotic.
   But as paganism disappeared, and Christianity grew stronger and less in
   need of such adventitious support, the composition of Sibylline verses
   gradually ceased, and no additions to the collection seem to have been
   made since the fourth century. The use of them dying out, their
   existence became forgotten, and in the Middle Ages the Greek text seems
   to have been unknown. Of course the passages quoted by the early
   Fathers and the Christian apologists, and the testimony borne to the
   "Prophetess," as Clemens Alexandrinus calls her, served to keep alive
   the knowledge of the existence of such writings; but the collection of
   oracles gathered into books, such as we now possess, was not current;
   and from their very mystery and obscurity these unknown verses were
   regarded with more respect and deference than their intrinsic merits
   deserved.

   The literary history of the Sibyllines is soon told. The earliest known
   quotation is that mentioned above concerning the building of the Tower
   of Babel. This is cited by Alexander Polyhistor, who lived between B.C.
   80 and 40, and is found in Eusebius, Chron. i. 23, and in almost
   identical words, though with only a vague reference to the Sibyl, in
   Josephus, Antiq. i. 4. 3. In what form the book existed from whence
   this citation is taken we do not know. Whether Clemens Romanus quotes
   any part of our work is uncertain; Hermas Pastor mentions the Sibyl,
   but not her verses. Quotations abound most in Clemens Alexandrinus and
   Lactantius, who, however, seem to have been acquainted chiefly with the
   Jewish portions of the work as well as with some passages now no longer
   extant. In the time of Lactantius there was circulated a rude and
   undigested mass of verses in the Greek language, which had no pretence
   to order or completeness. Some unknown author, who has left a preface
   of untrustworthy character, collected these scattered elements,
   arranged them into books, with many interpolations of his own, designed
   to express his view or to facilitate the transition from one subject to
   another. The collector, probably a monk, and an adept at transcribing
   manuscripts, lived in the sixth century under Justinian. From his work
   our present collection took its origin. As has been already said, we
   are not here to look for the mysterious Sibylline books which were
   offered to Tarquin; nor yet for those which replaced the perished
   Oracles in later times. Our collection is of later date and different
   origin, being merely imitations of the original utterances, and only,
   as it were, by chance embodying any of the ancient heathen verses. A
   portion of what we now possess was first published at Basel in 1545
   from an Augsburg, now a Munich, MS. by Xystus Betuleius (= Sixtus
   Birke--i.e. birch-tree); this, which comprised eight books, was
   followed immediately by a metrical Latin version, the composition of
   Sebastian Castalio (Chateillon), who also republished the Greek text
   with emendations some ten years later. The fourth edition appeared at
   Paris in 1599 (repeated in 1607), under the auspices of John Opsopoeus
   (i.e. Koch = opsopoios, cook), purified by the aid of some
   newly-discovered MSS., and enriched with some short but useful
   annotations. Amsterdam produced the next edition in 1687, undertaken by
   Servatius Gallaeus (Servais Gallé); but this is of no critical value,
   and is full of typographical errors and irrelevant learning. A portion
   of the Sibyllines is printed in Gallandi's Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum,
   Venet. 1788. All these editions above-mentioned contain only the first
   eight books. Some additions to the received text were made by Angelo
   Mai, who in 1817 and 1828 found and published some of the missing
   books, making the complete work to consist of fourteen books, the ninth
   and tenth, however, not having been recovered. The first perfect
   edition, and one that left little to be desired, is due to C.
   Alexandre, who, in 1841 and some subsequent years, put forth a
   carefully revised text, with Castalio's Latin version improved and
   augmented, and with a large body of critical and exegetical notes, and
   a volume of excursus, which treat copiously of all matters connected
   with the Oracles. [328] This edition was repeated in a handier form in
   1869. Another edition of the whole work is that by J. H. Friedlieb
   (Leipzig 1852), which is supplied with a translation into German
   hexameters, but disfigured by a faulty text. [329] An Englishman, Sir
   John Floyer, published a prose translation of the first seven and part
   of the eighth books in 1713, in the authenticity of which he implicitly
   believed, taking the trouble to compare them with the prophecies of
   Daniel and the Revelation, and finding in them a marvellous heathen
   testimony to the truth of Divine prophecy. As an instance of human
   credulity few books are more curious than that of this simple and
   uncritical knight-errant.

   The work as at present arranged is a mass of confusion and incongruity,
   no pretence at chronological order being aimed at. The production of
   several authors--Gentile, Jewish, and Christian--taking very different
   standpoints, and living in very different ages, the Oracles must be
   examined separately, if we wish to weigh their contents accurately and
   estimate their real value and importance. Each book is not in itself a
   whole, the production of one author, or of one age. Often it contains
   incongruous elements, or is simply a congeries of unconnected
   fragments. But thus much is evident, that two chief elements are
   forthcoming, viz. a Jewish with some trace of heathen colouring, and a
   Christian which is more uniform. But it is very difficult to decide as
   to the character of many portions which are only of a neutral tint. The
   critics are not agreed as to the arrangement of the several books, but
   from the considerations adduced by Alexandre and Ewald, we may divide
   the whole collection into eight pieces of different date and
   authorship. The first and oldest is undoubtedly the prologue of Book i.
   and parts of Book iii. (97-828). This portion was the work of an
   Alexandrian Jew, who wrote under Ptolemy VII. Physcon, about B.C. 140.
   It is by far the most important of all the poems, and worthy of the
   fullest investigation, as it is the longest pre-Christian production in
   the whole series. There is one other, and only one other, certainly
   pre-Christian section in the whole collection. This fragment is found
   in vers. 36-92 of the same third book, and from internal evidence is
   assigned to B.C. 40, the time of the first Triumvirate. The second
   piece, Book iv., is regarded as the most ancient of the Christian
   Sibyllines, though there is nothing in it distinctively Christian, and
   it may well have been the work of a Jew. Its date is considered to be
   about A.D. 80. The third is a conglomeration of Jewish and Christian
   compositions, the Jewish preponderating. Much of it belongs to the
   first Christian century. It consists of the whole, or nearly the whole,
   of Book v. The fourth piece is composed of Books vi. and vii., and, as
   Ewald thinks, the first part of Book v.; but this latter assertion is
   doubtful. This is of a Christian character, though decidedy heretical,
   and is referred to the early part of the third century A.D. The fifth
   is found in Book viii., vers. 1-360, Christian and orthodox, a little
   later than the last. The sixth consists of the rest of the eighth Book.
   The seventh is composed of Books i., ii., and the first thirty-five
   verses of Book iii., and was written about the middle of the third
   Christian century. The last piece contains Books xi., xii., xiii.,
   xiv., and is the production of a Jew in Egypt, who had some
   acquaintance with Christian rites and doctrine. Thus these "Oracles"
   cover a space of more than four hundred years, and give an insight into
   the tenets and feelings of Jews and Christians at an epoch the most
   important in the religious history of man.

   Being of this miscellaneous character, the Sibyllines must be regarded
   as speaking each one for itself alone. In tracing any particular view
   or tenet or idea, we cannot, as in the ordinary case of a book composed
   at a definite time and place by a single author, say generally the
   Sibylline Oracles express this or that opinion; but we must carefully
   regard the passage where the opinion occurs, and decide when it was
   written, and whether by Jew, Christian, or semi-pagan; for on our
   determination of these questions depends the value of the given
   statement. Unfortunately, the interpolations of later hands are so
   numerous, that it is impossible in all cases to assign date or locality
   with absolute certainty. We are not about to attempt any critical
   examination of the text in this paper; the design is more humble, viz.
   to give readers some idea of the contents of these books, keeping
   distinct the groups into which they seem naturally to divide
   themselves, and to show their bearing on the religious ideas of the two
   centuries preceding and subsequent to the time of our Lord.

   For the benefit of those who have not seen the original, it may be
   premised that the poems take the same form as, and endeavour to assume
   the outward character of, the ancient heathen oracles. They are written
   in Homeric hexameter verse, but with great licence as to the quantities
   of words, accent often being taken to lengthen a short syllable, e.g.
   iii. 1: Ourani hupsibremeta makar, hos echeis to Cheroubim, and
   quantities are in the most regal manner made to give way to the
   necessities of the verse, even without the excuse of accent, e.g. v.
   272: autous de krupsousin heos kosmos allage, the last two feet doing
   duty for spondees. It is supposed that the most ancient Sibylline
   verses were acrostics. [330] Of this kind of verse one celebrated
   specimen occurs in Book viii., vers. 217-250, part of which in a Latin
   form has been preserved by St. Augustine (De Civit. xviii. 23). The
   passage in the Greek consists of thirty-four lines, the initials of
   which make the words IESOUS ChREISTOS ThEOU UIOS SOTER STAUROS. The
   Latin version omits the last word, employs C and S to represent S, and
   finding a difficulty in the use of the Greek letter u, has substituted
   others in its place, which may possibly represent the current
   pronunciation; so that, as it stands, the initials compose the words:
   JESVCS · CREISTOS · TEV · DNIOS · SOTER. [331]

   The earliest portion of the work is found, as has been said, in Book
   iii., combined with some older Gentile verses and some later Christian
   interpolations. All critics agree in this view, and many consider the
   prologue placed now before Book i. to be of equal antiquity. There are
   fragments not found in the extant MSS. of the Sibylline Oracles, but
   preserved by Theophilus and Lactantius, [332] and ascribed by the
   latter to the Erythræan Sibyl. After enumerating ten Sibyls, he
   proceeds (Instit. i. 6): "The verses of these Sibyls are all in
   circulation except those of the Cumaean, which are reserved in secret
   by the Romans, and are inspected by none but the Quindecimviri. They
   are the work of different authors, though often ascribed to one, who
   passed by the generic name of Sibyl. It is impossible to discriminate
   the writers, except in the case of the Erythraean, who inserts her own
   name in her poem, and is called Erythraean, though sprung from
   Babylon." Some of the lines have been inserted by the original
   collector in the first part of the third book, and it is probably owing
   to this that the MSS. have ceased to contain the prologue, as it was
   thought unnecessary to transcribe what would be found in another place.
   The prologue, which probably formed the original introduction to Book
   iii., begins with an exhortation to the Gentiles to leave their false
   deities, and to worship the one true God, "who reigns alone, almighty,
   unbegotten, seeing all yet seen of none." "Ye shall have the reward of
   your evil counsel," says the Sibyl, "because, neglecting to honour the
   true, everlasting God, and to offer to Him sacred hecatombs, ye have
   made your sacrifices to the deities of Hades." The Fathers [333] have
   seen in these words a wonderful advance of heathenism towards right
   religion. But, of course, they are not the genuine utterances of a
   heathen; they are written by a Jew personifying the pagan Sibyl. The
   following argument, however, seems to be genuine. It is preserved by
   Theophilus in his second book against Autolycus (p. 348), and takes the
   form of a kind of syllogism: "If gods beget, and are indeed immortal,
   they would be far more numerous than men, nor would any place be found
   for mortals whereon to stand. And if all that is begotten perishes,
   [334] no god could ever have sprung from a human womb. But God is one,
   alone, supreme, who made heaven and sun," etc., "incorruptible,
   creator, eternal, dwelling in the air; who to the good proffers good as
   an exceeding great reward, and against the evil raises up wrath and
   anger, war and pestilence, yea, lamentable woes." The closing lines of
   the prologue point to a late Jewish origin, the mention of Paradise in
   the sense of the abode of spirits never occurring in the Old Testament
   save in Ecclus. xliv. 16, and then only in the old Latin version,
   speaking of the translation of Enoch. The prologue ends thus: "But they
   who honour the true, eternal God shall inherit life, dwelling for ever
   in the fair garden of Paradise, feasting on sweet bread from the starry
   heaven." The inheritance of life, the abode in Paradise, and the
   feeding on manna savour of New Testament terminology, and, if not of
   Christian derivation, are remarkable as anticipative of Christian
   doctrine. [335] That the author was an Alexandrian Jew, and assumed the
   position of the writer of the Book of Wisdom, seems tolerably certain,
   if we regard his allusions to beast-worship. "O ye men," he cries, "are
   ye not ashamed to make gods of pole-cats (galas) and brutes? Has not
   madness and frenzy robbed you of your senses if ye think that gods
   plunder dishes and pots, and, instead of dwelling in the rich, golden
   heaven, look upon moth-eaten robes, and are begirt with spiders' webs?
   Fools, to adore snakes, dogs, weasels, and birds of air, and creeping
   things of earth, and images of stone, and statues made by hand, and
   cairns by the roadside: these things ye worship and many other vanities
   which it were a shame even to mention." Plainly the writer of these
   lines must have had before his eyes the abominations of Egyptian
   idolatry, and was expressing his hatred of a religion, the material
   forms of which were daily forced upon his notice. But he differs from
   many of his countrymen in his eschatological views. There is no trace
   of millennarianism, or of a reign of Messiah before the final judgment,
   or of a first resurrection which shall affect the righteous
   only--doctrines which are found continually in later books. Here there
   is only one judgment for all, which shall decide the fate of good and
   bad, who shall at once receive their appointed lot, the former entering
   upon an eternal life of happiness in an earthly Paradise, the latter
   going away into eternal fire.

   We come now to the consideration of the most important and
   characteristic of the Oracles, viz. the most ancient portions of Book
   iii., vers. 97-294 and 489-828. The intervening lines, vers. 295-488,
   forming the second section of the book, are an interpolation of a
   heterogeneous character, and will be noticed further on. The writer of
   the genuine poem is evidently an Alexandrian Jew, living in the second
   century before Christ. The determination of the date of the composition
   depends on internal considerations. The author is acquainted with the
   Book of Daniel, and with the expedition, of Antiochus Epiphanes to
   Egypt. This affords some clue; but there is a closer limitation. After
   the division of the Macedonian kingdom, it is said that another empire
   shall be established by "a toga-clad and republican nation," [336]
   which shall deal hardly with Macedonia until "the seventh king of
   Grecian origin shall reign in Egypt." The allusion here must be to
   Ptolemy Physcon, who, after his brother Philometor's death, reigned as
   sole king (B.C. 145-117), having been associated with him for a time
   (B.C. 170-164) before he was banished from Egypt. He was the seventh
   sovereign of Hellenic race. Another criterion is the allusion to the
   destruction of Carthage and Corinth, which, as is well known, were
   overthrown B.C. 146. [337]

   The beginning of the poem evidently is absent. It now commences
   abruptly with an account of the building of the Tower of Babel, its
   overthrow by violent winds, and the dispersion of mankind consequent
   upon the confusion of tongues. Then follows a section, derived from
   Hesiod and other heathen sources, detailing the legends of the sons of
   Saturn and the Titans from the tenth generation after the Flood,
   wherein the gods of antiquity appear as human kings, and which are
   recounted in order to show how war was introduced into the world, and
   how other kingdoms arose. The history of the ancient empires--Persians,
   Medes, Assyrians, etc.--is dismissed in a few verses, the author
   arriving at a stride at Rome; and then merging into prophecy, the Sibyl
   foretells the prosperity of the kingdom of Solomon, whose dominion
   extends over Phoenicia, Asia Minor, the neighbouring islands, and
   Persia--an exaggeration which could scarcely have been made by any one
   but a Jew of a late period. After a short episode concerning the Greeks
   and Macedonians, the Sibyl proceeds to inveigh against Rome, "a nation
   clad in white, many-headed, which, coming from the Western Sea, shall
   grow into a mighty empire and shake the throne of kings." Of its rapine
   and luxury, its gross licentiousness and profanity, its cruelty and
   oppression, she speaks in severest terms, and predicts a retributive
   punishment soon to fall. This is to happen in times when "the nation of
   the mighty God shall once again be strong, and become to all peoples
   the guide of life." An eloquent passage follows, containing the history
   of the Jews unto the return from exile. The opening lines are fine:--

   There is a city in the land of the Chaldæans from which arose the most
   righteous race of men, whose care was good counsel and fair deeds. For
   they regard not with anxious thought the course of sun and moon, nor
   the wonders that are found on earth, nor the depth of ocean's blue-eyed
   sea, nor the omens of a sneeze and the birds of the augur, nor seers,
   nor sorcerers, nor charmers, nor ventriloquists' fond deceits; they
   study not the predictions of Chaldæan astrologers; they observe not the
   stars; for merest fraud are all such things, which men in their folly
   day by day explore, exercising their soul in no useful work, teaching
   error unto hapless mortals; whence many evils have befallen the
   inhabitants of earth, so that they have strayed from the paths of
   righteousness. But, on the other hand, this people make righteousness
   and virtue their sole care; they shun avarice, which to the race of man
   brings numberless evils, wars, and famine past escape. Just bounds are
   theirs in town and field; no thief steals by night into their houses;
   they harry not their neighbours' flocks of oxen, sheep, and goats, nor
   violate their neighbours' boundaries; the rich man vexes not his poorer
   brother, nor harasses the widow, but rather aids her from his stores of
   corn and wine and oil; ever is he a blessing to them who have nothing;
   ever of his harvest he gives a share to the needy. Thus they fulfil the
   command of the great God, which is their ordered song; for the heavenly
   Father has given the earth as the common possession of all men.--Vers.
   218-248.

   This eloquent passage, which indeed is an amplification of the warnings
   in Deut. xviii., is succeeded by an abstract of the history of Israel
   in the form of prophecy. The exodus is noticed, and the promulgation of
   the law at Sinai, and the happy life in the Holy Land, "when to them
   alone among mankind the fruitful earth returned a hundredfold--such
   were the measures of God." But the exile in Assyria follows and the
   ruin of the once favoured land, a punishment of the people's idolatry.
   Therefore for seventy years the country lies desolate, till a king sent
   from heaven,--Cyrus,--warned by a holy dream, restores Judah, the royal
   tribe, and all the kings of Persia give means to rebuild the temple.

   The last section of the poem (vers. 489-807) is occupied with various
   predictions concerning the nations of the earth. In the epilogue (vers.
   808-828) the Sibyl speaks of herself (though some critics regard this
   notice as a later interpolation), affirming that, while fame tells that
   she came from Erythrae, or was the daughter of Circe, she was in fact
   the daughter-in-law of Noah, and shut up with him in the ark. She
   asserts emphatically that she came from Babylon inspired (oistromanes)
   to foretell the future to mortals. "The Greeks," she says, "assert that
   I am from Erythræ, or the daughter of Circe and Gnostos, and that I am
   insane and a false prophetess; but when my predictions shall be
   fulfilled, then shall ye remember me, and own that I am not mad, but a
   true prophetess of God" (808 ff.). Of the prophecy itself the following
   may be taken as a summary, though very often it is difficult to see to
   what events in history the seer refers, and sometimes there is known no
   fact corresponding to the fate announced:--Phoenicia shall be utterly
   destroyed, so that not a tribe shall be left, because of her lying lips
   and lawless life, and her proud exultation against the mighty God, A
   horrible end awaits Crete, whose smoking ruins all the world shall see.
   Thrace shall pass under the servile yoke, when a mixed horde of
   Galatians and Phrygians (Dardanidæ) shall overrun the fields of Greece.
   Evil shall befall Gog and Magog, the Marsi and Daci." Under these
   appellations the extreme northern nations are meant; the Marsi were
   always formidable in Roman eyes, and the Dacians are often enumerated
   among Scythian tribes. [338] This loose geography may be expected in a
   Jew living at Alexandria. Woe is next denounced on the peoples of Asia
   Minor--on Moors, Ethiopians, and Arabians; and then the ruin of Greece
   is predicted, when a barbarous nation shall invade it, and rapine and
   cruelty and slaughter shall reign throughout the land. This refers to
   the proceedings of the Romans in the Macedonian and Achaic wars. Man's
   share in this destruction shall be aided by Nature: plague, fire,
   famine shall do their part, so that scarce a third of the inhabitants
   shall remain. These evils are a punishment for the idolatry which
   profane kings introduced into Greece "fifteen hundred years ago." What
   this limitation of time may mean cannot accurately be determined.
   Dating it from the Sibyl's age, it would land us in an epoch long
   anterior to the Trojan war, about which we can form only conjectures.
   But the seer looks forward to better days. Greece will some day cast
   away its idols and turn to the true God, and with hands uplifted
   implore His help, offering to Him the sacrifices which once were paid
   to false gods. And then, led away, as it seems, by the temporary
   prosperity of the Jews under the Maccabæan rule, the author utters his
   Messianic hopes in glowing language, contrasting the peace and
   happiness of the favoured people with the wars and misery which were
   the heathen's portion. [339] "The holy race shall cleave unto the Most
   High God, and honour His temple with libations and incense and sacred
   hecatombs, and offer on the great altar fat thighs of rams. Righteously
   observing the holy law, they shall live happy in city and field, and,
   themselves becoming prophets, shall bring joy to all men; for to them
   alone of mortals hath God given wisdom and faith. They make no gods of
   gold or silver, nor pictured forms of beasts to worship; but ever they
   raise pure arms to heaven, in early morning rising from their bed to
   cleanse their hands with water; [340] they honour the eternal God and
   their parents; they love chastity and the bed undefiled, nor ever
   practise the shameful vices of the heathen, which have brought on these
   infinite misery." But a day shall come when idolatry shall be
   abolished, and the pagans shall hide their images in the holes of the
   rocks [341] for very shame. This blessed change shall take place "what
   time a new king shall rule over Egypt, the seventh in succession of the
   Grecian supremacy," i.e. as we have seen, in the reign of Ptolemy
   Physcon. At that time "a mighty king from Asia, like a rapacious
   eagle"--Antiochus Epiphanes--shall ravage Egypt, and carry off large
   booty across the sea. Taught by these sufferings, the nation shall bow
   its knee to the great God of heaven, and burn its idols; and the Lord
   shall make all the land rejoice; and earth shall give her increase, and
   there shall be abundance of flocks and herds and of everything that
   sustains the life of men. This passage places us at the standpoint of
   the writer, who, knowing nothing of subsequent events, takes occasion
   from the happy circumstances of the Jews at this epoch to picture the
   peaceful life of the righteous nation in anticipation of the glories of
   Messiah's kingdom. At the same time, he warns the Gentiles that first
   shall arise terrible tribulation from the cruel inroads of a barbarous
   people, meaning probably the Romans. At the close of this distress
   Messiah shall come. "Then from the rising sun [342] God shall send a
   king, who shall make all the earth to cease from cruel war, killing
   indeed some, making faithful treaties with others. Not by his own
   counsels shall he do all this, but in obedience to the good decrees of
   Almighty God. [343] And the Lord's people shall be rich with every
   blessing, with gold and silver and purple raiment; land and sea shall
   fill them with good things." Nations shall war against the holy people,
   eager to destroy the temple of God, and bring in their own idolatrous
   worship; but the hand of the Lord shall be heavy upon them, and shall
   rain destruction upon them from heaven. "In those days the whole earth
   shall be shaken, and all the inhabitants thereof, and great fear shall
   be on every side. He shall rend asunder the mountains, and lay open the
   abyss, and fill the places with dead bodies, and lay low the walls of
   evil men, because they knew, not the law of God, and raised their
   weapons against the holy place." And this destruction shall fall upon
   them until they recognise God, the righteous Judge. Here, as the seer
   unfolds the mighty future, he claims for his utterances the gift of
   inspiration. "The great eternal God Himself bade me prophesy these
   things, all of which shall be fulfilled in their season; for the Spirit
   of God throughout the world is true." [344] Then follows another
   glowing description of the felicity of the chosen people, who shall
   dwell in peace and plenty under the immediate protection of God. "Oh,
   how greatly doth the Immortal love these men! shall all the islands and
   cities say; for all things sympathise with them and bring them help,
   [345] both heaven, and moon, and God-moved sun." At sight of this
   prosperity the Gentiles shall turn to God, and call on one another to
   come and offer sacrifice to the Almighty, and to be obedient to His
   law. Now the prophet calls upon Greece (i.e. the land of Egypt) to aid
   the Jews dwelling there to return to their own country, and to take
   part in the struggle then being carried on under the brave Maccabees.
   [346] If the Egyptians shall neglect to do this, and shall still cleave
   to their idolatry and heathen vice, they shall lose all share in the
   felicity of the Messianic kingdom, "when the fated end shall arrive,
   and the judgment of the eternal God shall fall upon mortal men." A
   still more glowing description of this happy time follows, very similar
   to the classic accounts of the golden age; and the Lord, it is said, in
   the starry heaven shall give one common law to all the earth, "for He
   is God alone, and there is none but He." [347] And when His kingdom is
   established over all men, then shall they bring incense and offerings
   to the one house of God which shall stand for ever. [348] Here the
   writer evidently looks forward to the permanence and unique position of
   the temple at Jerusalem, once polluted by Antiochus, but now purified
   and restored by the piety of the Maccabees. By land and sea, he says,
   the peoples shall flock to the Holy City to pay their vows; and this
   they can do because it shall be a time of universal peace, when "the
   prophets of God shall take away the sword from among mankind, and they
   themselves shall be the kings and righteous judges of mortal men; and
   He shall dwell with them and be their everlasting light." What signs
   shall precede this happy reign of Messiah? They are these: flaming
   swords in the sky seen by night in the east and west; storms of dust;
   the light of the sun failing in mid-day, and the moon's rays falling on
   earth at unusual times; blood flowing from rocks; warriors and huntsmen
   appearing in the clouds of heaven. [349]

   The book closes, as we have seen above, with an epilogue containing an
   account of the Sibyl's origin, and asserting her claim to inspiration.
   In this composition we see the object of the writer very plainly. He
   employs the popularity enjoyed by the "Oracles" to enforce his own
   views, presenting the history of his own people up to Noah's time as a
   past record, and narrating subsequent events in the form of prophecy,
   the rôle of antiquity being thus well maintained, and his own age
   virtually asserted. He sets before the Gentiles a high ideal, showing
   them to what they ought to aspire, and warning them that they can hope
   to attain this position only by favouring and supporting the chosen
   people, and following their bright example. And he recalls the Hebrews,
   especially those dwelling in foreign countries, to the observation of
   the law, and to the remembrance of Messianic hopes which are now
   approaching fulfilment. It is just possible that Virgil, in his
   description of the golden age, may have reproduced some of the ideas
   which had emanated from the Sibyl, whose verses may have been carried
   to Rome by the commissioners who were sent to seek for Sibylline books
   in Egypt, and that he alludes to our poet when he says (Ecl. iv. 4):
   "Ultima Cumæi venit jam carminis ætas." The second section of this book
   is almost wholly occupied with denunciations of judgments and
   calamities upon nations more or less hostile to Israel. Babylon shall
   suffer heavily for her offences against the holy people; Egypt shall be
   pierced with the sword "in the seventh generation of kings," and then
   shall rest in peace; Gog and Magog, whose unknown country lies between
   the Ethiopian rivers, shall be stained with blood; for Libya and
   western lands a bitter time is approaching. Nor shall signs of the
   coming calamities be wanting; comets, plagues, famines, wars,
   earthquakes, shall herald the fate of these nations. Proclamations of
   woes on particular towns and countries follow. Rome shall have to
   restore to Asia the wealth which she plundered. Then we have the
   paronomasias:


   estai kai Samos ammos, eseitai Delos adelos,

   kai Rhome rhume.

   After these tribulations peace shall ensue in Asia and Europe, and a
   time of Messianic prosperity. Then the Sibyl turns again to gloomy
   vaticinations, and utters oracles concerning Antiochus Epiphanes, "a
   man clad in purple, barbarous, iniquitous, fiery," and his successors;
   she speaks of Phrygia, Troy, Lydia, Cyprus, Italy, and other countries,
   taking occasion to inveigh against Homer as a writer of lies
   (pseudographos), one who plagiarised from Sibyl's oracles, and
   falsified what he borrowed. The section ends with announcing the
   destruction of Carthage and Corinth.

   The book next in age to the preceding one is the fourth, the production
   of a Jew or a semi-Judaising Christian, composed after the fall of
   Jerusalem under Titus or Domitian. The date is fixed by two allusions
   in the poem: first, the destruction of Jerusalem (vers. 115-127); and
   next; the mention of the eruption of Vesuvius (A.D. 79) as a recent
   calamity, and the precursor of Divine vengeance on the destroyer of the
   Jewish nation. "When from the cloven rocks of Italy, a fire returning
   shall blaze unto the broad heaven, and shall burn up many cities, and
   destroy the lives of men, filling the vast air with flaming ashes, and
   drops of. bloody hue shall fall from heaven, then shall men know the
   wrath of God for that they slew the guiltless race of the pious" (vers.
   130-136). Prophecies of this calamity were prevalent among the heathen.
   Plutarch [350] twice alleges a supposed Sibylline oracle on the
   subject, which speaks of the overthrow of Cumae and Dicaearchia, i.e.
   Puteoli, by fire from the Besbian mountain. And the astonishment with
   which the news of it was received, and the effect upon men's minds, may
   be gathered from the accounts which have come down to us. Dio Cassius
   [351] asserts that the ashes reached even Syria and Egypt. To the Jews,
   suffering from their late disasters, and prone to look for God's
   interposition in their behalf, the calamity seemed to be a
   well-deserved judgment on their conquerors, and a sign of the
   punishment which was to subdue the enemy, and re-establish their own
   fallen state. The supposed Christian origin of the book is inferred
   from certain allusions contained in it; but these are very far from
   being decisive. Thus the saying of grace before meals is (vers. 25 f.)
   noticed as a special mark of the pious, and the turning with horror
   from temples which flow with the blood of sacrifices. But the grace at
   meals was a special rabbinic practice, and the animal sacrifices
   referred to may be those offered by heathens. And if the author praises
   the people for being averse from unlawful and usurious gain, he is not
   necessarily alluding to Christians, but rather applauding the ideal
   Hebrew, however inappropriately to what we know of their actual
   character. We find also a seeming reference to the total immersion
   practised by the early Christians in the rite of baptism. "Ah! wretched
   mortals, lay down your swords; away with groans, and murder, and
   violence, and wash your whole bodies in the perennial waters, and
   raising your hands on high, ask pardon for past sins" (vers. 161 ff.).
   but this may just as well be said of the proselyte baptism practised by
   the Jews. [352] In another passage the reproaches heaped on the pious
   are just such as are complained of in the apologetic writings of the
   Christians, whom their traducers "attack with derision and calumny,
   attributing their own evil deeds to the holy worshippers of God" (vers.
   37 ff.). This, again, is too vague to determine the question either
   way. An epilogue about the condition of men after the judgment was
   thought to be sufficiently orthodox and in accordance with Christian
   notions to be transferred bodily to the Apostolical Constitutions,
   where it will be found in Book v. chap. 7. The episode there is indeed
   somewhat longer than that contained in the MSS. of the Sibyllines, and
   the editors of the latter have added the verses thus preserved to their
   editions, judging rightly that there is sufficient authority for the
   insertion.

   There are some points of great interest in this book. Let us glance at
   the contents. Commencing with an address to the nations of Europe and
   Asia, the Sibyl claims direct inspiration from the true God, whose
   attributes are finely expressed; and, in opposition to the false
   oracles of Apollo, she professes to be able to narrate events from the
   first to the tenth generation; which, in Sibylline utterance, is always
   the last. Before doing this she digresses into the praise of those who
   serve the great God and bless Him before they eat or drink, and offer
   no bloody sacrifices, living honestly and chastely, the laughing-stock
   indeed of evil men, but approved of the Lord, who shall punish the
   mockers at the judgment, separating the righteous from the wicked. The
   allusion, as we have already noticed, is not necessarily to the
   Christians, and the passage is remarkable as, like one above mentioned,
   offering no support to millennial opinions, or to the notion of a first
   resurrection which prevailed among some of the Jews of this period. The
   view here entertained is (like that enunciated in the Ascension of
   Isaiah, etc.) rather that of an universal judgment to be followed
   immediately by the felicity of the righteous. This happy reward is to
   be received on earth and enjoyed in the body; that a resurrection is to
   precede it seems to be implied. There is no mention of Christ in this
   account of the last days, which is inconceivable if the book is written
   by a Christian. But all such speculations, not based altogether on
   revelation, are necessarily vague, and often contradictory. After this
   reference to the great consummation, the Sibyl proceeds to notice six
   generations of Assyrian kings, commencing from the time of the Flood,
   followed by two of Median origin, [353] and one each of Persian and
   Macedonian, the last ushering in the Roman dominion. We are told of a
   battle between the Medes and Persians at the Euphrates, which resulted
   in the victory of the latter; of the Trojan war, when "boastful Greece"
   brought ruin on the fields of Phrygia; of a famine in Egypt of twenty
   years' duration, the Nile withholding its crop-nourishing waters; of
   Xerxes' invasion of Greece, with its disastrous termination; of
   eruptions of Ætna, and earthquakes in Italy, in one of which Croton was
   destroyed; of the war which raged in Peloponnesus; and of the destiny
   of many other nations, the verses concerning which seem to be remnants
   of old heathen oracles, and are curious if not instructive.

   The allusion to the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple gives
   occasion for the earliest notice of the legend concerning Nero, which
   was at one time so widely prevalent. According to this notion, Nero did
   not commit suicide on hearing of the proclamation of Galba and the
   desertion of the army, but escaped secretly to the East, and will
   return some day, enacting the part of Antichrist, and making havoc of
   the Church. Mention of impostors who assumed to be Nero is found also
   among the heathen writers who have treated of this period--Suetonius,
   Tacitus, and others. [354] The cruel persecution of the Christians
   under this emperor led them to look upon him as the type of the great
   enemy of the gospel whose advent they expected in the last days. Many
   have fancied that St. Paul referred to Nero in speaking of "that Wicked
   one" who was to be revealed in time (2 Thess. ii.). Indeed, so intense
   was the hatred of Nero, entertained alike by Jews and Christians, that
   no evil was too monstrous to be assigned to him--the former regarding
   him as virtually the destroyer of their city and polity, the latter
   finding in him all the attributes of the great enemy of God and man,
   whose appearance they were led to expect. The near approach of the
   final consummation was supposed to be heralded by the eruption of
   Vesuvius, which was regarded as an instance of Divine vengeance, and
   was to be followed by the return of "the exile from Rome, who should
   come from the far Euphrates, wielding his mighty sword, attended by
   myriads of soldiers." Other signs of the times are the demolition of
   Salamis and Paphos by an earthquake, which visited Cyprus A.D. 71, and
   which is mentioned by other authors, [355] the destruction of Antioch,
   and the restitution to Asia of the wealth which Rome had plundered from
   her. This last event was the subject of a common expectation at that
   time, seized upon with avidity by the Jews out of their hatred for
   their conquerors. Zactantius (vii. 15) expresses the general feeling or
   hope when he says: "The Roman name, which now is supreme in all the
   world, shall be utterly abolished, the empire shall return to Asia, and
   once again the East shall bear rule." Tacitus tells (Hist. v. 13) how
   an impression had prevailed that in certain sacred writings [356] it
   had been foretold that at this time the East should gain the mastery,
   and that Judaea should send forth conquering princes. In view of these
   coming occurrences the Sibyl, as we have seen, urges all men to repent
   and be baptized, for God was about to destroy the world and its
   inhabitants with fire. The book ends with the following paragraph,
   which is worth quoting, as showing the belief of a Jew or a
   semi-Christian in the latter half of the first century: "But when all
   things shall be reduced to dust and ashes, and God shall have put to
   sleep the awful fire which He kindled, He will again change the bones
   and dust of men, and make them such as once they were. And then shall
   be the judgment; and God Himself shall judge the world again; and those
   who have done iniquity, them the earth shall cover with its heaps, and
   the depths of darksome Tartarus and Stygian Gehenna. But the pious
   shall live again in the world (kosmon), enjoying the incorruptible
   happiness of the immortal God, who shall give them spirit, life, and
   grace. And all shall see each other, looking on the sweet, joyous light
   of the sun. How blessed is he who shall live in that time!"

   Belonging to the same period as the fourth book, or a little later, is
   the fifth, a few verses possibly being interpolated at the beginning.
   This is partly the work of an Alexandrian Jew, and seems to have been
   written, like other productions of the Alexandrian school, in order to
   introduce among the Gentiles Jewish ideas concerning monotheism and
   Messianic hopes. But there are some items which are clearly of
   Christian origin, as the one quoted further on identifying Jesus with
   Joshua. The writer of some passages appears to have had some
   acquaintance with the Revelation of St. John, and may possibly have
   been a renegade catechumen, and the same person who composed the
   interpolations in the third book, showing such implacable hatred to
   Rome on, account of her treatment of the holy people. The frequent
   references to Egypt and Alexandria sufficiently prove the birthplace of
   this poem; and the statements concerning the Roman emperors, down to
   the time of the Antonines, indicate its date. The writer, who calls
   herself the sister of Isis, deals largely with history, beginning with
   Rome, and passing thence to other kingdoms and lands, and concludes
   with a description of a war among the signs of the Zodiac, during which
   stars shall fall from heaven, and shall cause the total conflagration
   of the world. The Roman emperors, from Julius Caesar to Hadrian, are
   indicated by the value of the numbers, which in the Greek the initials
   of their names afford. Thus, J. Caesar is he whose name shall begin
   with "twice ten" (K), Augustus he who has the first of letters (A),
   Tiberius he whose initial is three hundred (T), and so on. Hadrian is
   not designated by his number; he is called "the man of the silver head,
   who has the name of a sea." After him are to follow three Antonines.
   This concludes the oracular utterances respecting Rome. The rest of the
   book concerns itself with the affairs in Egypt, Judaea, and some other
   countries, comprising doubtless many ancient oracles once extant. Some
   few points in the historical allusions are worthy of mention. Thus here
   and elsewhere [357] mention is made of the conquest of the Persians and
   Medes, and the destruction of Babylon by Tiberius,--events which
   history has failed to record, and which belong to that affectation of
   universal dominion which was the product of the early Roman empire. Of
   course at this period the ancient Babylon was a shapeless ruin, which
   sheltered a few miserable Jews and natives, who contended with the wild
   beasts of the desert for a home in this desolate region. The connection
   of the Romans with this place was very slight. When L. Vitellius had
   the command in Syria, he took part in a civil war among the Parthians,
   and on one occasion led his forces to the Euphrates, and for a short
   time occupied the site of Babylon. This proceeding was magnified by
   rumour; and becoming in the course of time confused with Trajan's
   expeditions to the East, and the capture of Seleucia and Ctesiphon in
   the days of M. Aurelius Antoninus and L. Verus, it was regarded as
   Rome's great victory over the far-famed capital of Chaldaea. The
   expectation of Nero's return, as the superhuman enemy of God, crops up
   again in this book. He is to come from Persia and overrun Egypt (vers.
   92 ff.); but, daring to attack the sacred city, shall be overthrown by
   a mighty king sent from heaven, and then shall ensue the universal
   judgment. Nero appears, too, as the devastator of Greece; and some of
   his prominent crimes are mentioned with abhorrence. When he flees from
   Rome, he is said "to leave Babylon," this name being often given to
   Rome in the Sibylline Oracles--a fact which may help expositors of 1
   Peter and the Revelation. After the destruction of the Holy Temple, and
   when this Adversary shall have reigned three years, a star shall fall
   from heaven and dry up the sea, and consume "Babylon" itself and the
   land of Italy. Here there is evidently some acquaintance with Christian
   apocalyptic literature, though the knowledge is dim and imperfect. The
   writer's hatred of the Roman name has led him to attribute unheard-of
   atrocities to the Antonines. Beliar, Antichrist, or Nero redivivus, who
   will have such power as was never before given unto man, will overthrow
   the three princes that spring from Hadrian, and compel them not only to
   slay one another, but even to eat one another's flesh, so that the sons
   make a banquet of the father's limbs (vers. 220 ff.). Most of the
   so-called Oracles are saved from gross error by being confined to
   events that had already happened, but this was really a prediction, and
   was not warranted by the event; but it is curiously paralleled by a
   statement in the Fourth Book of Esdras xii. 21 ff., which Alexandre
   supposes to refer to these times: "And whereas thou sawest three heads
   resting, this is the interpretation: In his last days shall the Most
   High raise up three kings, and they shall renew many things therein,
   and they shall have dominion of the earth and of those that dwell
   therein, with much oppression, above all those that were before them,
   therefore are they called the heads of the eagle. And whereas thou
   sawest that the great head appeared no more, it signifieth that one of
   them shall die upon his bed, and yet with pain. For the two that remain
   shall be slain with the sword. For the sword of the one shall devour
   the other; but at the last shall he fall through the sword himself." In
   connection with the oracle against Rome, occur a few lines dooming
   Gauls and Britons to destruction (vers. 199 ff.) for taking part in the
   ruin of Jerusalem. Vespasian, it seems, summoned a Gallic legion from
   Syria to act against the Jews, and thus gave occasion for the Sibyl's
   invective, which includes the destruction of Ravenna as being the port
   whence the expedition sailed. [358] Such reckless assertions, resting
   on no basis of fact, are very usual with this poet. Thus, to vilify the
   conqueror of Jerusalem, he states that Titus dethroned his father (ver.
   39); in another place (vers. 227 ff.) he thus inveighs against Rome:
   "Unstable and of evil counsel, and by evil fate begirt, beginning of
   sorrows to men and alike their end, while nature by thee is now
   outraged, now preserved, [359] teeming with evil and misery, who ever
   longed for thee? Who did not burn with wrath against thee? What fallen
   king ever died in thee an honourable death? Ill hast thou everything
   disposed; thou hast brought in a flood of wickedness; by thee the fair
   frame of the earth is changed." Contrasted with the iniquity and
   consequent destruction of Rome is the predicted prosperity of Zion.
   When Persia is at peace, and war shall no longer be found in her
   borders, the holy race of Jews shall once more arise superior to their
   enemies. Here follows a passage (vers. 255 ff.) which seems of
   Christian origin: "Now a certain excellent man shall come again from
   heaven, who spread forth his hands upon the very fruitful tree, the
   best of the Hebrews, who once made the sun stand still, speaking with
   beauteous words and pure lips." There is here evidently an allusion to
   the crucifixion of our Blessed Lord, which reminds one of the Catholic
   hymn, where the cross is spoken of as a tree--"flore, fronde fertilis,"
   and the lines in the "Lustra Sex":--


   Crux fidelis, inter omnes

   Arbor una nobilis,

   Silva tamen nulla profert

   Fronde, flore, germine;

   Dulce ferrum, dulce lignum,

   Dulce pondus sustinent.

   The identification of Christ with Joshua is a mixture of Jewish and
   Christian legend which is unique. It is no question of symbolism here,
   as Joshua in Christian writings is treated as a type of Christ, but
   rather the confusion is such as might be made by an ignorant person
   reading Heb. iv. 8, "if Jesus had given them rest," and concluding that
   Jesus Christ led the Jews into Canaan. The author, indeed, identifies
   himself with the Jews, as where he prays (vers. 327 ff.): "Spare
   Judaea, Almighty Father, that we may see Thy judgments;" and were it
   credible that the whole book was the work of one author, we should
   regard his religion as syncretic, and in full accord neither with law
   nor gospel. But the book, as we have said, is of composite character,
   containing heterogeneous elements. One writer may have been a
   Christian, another filches occasionally from Christian sources, but has
   no lively faith in Christ; like many of his countrymen at this time, he
   suspends his judgment, and instead of making a decision expends his
   energies in denunciations of the hated power of Rome, and in
   speculations concerning the future. We need not recount these various
   predictions, which are of similar character throughout, and have no
   historical value. They. commonly introduce the victories and overthrow
   of Antichrist, or the Adversary, and contrast them with the prosperity
   of Israel under the Messiah. The author in the case of the latter
   subject is generally, but not invariably, in agreement with Revelation.
   He speaks of the New Jerusalem which Messiah shall build, a city,
   brighter than sun, and moon, and stars; but, in opposition to those who
   gave a spiritual interpretation, to such predictions, he places therein
   a temple, ensarkon, corporeal, material, whereas St. John says (Rev.
   xxi. 22) he saw no temple there. He proclaims the extinction of the two
   great luminaries in the heavens, but, apparently, not at the same time.
   When the moon's light is quenched an universal war shall ensue, which
   shall be specially localised in Macedonia, where the Adversary shall
   overthrow the Antonines, and, returning thence, shall waste Asia Minor,
   Syria, and Egypt, Judaea alone being left at peace. When the sun shall
   set, never more to rise, the whole world shall lie in darkness, except
   the land of Israel, which shall have light from the Lord. This awful
   time shall be preceded in Egypt by the freezing of the river Nile, and
   an irruption of barbarians into Asia and Thrace, and shall be followed
   by the destruction of the Egyptian idols, Isis and Serapis, and the
   erection in Egypt of a temple [360] to the true God, which shall last
   to the end of the world, when it will be destroyed by the Ethiopians,
   who then, with the rest of the evil-doers, will meet with their just
   punishment at the hands of Almighty God. The Sibyl leaves the world in
   flames, saying nothing of what shall be afterwards. This gap is
   supplied by a later oracle.

   The next piece consists of Books vi. and vii., which, from internal
   evidence, seem to have been written by a Christian, one, however, who
   was very far from being orthodox, and held the doctrines of some of the
   sects of later apostolic times. Ewald sets the date at the end of
   Adrian's reign, Alexandre nearly a century later. The latter relies on
   some lines in Book vii. (vers. 41 ff.) which speak of the rise of a new
   Persian kingdom, infamous with vice, and an expedition of the Romans
   against it, which terminated unfavourably, and which he supposes to
   refer to the proceedings of the Emperor Alexander Severus, A.D. 232.
   But the allusion is very obscure, and it is certain that the emperor on
   this occasion returned in triumph to Rome, and that the Persian monarch
   was restrained for many years from hostile operations; so that we
   cannot fix the date of the poem from this passage, which in fact would
   equally well apply to the defeat of Crassus by the Parthians. The
   threat against Judaea for its treatment of Messiah (vi. 21 ff.) may be
   a prophecy after the punishment had fallen, as are so many of the
   "Oracles." The heresies which the author affects are such as were rife
   in early Christian times, and we shall probably not be wrong in setting
   the date of this piece in the latter half of the second century.

   The sixth book, a very short one of only twenty-eight lines, is not a
   vaticination, but a hymn to Christ, in which are set forth His Divine
   nature, His appearance and ministry in the world, and His future
   return. These facts are produced in orthodox language, which is deemed
   worthy of quotation by Lactantius and Gregory Nazianzen, and was not
   unknown to Augustine. [361] In the mention of our Lord's baptism occurs
   the legend of the fire which then appeared, to which we shall refer
   again below. The Sibyl applies the verb "he saw" in Matt. iii. 16 to
   Christ, not to John: "He, escaping from the fire, first shall see the
   sweet Spirit of God coming upon Him." Thus far all is not unorthodox;
   but following the tenets of the Cerinthians and Ebionites, the writer
   holds that Jesus, a mere man, son of Joseph and Mary, received the
   Divine nature at His baptism by the descent of the Holy Ghost, who
   united Him with Christ, the eternal Word of God. He recognises two
   natures in Jesus Christ, and one Person, and always professes belief in
   His divinity. His words concerning the Cross have continually been
   quoted as confirming the doctrine of the Hypostatic union for which the
   Council of Ephesus contended. "O blessed tree," he says, "on which God
   was stretched," or, as the Latin versifier puts it--


   O lignum felix in quo Deus ipse pependit.

   Contrary to the tradition which represented Helena as the finder of the
   Holy Cross (and therefore supporting the earlier date assigned to this
   book), the Sibyl says that the earth could not keep the sacred wood,
   but that, it was transported to a heavenly home, to appear again at the
   last day, "the sign of the Son of man" (Matt. xxiv. 30). The same
   expectation is found elsewhere, e.g. in the acrostic in Book viii. 244,
   which is rendered--


   Insigne et cunctis aderit mirabile visu

   Nullo sat cultu fidis venerabile lignum.

   In these early times it is plain that the Cross alone, without the
   figure of Christ upon it, was the object of veneration. The crucifix
   was of later origin. Before leaving this book we may observe that in
   the solitary denunciation which it contains, Judæa is addressed as
   "Land of Sodom," an appellation of Jerusalem common alike to the
   prophets and the Apocalypse (comp. Isa. i. 9, 10; Ezek. xvi.; Rev. xi.
   8).

   The seventh book, which from internal considerations is rightly
   considered to be the work of the same author as the preceding, is of
   conglomerate character, and returns to the usual form of Sibyllines,
   consisting, that is, of predictions concerning various nations,
   interspersed with certain mystic and theological statements. The first
   part is fragmentary, containing oracles concerning Rhodes, Delos,
   Cyprus, and Sicily. In it is comprised a paragraph from a poem on the
   Flood, which is also found in Book i. This contains the curious myth
   that Phrygia was the first country to emerge from the waters, and
   became the originator of idolatry. The same legend is found in other of
   the Oracles, e.g. i. 19 6, iii. sect. 2. 140, v. 129, and seems to have
   been derived without examination from the prevalent opinion that the
   belief in the most ancient of the pagan divinities and the most antique
   rites of heathenism arose in that part of the world. There is another
   tradition which makes the ark ground on an Ararat in Phrygia, near the
   city Apamea Cibotus (i. 261). This is an offshoot of the preceding
   myth. After some other prophecies we come to the mention of Christ,
   "the Begotten, the great God," appearing in judgment. Certain signs
   shall herald His advent, specially a mighty column of flame in the
   heavens, which shall drop fiery destruction on the wicked. In
   mentioning Christ's dominion over the angels, the writer has
   expressions very similar to those used by Hermas in the Pastor (vers.
   3, 4), where he speaks of the angels as controlling all creation. Still
   more striking is the parallelism concerning the three towers raised in
   heaven wherein dwell three daughters of God--Hope, Piety, and Religion
   (sebasmosune), and which are prepared by Christ for the reception of
   the righteous. Hermas in his third vision sees a tower raised in
   heaven, which is to be the habitation of the just; but instead of three
   Virtues dwelling there; he makes seven, viz. Faith, Temperance,
   Simplicity, Knowledge, Innocence, Gravity, Charity. It is strange that
   neither Hermas nor the Sibyl availed themselves of St. Paul's
   enumeration of the three theological virtues, Faith, Hope, and Charity.
   The Sibyl, however, errs widely from Holy Scripture and the lines of
   orthodoxy when foretelling the adoption of certain sacred rites (vers.
   76 ff.) which shall obtain in Messiah's time: "Thou shalt offer
   sacrifice," we read, "to the great immortal God, not melting with fire
   the grain of incense, nor slaying with the knife the shaggy lamb; but,
   in company with all who share thy blood, taking woodland birds, thou
   shalt pray and let them fly, turning thine eyes to heaven, and thou
   shalt pour water in libation into the pure fire with these words: O
   Father, as the Father begat Thee, the Word, I send forth this bird, the
   swift messenger of my words, with holy water besprinkling Thy baptism
   through which from the fire Thou didst appear." The Greek is obscure,
   but the ceremony, consisting in letting a bird fly to convey prayer to
   heaven, is plain enough, and is a remnant of Judaism unknown to any
   Christian community. The allusion also to the fire in the Jordan at
   Christ's baptism is evident. A paragraph concerning false prophets who
   feign themselves Hebrews, Alexandre calls the last gasp of expiring
   Judaism (vers. 132 ff.). It upbraids these men with magnifying the evil
   of the coming epoch, and striving to change the ancient Jewish
   discipline. They and all such shall perish, and a new world shall
   appear "in the third allotment of rolling years, within the first
   octave." This mysterious date has been variously interpreted, and more
   pains have been wasted on it than its importance demands. Alexandre,
   who has examined the matter with his accustomed diligence, decides that
   the writer refers to the year 350 of the Actiatic era, which
   corresponds to A.D. 380. At this time the final age commences,
   Antichrist is to appear, and be finally defeated; then shall follow the
   last great convulsion, and the terrestrial reign of the pious under the
   sovereignty of Messiah, God Himself being with them and teaching them.

   The book ends with a curious epilogue, which is found somewhat watered
   down in the second book. In this the Sibyl accuses herself of various
   crimes, for which she deserves and shall receive punishment. She is not
   immortal, but will some day be slain by a shower of stones cast upon
   her by sailors passing near; and she concludes with the prayer: "Stone
   me, stone me, all ye wayfarers; thus shall I live and fix my eyes on
   heaven." It is impossible to determine the reason of the introduction
   of this self-accusation in this place. We know nothing of its grounds,
   and cannot conjecture the object, unless it be a hostile interpolation
   intended to throw discredit on the Sibyl.

   The eighth book has been divided by editors into four parts, of which
   the first two are of earlier date than the rest and by a different
   hand. The earlier portion falls into the time of the Antonines, the
   latter is a little later. The writer speaks of the adopted sons of
   Adrian, but he knows no details concerning any but M. Aurelius, in
   whose time he expects the return of Nero, the fall of Rome, the end of
   the world, and the judgment. But his acquaintance with M. Aurelius is
   very superficial, as he represents him as avaricious, and flying to
   Asia in order to save his treasures from Nero. He must have written
   therefore between A.D. 161 and 180, during which years Aurelius
   reigned. The author of this portion is a Jew, as we may conclude from
   his continual references to the Old Testament and the way in which he
   speaks of the Hebrews, but one who had some acquaintance with Christian
   doctrine and writings. He is thus to be placed in the same category as
   the writer of Book v., if he is not to be identified with him.

   At the outset the Sibyl professes an intention of proclaiming the wrath
   of God upon the nations and the approaching end of the world; but
   little mention is made of any country but Rome, and the Sibyl's mind is
   wholly occupied with the destiny of this enemy of her people. The vice
   which she specially and eloquently lashes is avarice; this sin it is
   which shall occasion Rome's downfall. After fifteen princes have
   reigned in succession, "the white-headed" Adrian shall follow, who
   shall be greatly regretted and mourned, as if the city itself had
   perished. Then, as it seems, in the time of his successor, Almighty God
   Himself shall come and judge the souls of the quick and dead; but
   before the consummation a dragon shall cross the sea, with well-filled
   maw, and shall afflict the Roman people. This seems to be a remembrance
   of the dragon or the beast of Revelation xiii., which the Sibyl
   represents as coming from Asia with a fleet to attack and destroy
   guilty Rome, which is to be thrust down into hell. A description of
   Hades ensues, whereon rests eternal night, where all earthly
   distinctions are abolished, where "there is neither slave, nor lord,
   nor tyrant, nor king;" no corrupt judge, no libation or sacrifice, no
   feasting or music, no wrath or strife, but "one common life for all,
   which keeps them safe for the day of judgment." Another portent, which
   shall precede the return of Nero and the end of the world, is the
   appearance of the Phoenix for the fifth time. [362] The curious myth
   concerning the Phoenix is given in various authors. Clemens Romanus
   tells it thus: In Arabia or some other Eastern countries there is a
   bird called a Phoenix, which lives for five hundred years a solitary
   life. When it feels death approaching, it constructs for itself a pile
   of frankincense, myrrh, and other aromatic herbs, and, lying there,
   dies. From its decaying carcass a worm is engendered, which assumes the
   appearance of the deceased bird. This young Phoenix carries the remains
   of its parent to Heliopolis in Egypt, places them on the Altar of the
   Sun, and returns whence it came. The priests keep an accurate account
   of this event, and compute the time of its recurrence. The fourth
   appearance of the bird is said to have taken place in the time of
   Tiberius, A.D. 34, A.U.C. 787. The Sibyl's reckoning is quite
   different, as she expects the fifth resuscitation, which was to
   coincide with the ruin of Rome, to occur A.U.C. 948. This would be
   equivalent to A.D. 194, or nearly, and would fall in with the reign of
   Septimius Severus. The date doubtless depends on the numerical value of
   rwmh = 100 + 800 + 48; and the prediction, however greatly falsified by
   the event, was the utterance of an earnest hope, expressed confidently
   in this form, in order to animate the drooping spirits of the subdued
   and disconsolate Jews. It is difficult to arrive at any clear view of
   the sequence of events in these last days, the writer himself having
   but hazy notions on the subject, and not arranging his details
   chronologically. There are also many gaps in the MSS., which, if
   supplied, would doubtless clear up some obscurities. As far as we can
   understand this mysterious period, the circumstances are these: [363]
   At the time that Anti-Messias or Nero invades the Roman empire, and
   before the destruction of Rome itself, Messiah descends from heaven,
   "the Holy King, who shall reign over Israel, and call the dead from
   their graves." He shall inaugurate a new Jerusalem, with a new material
   temple, peopled partly by Jews collected from all parts of the world,
   partly by the just who have been raised to life again. Against Him the
   Antichrist shall conspire in conjunction with certain barbarian kings;
   but after various portents--stars falling from heaven, and a great
   comet appearing--he and his allies shall be defeated by an angel, and
   hurled into the abyss. And another foe, a woman, shall be overthrown.
   She is here called "the joyous," and in Book iii. "the widow;" and she
   shall be a powerful queen, exercising a cruel tyranny, in the tenth age
   of man. This woman is no historical person,--certainly not Julia, the
   wife of Septimius Severus, as some have thought,--but the one figured
   in Revelation xvii., xviii., there certainly, here probably,
   representing Rome. In these eschatological predictions there are some
   differences from the details afforded by the previous books. In the
   fifth the empire of the Jews under Messiah was to be terminated by an
   irruption of Ethiopians, and the whole world was to perish, owing to
   some sidereal catastrophe. The earlier part of the present book takes
   up the story after this result, and expects a renovated earth, which is
   inhabited by the just of all countries, raised to life after the last
   judgment. Further particulars concerning the last judgment are afforded
   by the next portion of this eighth book, which, as it has come down to
   us, commences with the famous acrostic on the title of Christ already
   mentioned. St. Augustine gives a Latin version of this, omitting the
   last word "stauros;" Eusebius preserves the original thirty-four lines
   [364] in his account of Constantine's Oratio ad Sanctos, where the
   emperor quotes the verses, as a testimony to the divinity of Christ,
   uttered by the Erythraean Sibyl many centuries before the Christian
   era. The acrostic itself contains a description of the day of judgment
   and the events that shall succeed, and has many points of resemblance
   with the Prooemium, at which we have already glanced. The author was a
   Christian, though he probably worked up Jewish materials in composing
   his poems; and in the present case, wishing to emulate the ancient
   Sibyl in the form of his oracle, he prefaced his prophecy with this
   acrostic, which has become more celebrated than its author could have
   ever expected. We may suppose that in his desire to give verisimilitude
   to his utterance he took words which were oftenest on the lips of
   Christians, adding Stauros at the end as the most venerated of
   memorials, and perhaps (as Alexandre suggests) with the view of making
   the title into a spondaic hexameter. Whether the author intended to
   carry the same form through the whole of the book cannot be discovered;
   at any rate, he soon abandoned it, finishing his labour with the words,
   "This is our God, written in these acrostics, the Saviour, the King
   immortal, who suffered for us, whom Moses prefigured when he extended
   holy hands, by faith overcoming Amalek," etc. The acrostic ends at "who
   suffered for us;" from thence the poem proceeds in the ordinary manner.
   It must be noted that the initials of the title compose the word
   IChThUS, "fish," the emblem of the Christian faith so frequently
   sculptured on early monuments. In the account of the great
   consummation, we are told little that is novel. Fire shall destroy
   earth, sea, and sky, and the gates of hell itself, and shall convict
   the unrighteous of guilt; sun, moon, and stars shall fail, and the
   heavens shall be rolled up; hill and valley shall be levelled, rivers
   shall be dried, and the voice of the trumpet shall summon all to
   judgment. The Cross shall be seen in the sky. The closing lines of the
   acrostic concerning the Cross are remarkable. It is called the sign,
   the notable seal for all men, expressions which recall our Lord's words
   in Matt. xxiv. 30: "then shall appear the sign of the Son of man in
   heaven," and St. Paul's in 2 Cor. i. 22 and Eph. 1. 13, where he speaks
   of believers being "sealed," though not with the Cross, nor with the
   sign of the Cross (as some Roman Catholic expositors take it), but with
   the Holy Spirit. Further, it is named "the much-desired horn," which
   seems to be an interpretation of the phrase "horn of David" in Ps.
   cxxxi. 17 and Luke i. 69; and it is said to be "the life of the pious,
   but an offence to the, world," in agreement with the language of St.
   Paul (Gal. v. 11), where he speaks of "the offence of the Cross." Then
   follows a curious verse, "which enlighteneth the elect with water by
   twelve springs." This is explained to refer to the mission of the
   twelve apostles, which, as it were, originated from the Cross; but the
   writer seems to insinuate that the office of baptizing was committed to
   the twelve apostles alone, and presumably to their successors,--an
   opinion which he repeats again below (ver. 271), and which was not
   common in any section of the Church. He ends by terming the Cross "the
   rod of iron which tends and rules the flock," expressions which may
   come from Ps. ii. 9 or Rev. ii. 27. It is interesting to find this
   adaptation of scriptural figures to the Cross at this early age; later,
   of course, nothing is more common.

   From the remaining portions of this poem we obtain some further
   glimpses of primitive eschatology. First, we meet here with the use of
   the word "judgment" for Christ's first advent into the world. The first
   judgment, in this view, is the Incarnation, which is regarded as the
   initiation of the final judgment, perhaps with some reference to such
   passages as John xvi. 11: "The prince of this world hath been judged,"
   and xii. 31: "Now is the judgment of this world," though plainly in
   conflict with the forty-seventh verse of the same chapter: "I came not
   to judge the world." In accordance with this theory the Sibyls here and
   elsewhere speak of Christ judging the world "again," when they refer to
   the final award. Concerning the sojourn in the unseen world, we are
   told that Christ went thither to carry hope to the dead saints, and to
   announce to them the end of the world. Where the Gospel says that, for
   the elect's sake, the last days shall be shortened, our present text
   affirms that God has given men seven ages for repentance "by the hand
   of the holy Virgin," i.e. at her intercession. These words are allowed
   to be an interpolation, but of how early a date it cannot be
   determined. Certainly any such doctrine is centuries later than this
   Oracle; and, as Alexandre remarks, the Sibyllines always represent the
   final consummation as close at hand, and any postponement of this event
   for seven ages is quite alien from their view. A similar interpolation
   (probably the work of the writer of the preface) occurs in Book ii.
   312; and with the same view of honouring the Virgin Mary a very clumsy
   alteration has been made in Book i. 359, where, in the accounts of the
   miracle of the five loaves and the five thousand, the glosser has
   changed the words, which he has quoted from Book viii. 275 ff., "the
   fragments shall fill twelve baskets, a hope for the peoples," into,
   "for the holy Virgin," as if the remains were reserved by Christ for
   His mother's use.

   Before quitting this portion of the book, we may observe that the
   writer firmly believes in baptismal regeneration. Christ, he says
   (vers. 314 ff.), rose from the dead that the elect, "washed in the
   waters of the immortal fount, and born again (anagennethentes anothen),
   might no longer serve the lawless customs of the world." He supposes
   that the saints in glory will wear crowns of thorns like their Master.
   He sees in the rending of the temple's veil and the supernatural
   darkness at the Crucifixion an intimation that the old law was no
   longer to be observed by men hitherto blinded by the deceits of the
   world. He considers that in the creation of man the Father says to the
   Son, "Let us make man," taking Him as His counsellor (sumboulos) not
   only in the creation, but also in the redemption of the same. "I with
   my hands will make him, Thou hereafter shalt heal him with the word"
   (ver. 267). Thus in the ancient document called the "Epistle to
   Diognetus" (chap. viii.), it is said that the Father communicated His
   wise counsel concerning man to His Son alone. In Christ's hands
   extended on the cross the writer recognises the comprehension of the
   whole world in the benefits of the Passion; in the wounds in His hands
   and feet he finds a representation of the four quarters of the globe as
   being concerned in His death. He puts into the mouth of God some lines
   which are quoted by Herodotus (i. 47) as a Delphic oracle: "I know the
   number of the sands, the measure of the sea. I understand the dumb, and
   hear the silent speak;" and he makes Him, in commanding men to show
   charity to their fellows, direct that they feed the hungry with
   vegetable food, "a table pure and of unbloody food," whence it is
   argued that the author belonged to the Therapeutæ, one of whose
   distinguishing peculiarities was abstention from animal diet. [365]

   The next portion of this book is a hymn in praise of God the Father and
   God the Son, and cannot be regarded as an oracle; it is probably of the
   same authorship as the former parts, and its date is the same, or a
   little later. Like the writer of the last section, this poet makes the
   creation of the world and man the joint work of the Father and the Son,
   or the Logos, and speaks of man being made like to the form (morphe) of
   God. He then proceeds to note the message of Gabriel and the
   Incarnation of Christ: "Receive, O virgin, God in thy immaculate
   bosom." The visit of the wise men is mentioned, and there the narrative
   part of the poem abruptly breaks off, the rest of the section being
   lost. This doubtless contained an account of the life and actions of
   Christ, and the foundation of the Church, merging naturally into an
   argument concerning Christian doctrine and ethics. The fragment with
   which the book closes contains a portion of the latter subject, and is
   written in language of no mean order. The author professes himself a
   Christian, and, in opposition to the heathendom still prevalent,
   announces that he and his brethren are bound to live a holy life, to
   serve God, to love their neighbour as themselves. They frequent not
   temples, offer not prayers or libations to statues, nor deck their
   altars with flowers, nor adorn them with lights. They hang not the
   walls with costly gifts, nor offer incense, nor sacrifice animals; but
   in happy concord, with pure and cheerful hearts, they worship God,
   delighting in continual feasts of love (agapæ) and generous offerings,
   praising God with psalm and hymn. This is a beautiful picture of
   primitive Christian worship, confirmed by other notices, and quite in
   accordance with the simplicity of early times.

   The next piece of the Oracles is composed of Books i. and ii., and as
   Ewald thinks, the first portion of Book iii. vers. 1-96, though
   Alexandre sets this fragment as the production of the author of the
   anonymous preface, and written by a monk in Justinian's time; but it is
   more probably of a composite character, and derived from more than one
   source. It may be divided into two sections, vers. 1-35, and vers.
   36-96. The whole piece is of Christian origin, and for the most part of
   orthodox character, though containing some trace of Origen's opinions,
   and it is to be referred to the third century. It has been compiled and
   arranged in its present form by some later hand, which has also
   contributed some prose interpolations to connect the various fragments
   of which the work is composed. Indications of its date are afforded in
   various passages. Thus in ii. 45 ff., ii. 63 ff., there is mention of
   the persecutions which were being carried on, and the constancy of the
   martyrs, and this could refer to nothing subsequent to Diocletian (A.D.
   302), and from the expressions used is considered to allude to
   something of earlier date. The doctrine of Universalism, which is found
   in Origen's works, in the middle of the third century, is brought
   forward in more than one passage of this piece.

   The first book sketches the history of the world from the Creation to
   the Flood, and subsequently up to the second generation after Noah, and
   passes on to the advent of Christ, His life, death, and resurrection,
   the foundation of the Church, and the dispersion of the Jews. The
   second book takes, up the story, and prophesies of events to the end of
   the world. The writer for the most part keeps close to the Mosaic
   account, but occasionally differs from it either in details or by
   additions. Thus he makes Noah send from the ark on the third occasion a
   bird of black plumage, which remained on the earth and returned no
   more; he considers Noah's sojourn in the ark to have lasted only
   forty-one days; and he introduces God as commanding Noah to preach
   repentance unto the Antediluvians, and gives the discourse of the
   patriarch in full. Friedlieb notes that Theophilus [366] derives the
   name, if not the legend, of Deucalion from the first words of Noah's
   warning on this occasion, which he gives in these words: deute, kalei
   humas ho theos eis metanoian. That Noah is called by St. Peter (2 Pet.
   ii. 5) "a preacher of righteousness" is an intimation of the same
   tradition which the Sibyl follows. Here, too, occurs the famous enigma
   on the name of God, which has exercised the minds of scholars for some
   centuries, and still awaits satisfactory solution (vers. 141 ff.). It
   is not worth while to waste time upon it, as the numbers given are
   uncertain, and differ in some manuscripts, and their interpretation is
   only conjectural. The griphus is supposed, with some appearance of
   probability, to mean theos Soter. We give it here in the original, as
   it would be spoiled by translation:--


   Ennea grammat' echo; tetrasullabos eimi; noei me;

   hai treis ai protai duo grammat' echousin hekaste,

   he loipe de ta loipa, kai eisin aphona de pente;

   tou pantos d' arithmou ekatontades eisi dis okto,

   kai treis tris (al. dis) dekades, sun g' hepta.

   The last words are intended to represent the numerical value of the
   enigmatical name. There is another riddle on the name 'Iesous in this
   book (vers. 326 ff.), which is plain enough. The appellation, it is
   said, is composed of four vowels and one consonant twice repeated, and
   its numerical value in 888. The number of generations between Adam and
   Noah in the Sibyl's history does not correspond with the Mosaic
   account, the former making only five, the latter ten to intervene. But
   our author seems to have depended on Hesiod as well as Moses, and to
   have endeavoured to combine heathen mythology with Biblical history.
   According to him, the second generation consisted of a race called
   Gregori, who are named in the Book of Enoch Egregori, equivalent to the
   Nephilim of Genesis, a race between men and angels; but the Sibyl does
   not countenance the notion of these having any connection with the
   daughters of men. She figures the fifth generation as that of giants,
   and Noah as one of their progeny. That a Christian with the Old
   Testament before him should deliberately foist into the inspired record
   legends of no authority, and often contradictory of Holy Writ, is a
   strange anomaly, but one which can be paralleled by the treatment which
   the Bible experiences at the hands of theologians in modern times, who
   place floating myths in the same category with Biblical stories, and
   find as much truth in a heathen fable as in a scriptural narrative. The
   remainder of the book is not open to the same objection as the
   preceding portion, being founded on the New Testament, and keeping
   pretty accurately to the details therein narrated. The writer quotes
   St. Matthew v. 17: "He shall fulfil the law of God, and not destroy it"
   (ver. 332, and refers to St. John iii. 3 in the words, "being born
   again," gennethentes anothen, though he certainly errs in ascribing
   this effect to the baptism of John the Baptist (ver. 340). He calls
   Christ (ver. 345) "the fair stone," against which the people of Israel
   shall stumble. This is evidently a remembrance of 1 Pet. ii. 6, 8: "I
   lay in Zion a chief corner-stone, elect, precious, . . . a stone of
   stumbling and a rock of offence;" and the statement that Jesus goes to
   Hades to preach to the dead (ver. 378) is derived from the famous
   passage in 1 Pet. iii.

   The second book takes up the story where the first left it, and
   foretells the events that shall happen from the time of the overthrow
   of the Jewish polity to the end of the world. It contains many lines
   attributed to the gnomic poet Phocylides, and a long fragment of the
   spurious poiema nouthetikon which passes under his name. Alexandre has
   shown that Phocylides' verses had become a text-book in the Alexandrian
   schools, where his gnomes were committed to memory, and formed the
   groundwork of ethical teaching from the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus.
   Many of these lines found their way into the earlier Sibylline books,
   and were adapted to Jewish doctrine. The "carmen suasorium" here
   introduced by the Sibylline author may have been founded upon the words
   of the original poet; but it has suffered so many alterations and
   additions at the hands of Jewish and Christian manipulators that it is
   impossible to consider it as in any real sense the composition of
   Phocylides. The fragment is introduced to explain wherein Christian
   virtues consist, and what must be the lives of those who shall attain
   to the reward of Messiah's kingdom. The contents of the book are
   briefly these: After the dispersion of the Jews there shall ensue a
   general corruption in the world, and tumults and wars, in the course of
   which Rome shall be overthrown and idolatry abolished; then shall good
   men have opportunity of showing their virtues and triumphing over evil.
   Great calamities and portents presage the last times, e.g. the
   appearance of Belial or Antichrist, the return of the twelve tribes,
   the coming of Elijah from heaven.. The last judgment follows, with the
   punishment of the wicked and the felicity of the righteous.

   In this book, a great part of which is derived from others of the
   Oracles, there are some points to be remarked. Before the great
   consummation a star is to be seen for some days in the sky, as a signal
   for those who earnestly contend for the faith. The contest then begun
   is well called (ver. 39) a "Iudus iselasticus," one, that is, where the
   conqueror is carried in triumph through a breach in the city walls to
   the temple of the guardian deity. [367] In the fragment from Phocylides
   there are many passages introduced from the Gospels, one also from
   Tobit (iv. 16): "Clothe the naked, give of thy bread to the hungry;"
   and from James (ii. 13): "Mercy saveth from death, when judgment
   comes," and from Acts (xxi. 25): "Eat not blood, and abstain from
   things offered to idols." Among the portents which shall precede the
   last day, and which are mostly the same as those named in our Lord's
   discourse, occurs one that is strange to Christian ears, and is derived
   from a heathen source, viz. the birth of children with grey hair. [368]
   Another prodigy, mentioned also elsewhere, is the interchange of
   seasons; a third is the cessation of parturition among women. This last
   omen is cited by Clemens Alex. [369] as contained in the apocryphal
   "Gospel of the Egyptians." The appearance of Beliar has been already
   mentioned. This name of Antichrist is derived from St. Paul's use of it
   (2 Cor. vi. 15) as a designation for Satan, and it is found in the
   Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. The return of the rest of the
   Hebrews from Assyria is expected also by the writer of the Second (iv.)
   Book of Esdras, who says (chap. xiii. 40 ff.) that in the latter time
   they shall cross the Euphrates, coming from a distant land, and settle
   once more in their own country. The Tishbite shall come from heaven in
   a chariot, not to "restore all things" (Matt. xvii. 11), but rather as
   a sign of the destruction of this world. Then the four, archangels --
   Michael, Gabriel, Raphael, and Uriel -- shall bring from Hades all the
   souls of men to the tribunal of God, who shall clothe them again with
   flesh and bones. And all shall pass through the probationary fire, from
   which the just shall emerge purified and saved, but the wicked shall
   perish therein. This last opinion is afterwards modified. The "ignis
   probatorius" is a notion derived from 1 Cor. iii. 13 ff., and is
   acknowledged by Augustine, Lactantius, and other early writers. [370]
   The Sibylline writer seems to hold that this fire will destroy the
   whole world at the same time that it will try every man's work. From it
   the just shall be borne on angels' hands to a land where the blessings
   promised to Canaan shall be realised to the full, and one unending day
   of happiness shall reign. And in their own felicity the saints shall
   think of the misery of the cursed, and God shall hearken to their
   prayers, and save some from the pains of hell. The author does not,
   like Origen, believe in universal salvation. His words are these (vers.
   335 ff.): "Having chosen out the stedfast" (eustatheis, probably, those
   who have endured the fire)" from the unwearied flame, and removed them
   in safety, He shall send them among His own people to another and
   immortal life." This notion of the salvation of any of the condemned
   is, as we have seen, opposed to the sentiments elsewhere expressed,
   especially in vers. 309 ff. of this book, where, in picturing the
   torments of hell, the writer asserts that there is no place for
   repentance or mercy or hope. The statement in the text appeared so
   dangerous and erroneous to the editor of the Oracles in the sixth
   century that he introduced a refutation of the opinion, composed by
   himself in some execrable iambics, which Fabricius has thus
   translated:--

   Hæc falsa perspicue: nec unquam desinet

   Me impiorum tortor ignis fervidus.

   Optarem et ipse equidem ista sic contingerent,

   Qui maximis maculis inustus criminum

   Deformor ipse, queis plus gratia eat opus.

   Verum erubesce, nugigerule Origenes,

   Qui desituras esse poenas dictitas.

   The remainder of this portion of the Oracles, which is made up of the
   first section of Book iii., begins with an exhortation to the Gentiles
   to turn from idols to the worship of the true God, where we may note
   that the mention of cats and serpents as objects of adoration places
   the author at once in Egypt. It then proceeds to speak of the fall of
   Rome and the eternal kingdom of Christ, preceded by the appearance of
   Beliar. In former books we have seen the expectation of the return of
   Nero as the great enemy of God's Church; in these later writings we
   hear no more of this particular phenomenon, but the Antichrist is
   announced as the devil personified. He is to come from the people of
   Sebaste (which was the name given to Samaria when rebuilt by Herod the
   Great), owing doubtless to the prediction in Gen. xlix. 17: "Dan shall
   be a serpent by the way, an adder in the path, that biteth the horse
   heels, so that his rider shall fall backwards." Rabbinical
   interpretation saw in this a reference to Antichrist, and the Fathers
   adopted the view. Samaria, indeed, appertained to Ephraim, not Dan; but
   national hatred overlooked this slight discrepancy, and satisfied
   itself by teaching that the hated race was to give birth to this Enemy.
   If we can identify Dan with Sebaste, we can more easily see why this
   place is singled out for its bad pre-eminence. This tribe had become a
   by-word for idolatry, and the serpent, which was its emblem,
   represented the power of evil. It is thus excluded from the tribes of
   Israel whose elect are sealed in Rev. vii.; and St. Gregory could
   write: [371] "Some say that Antichrist is coming out of the tribe of
   Dan, because Dan is asserted to be a serpent and a biting one. Whence
   also in the partition of the camp, Dan most rightly pitched his camp to
   the north, signifying him in truth who had said in his heart, 'I will
   sit upon the mount of the testament, in the side of the north: I will
   be like the Most High'" (Isa. xiv. 13 f.). This Beliar will show forth
   signs and wonders, will level mountains, stop the tides, quench sun and
   moon, raise the dead, and by these lying wonders deceive even the elect
   Hebrews, as well as Gentiles who know not the law. Then all the world
   shall fall under the sway of a widow woman, as we have seen in Book
   viii., but who or what she is, is a mystery as yet unsolved. Friedlieb
   takes her to be Cleopatra; Ewald holds that she is Julia Domna, the
   widow of Septimius Severus, and mother of Caracalla and Geta. But she
   is evidently intended to be, not a historical character, but a mythical
   personage, whose existence is imagined, as has been already noticed,
   from some hazy remembrance of a scene in the Apocalypse of St. John.
   Her dominion, and that of Beliar, shall be brought to an end by God
   Himself, who shall rain destructive fire upon His enemies, "and then
   shall the judgment of the mighty God come to pass in the midst of the
   mighty age when all these things have fallen out."

   The last piece of our Oracles consists of Books xi., xii., xiii., xiv.,
   Books ix. and x. being either wholly lost or else once contained in
   some of the other books (probably in Book viii.), afterwards
   differently arranged. This portion was that which was latest found and
   edited, and is last in merit as in date. Alexandre sets it as written
   by an Alexandrian Jew about the time of Gallienus. and Odenathus, A.D.
   264. Friedlieb considers Book xi. to have been composed by an Egyptian
   Jew in Trajan's days, the others by Christians about the middle of the
   third century. Ewald places some of them as late as A.D. 650, and sees
   in them traces of an opposition to Mohammedanism; but this opinion will
   not stand against a closer examination. The author is undoubtedly a
   Jew, who, by mixing with Christians, has learned some of their
   opinions, and modified some of his own. Thus he speaks (xii. 30 ff.) of
   the time when a luminous star appeared at mid-day above the brightness
   of the sun as synchronising with the coming of "the Word of the Most
   High, wearing flesh like (homoion) to that of mortals." And in another
   passage he tells how in the time of Augustus "the Word of the great
   immortal God came upon earth." But generally he shows himself a true
   Hebrew, with most of the prejudices of his nation. The date of the
   composition is about the middle of the third Christian century, and it
   seems to have been the work or composition of a single author. We need
   not delay long on these poems, as they consist mainly of plagiarisms
   from former oracles, and, where original, contain crude accounts of
   past and senseless conjectures concerning future events which time has
   completely falsified, and which are only interesting if they can be
   considered to represent current opinion at the period when and in the
   place where they were composed. They profess to embrace the whole
   history of man from the Deluge to the time of Aurelian, and contain
   some difficulties which are probably impossible of solution, and are
   certainly not worth the labour that commentators have bestowed upon
   them, as they doubtless arise either from the writer's ignorance, or
   from a vivid imagination which has played havoc with history,
   chronology, and geography. Such as they are, they present some few
   points worthy of notice. We meet with that continual confusion in the
   names of Eastern nations with which the Christian Fathers have
   familiarised us, so that Parthians, Persians, Medes, and Assyrians are
   used almost interchangeably. Solomon is said to have secured the
   submission of the Assyrians, and induced them to receive the law of
   God. Homer, whom earlier Sibyls have treated with scant respect, is
   here called the wisest of men, and the great instructor of the world.
   But he is said to have lived after the rise of the Parthian kingdom.
   The computation followed in counting the years of Rome differs from
   that in ordinary use. Instead of taking A.U.C. 725 as the date of
   Augustus, the writer deliberately adopts A.U.C. 620, probably with the
   view of saving the credit of some prediction concerning the fall of
   Rome which had not occurred at the specified time. The account of the
   emperors of Rome from Augustus onwards is full of mistakes and
   unhistorical details. Among the better authenticated circumstances is
   found the story of the "Legio Fulminatrix," attested also by Christian
   and heathen authors. [372] The Sibyl, however, makes the marvel due to
   the piety and prayers of Aurelius himself, not to those of the
   Christians in his army; and this was the view taken by the Roman court
   and the Gentile world generally. A proper appreciation of Nero's
   character is shown, who is called "a double pest," in allusion, to his
   deeds as emperor and as Antichrist; but Domitian is highly lauded, and
   the whole world is said to have loved and honoured him--a proof, if one
   was needed, that no man is so bad but some will be found to regret his
   loss. The prediction concerning the final destruction of Rome is
   similar to one which has been already noticed in an earlier book. The
   catastrophe is to occur in the 948th year--a number obtained by taking
   the numerical value of the name in Greek. The author must have written
   just before the death of Odenathus, king and priest of Palmyra, A.D.
   27l, which, according to Sibylline computation, would be A.U.C. 920,
   and thus the fall of Rome was to happen only twenty-eight years
   afterwards. But the whole reckoning is utterly inconsistent, as in Book
   xiv. a long series of princes is introduced between Aurelian and the
   destruction of Rome, which would have occupied some centuries. This
   calamity, is not, in these last books, always connected with the
   appearance of the Anti-Messias. This personage is more vaguely
   described than previously. He is no longer Nero, nor Beliar, but "that
   man," "the warrior," some mysterious, unknown person, who was to bring
   untold evils on the world. Some of the circumstances formerly ascribed
   to Nero are here assigned to Cyriades, the mock emperor set up by
   Sapor, king of Persia; and there are certain details about this tyrant
   which have been neglected by historians, but which, coming from a
   contemporary, have doubtless a basis of truth. Palmyra is named "the
   city of the sun," and Odenathus, as its king and priest, is called "the
   sun-sent warrior." That it was besieged by the Persians and defended by
   Odenathus is a fact not otherwise supported in the history of these
   times, though very probable in itself. It is curious, and corroborative
   of the date of the composition, that as the author approaches his own
   times, he abandons the use of easy alphabetical and numerical riddles
   in naming the emperors, and in their stead employs animals to designate
   royal or celebrated personages. Thus Sapor is a serpent, Valerian and
   his son are bulls, Macrianus is a stag, Balista a goat, Odenathus a
   lion. This change in indication seems to show that discretion was
   needed in making remarks on contemporaries. In the prophecies
   concerning the future, which could offend no one living, the former
   plan of designating princes by the initials of their names is resorted
   to, with the result that we are presented with a number of puzzles
   which are incapable of solution, and which, if solved, would only show
   the utter absurdity of the whole series. Out of the inextricable
   confusion of this pretended vaticination Ewald has attempted to produce
   some meaning by assigning the book to the seventh century, and
   endeavouring to find the names of Roman and Byzantine emperors under
   the enigmatical designations of the poem. The attempt is decidedly a
   failure, as the list of princes has evidently no historical basis, and
   has been evolved from the fervid imagination of the writer, whose
   insane ambition of acting the prophet has led him into ridiculous
   errors. Of Ewald's ingenious theory Alexandre speaks thus: "Ita vir
   summus, quod in vario incepto necesse erat, nihil profecit, nisi ut
   novam sibi laudem, Sibyllinæ rei lucem nullam afferret."

   The common opinion, that after Christ's advent the heathen oracles
   became silent and ceased to be consulted, is refuted by this Sibyl, who
   more than once refers to the answers lately given by their media. That
   their credit had greatly diminished, and that the ancient shrines were
   less frequented for fatidical purposes in the first Christian century,
   is true enough; but superstition dies hard, and we may take the Sibyl's
   testimony as true, that up to the close of the third century oracles in
   Greece itself and in the islands, in Cilicia and elsewhere in Asia,
   were still consulted, and their responses obtained some credit. Indeed,
   we know from history that Titus, Adrian, and even Constantine himself
   were not above inquiring at the mouth of a soothsaying priestess. There
   was no reason in the nature of things why one author should not add his
   contribution to the Oracles then extant, little foreseeing how soon it
   would be made a criminal offence to have recourse to such means of
   divination. And though for a short time this enactment was abrogated by
   the Emperor Julian, who, on the eve of his expedition against the
   Persians, consulted all existing oracles, yet it was soon reimposed and
   enforced, and thus at length Delphic utterances were silenced.

   The latter part of this final book is taken up with an account of the
   disputes between the Greeks and Jews dwelling at Alexandria. The latter
   were a very strong body, amounting to one-third of the whole
   population, and living in a separate quarter of the city. After many
   conflicts peace is established between the two rival communities, and
   then begins a time of happiness, which is described in glowing terms,
   such as are generally used in picturing the reign of Messiah. But there
   is no such reference in this book; and it is worthy of notice that the
   promised felicity should assume this novel form. After the prosperous
   period at Alexandria shall have endured for some long indefinite time,
   "the harvest of men" shall arrive, and the dead being recalled to life,
   a new state of things shall be introduced. "The holy nation shall reign
   supreme in all the earth under the eternal rule of its ancient
   worthies." This is a remarkable statement, as it is deliberately
   altered from that in Books viii. and iii., where the advent and
   dominion of a "holy king" is announced; and it seems in part to favour
   the notion of the earlier sect of Zealots, who would have no monarch
   except Jehovah to reign over them; but it introduces an innovation, as
   it foretells for the Hebrews a kind of republic, of which the
   presidents should be Abraham and Moses, and other celebrated leaders
   risen from the dead.

   Such is a brief account of the Sibylline Oracles. From what has been
   said it will be clear that they are to be regarded as literary
   productions, assuming the form of predictions, and taking the place of
   the lost books, but possessed of no claim to inspiration, conscious or
   unconscious, and intended to give a fictitious support to tenets which
   the pagans would receive with disfavour. The historical portion, which
   forms two-thirds of the whole collection, contains very little that is
   really valuable, though there are doubtless some additionary details
   which may be authentic, though otherwise unsupported. But the
   difficulty of severing the true from the mythical renders such
   paragraphs almost useless.

   There are many allusions to the facts mentioned in the Gospels in these
   post-Christian "Oracles," but scarcely any additions to the matters
   narrated therein. The most notable is the story of the fire kindled in
   Jordan when our Lord was baptized, a legend which is also mentioned by
   Justin Martyr (Dial. 88), and (though under a different tradition) in
   the Ebionite Gospel. Justin writes: "When Jesus came to the river
   Jordan, where John was baptizing, and descended into the water, both a
   fire was kindled in the Jordan, and when He came up out of the water
   the apostles of our Christ recorded that the Holy Spirit as a dove
   lighted upon Him." The Sibyl, as we saw above, thus alludes to the same
   event: "When, in the flesh which was given Him, He came forth, having
   bathed in the stream of the river Jordan, which rolls, sweeping on its
   waves with grey foot, He, escaping from the fire, first shall see the
   sweet Spirit of God coming upon Him with the white wings of a dove."
   Nothing else of moment as an addition to the Christian story is
   noticeable; and the variations in the histories derived from the Old
   Testament are only such as are found in the Targums and other
   apocryphal Jewish authorities. The "Oracles," indeed, are valuable only
   as showing the development and modifications of thought at the
   momentous period covered by their production. Jew and Christian alike
   availed themselves of heathen sibyllism for some four or five
   centuries, and the result is shown in the heterogeneous collection
   which has reached us under the general title of Sibylline Oracles.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [321] So Alexandra, Excurs. ad Sibyllina, pp. 1 f.

   [322] Antiq. i. 4. 3.

   [323] Orig. Cont. Cels. v. 6.

   [324] I. 82 f.: Haiden d' aut' ekalessan, epei protos molen Adam
   geusamenos thanatou, gaia de min amphekalupse.

   [325] Alexandre, p. 350 (iii. 26).

   [326] Alexandre, p. 356.

   [327] Comp. Euseb. Constant. Or. ad. Sanct. Cæt. i. 19; August. De
   Civit. xviii. 17; Cont. Faust, xiii. 2.

   [328] Oracula Sibyllina, curante C. Alexandre, Paris 1841-1856.

   [329] Subsidiary aids to the elucidation of the text are found in some
   treatises of Ewald, e.g. Abhandlung über Entstehung . . . der Sib.
   Bücher (Göttingen 1858); and of Bleek in Schleiermacher's Zeitschrift,
   i. 2, 3; and in the Edinburgh Review, July 1877. There are numerous
   German treatises, many of which I have not seen.

   [330] Dionys. Hal. iv. 62; Cicero, De Divin. ii. 54.

   [331] Alexandre gives a revised Latin version, which forms the acrostic
   "Jesus Christus Dei Filius Salus in Cruce."

   [332] Theoph. Ad Autol. ii. 36; Lact. Div. Inst. iv. 6.

   [333] Clem. Alex. Protreph. pp. 23, etc.

   [334] Comp. Aristot. De Cælo, i. 9.

   [335] Comp. Matt. xix. 29; Luke xxiii. 43; Rev. ii. 17.

   [336] Leuke kai polukranos, iii. 176.

   [337] Schürer, Hist. of Jewish People, iii. 280 ff.

   [338] Ezek. xxxix. 1, 2; Horat. Carm. ii. 20. 18, iii. 14. 18, etc.

   [339] This, according to Sir J. Floyer, is a description of the
   Reformation in Europe, A.D. 1517.

   [340] John ii. 6.

   [341] Isa. ii. 19 f.

   [342] Ap' eelioio (v. 652), "from the east," Isa. xli. 2; or it may
   mean simply "from heaven," as Cyrus is said (v. 286) to come
   ouranothen.

   [343] John v. 19: "The Son can do nothing of Himself, but what He seeth
   the Father do." Comp. ibid. v. 30.

   [344] Though the Jews did not accurately distinguish the Persons of the
   Holy Trinity, they often speak of the Holy Spirit as distinct from the
   Father,--e.g. in the Book of Wisdom,--and look to Him as the Author of
   inspiration.

   [345] Wisd. xvi. 17; Rom. viii. 28.

   [346] The historical allusions may be read in Alexandre's note on v.
   734.

   [347] This is a phrase which often occurs: Deut. iv. 35; Isa. xlv. 5,
   etc.

   [348] In v. 774, according to the reading of the MSS., occur the words:
   "And mortals shall call him the Son of the Mighty God," huion gar
   kaleousi brotoi megaloio theoio. The last object spoken of is oikos,
   the house of God, which Lactantius and Augustine took as denoting the
   Logos (see Lact. Div. Inst. iv. 6; August. Contr. Hær. v. 3). But
   Alexandre with great probability thinks that neon ought to be read
   instead of huion, as the rest of the paragraph is concerned only with
   the temple, and any mention of the Son of God is alien from the
   passage.

   [349] Comp. 2 Macc. v. 2, 3.

   [350] De Sera Num. Vind. t. viii. p. 240; De Pyth. Orac. t. vii. p.
   566. Alexandre.

   [351] L. lxvi. 23.

   [352] See Schürer, ii. 323.

   [353] In this period occurs an eclipse of the sun, which may possibly
   be the one noticed by Thales, B.C. 585.

   [354] Tacit. Hist. i. 2, ii. 8; Sueton. Nero. 57; Lactant. De Morte
   Persec. ii.; Zonar. xi. 18.

   [355] Euseb. Chron.; Senec. Ep. xci.; Dio Cass. liv. 23; Cramer, Anecd.
   i. 334.

   [356] Probably Dan. ii. 44 f. is meant. Comp. Sueton. Vespas. 4;
   Joseph. Bell. Jud. vi. 5. 4.

   [357] iii. 384, xii. 40 f.

   [358] Tacit. Hist. iv. 39, v. 1; Joseph. Bell. Jud. iii. 1. 4 f.

   [359] The meaning is obscure. The old Latin. is: "Dum per te natura
   perit rursusque resurgit." Friedlieb: "Da die Schöpfung beschädigt und
   wieder das Schicksal erettet." Floyer: "Thy creation was pernicious;
   but thou art preserved by fate to be the most infamous," etc. These are
   supposed to be translations of the Greek: Blaptomenes ktiseos kai
   sozomenes pali moires (al .moirais).

   [360] This is not the Temple of Onias, erected near Heliopolis in the
   time of Ptolemy Philometor, and long before this time dismantled and
   disused (Joseph. Bell. Jud. vii. 10. 4), but a new one, which was never
   built, though it may possibly have been contemplated, perhaps with some
   support from Isa. xix. 18 ff.

   [361] Lactant. iv. 13 and 18; Greg. Naz. Ad Nemes. t. ii. p. 144; Aug.
   De Civ. xviii. 23.

   [362] See Herod. ii. 73; Tacit. Ann. vi. 28; Plin. Nat. Hist. x. 2;
   Clem. Rom. 1 Ep. ad Cor. xxv.; Tertull. De Resurr. xiii.

   [363] Thus Alexandre arranges them.

   [364] In some MSS. the ninth line, representing the "E" of Chreistos,
   is absent, which shows that the spelling of the word still fluctuated.

   [365] Philo, De Vit. Contempl. 9 (vol. ii. 483).

   [366] Ad Autol. iii. p. 129.

   [367] Plin. Ep. x. 119.

   [368] Hes. E. kai H. 179.

   [369] Strom. iii. 6 (p. 532).

   [370] Aug. De Civit. xx. 18. 25, xxi. 26; Lact. Div. Inst. vii. 21.

   [371] Moral. xxxi. 24.

   [372] Tertull. Apol. v. p. 63; Ad Scap. iv. p. 87; Euseb. Eccl. Hist.
   v. 5; Greg. Nyss. Or. XI. in XL. Mart.; Oros. vii. 15; Dio Cass. lxxv.
   8.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

INDEX.

  A

   Abraham, [1]213 ff., [2]218, [3]221.

   Acrostic, [4]288, [5]323 f.

   Adam, [6]146, [7]208 f.; life of, [8]195.

   Age, present and future, the, [9]10 ff.

   Alexandria, [10]342.

   Angels, evil, [11]21 f., [12]58 f., [13]94, [14]227.

   Angels, fall of, [15]22, [16]57 f., [17]148.

   Angels, good, [18]20 f., [19]61, [20]93 f., [21]227 f.

   Antichrist, [22]22, [23]313, [24]319, [25]322, [26]334, [27]336,
   [28]340.

   Antiochus Epiphanes, [29]116 f., [30]297, [31]301.

   Antonines, the, [32]310 f., [33]320.

   Apocalypse, the, [34]85.

   Apocalyptic works, 7 ff.

   Apocryphal works, 5.

   Archangels, [35]20 f., [36]58, [37]61, [38]94, [39]160.

   Archontici, [40]246.

   Aristobulus, [41]37 f.

   Asher, [42]174.

   Asmoneans, [43]112.

   Assumption of Moses, the, 7, [44]21, [45]95 ff.

   Atonement, day of, [46]226, [47]229.

   Azazel, [48]21, [49]58.

  B

   Babylon, [50]309, [51]310.

   Balkira, [52]250 f.

   Baptism, [53]303, [54]325, [55]327, [56]332.

   Bar-Cocheba, [57]116, [58]181.

   Baruch, Apocalypse of, 7, [59]130 ff.

   Baruch: Book of, [60]132 f., [61]137.

   Beast, the, [62]261.

   Behemoth, [63]155.

   Beliar, [64]22, [65]168, [66]249, [67]334; [68]337.

   Benjamin, [69]176.

   Berial, [70]249, [71]260 f.

  C

   Canaanites, [72]231.

   Cerinthians, [73]187, [74]316.

   Christ, [75]17 f., [76]41, [77]89, [78]184 f., [79]254, [80]262 f.,
   [81]270, [82]315 f., [83]317, [84]328, [85]332.

   Christ, baptism of, [86]186, [87]188, [88]315, [89]318, [90]343.

   Christ, descent of, [91]165, [92]188, [93]262.

   Christology, [94]89, [95]257 f.

   Chronology, [96]218 f., [97]223, [98]319, [99]322, [100]339.

   Cross, the, [101]316, [102]324 f.

  D

   Dan, [103]172, [104]336 f.

   Daniel, Book of, [105]82, [106]85.

   Dead, prayer for the, [107]335.

   Diocletian, [108]329.

   Docetism, [109]256.

   Domitian, [110]145, [111]340.

  E

   Ebionites, [112]179, [113]316.

   Ecclesiastes, Book of, 2.

   Eden, Garden of, [114]93, [115]208 f., [116]216.

   Edom, kings of, [117]224.

   Elijah, Apocalypse of, [118]247; return of, [119]334.

   Enoch, [120]210 f.

   Enoch, Book of, 7, [121]49 ff., [122]180, [123]198f., [124]210.

   Esau, [125]182.

   Eschatology, [126]22, [127]91, [128]229, [129]297 f., [130]306,
   [131]313 f., [132]322 ff., [133]333.

   Esdras, Fourth Book of, 5, 7, [134]136 f., [135]200. Essenes, the,
   [136]122, [137]203.

   Evolution of Christianity, the work so called, [138]85 ff.

  F

   Festivals, the Jewish, [139]206, [140]215.

   Fire, the proving, [141]334 f.

   Flood, the, [142]63 f., [143]66, [144]146, [145]218, [146]317,
   [147]330.

  G

   Gad, [148]174.

   Gentiles, [149]23, [150]154, [151]156, [152]179, [153]230, [154]300.

   Gnosticism, [155]267, [156]269, [157]273.

   Gods, heathen, [158]289 f., [159]292.

   Gog and Magog, [160]295, [161]301.

   Grace before meat, [162]303.

   Greece, [163]295 f.

  H

   Hades, [164]60, [165]279, [166]321.

   Haggadistic writings, 8 f.

   Heathen, fate of, [167]128 f.

   Heavens, the, [168]161, [169]246, [170]254 f., [171]267.

   Hebrew language, the, [172]201, [173]228.

   Hebrews, Epistle to the, [174]240 ff.

   Herod the Great, [175]113.

   Herodian Princes, [176]115.

   Hezekiah, [177]259.

   Hieracas, [178]246.

   History in type, [179]145 f.

   Homer, [180]302, [181]339.

   Hyrcanus, [182]37, [183]77, [184]112.

  I

   Idolatry, [185]290 f.

   Isaiah, Ascension of, 7, [186]236 ff.

   Isaiah, death of, [187]240 f., [188]249 f., [189]267.

   Israel, supremacy of, [190]230.

   Israelites, history of, [191]67, [192]109 f., [193]146 f., [194]219 f.,
   [195]293 ff.

   Issachar, [196]171.

  J

   Jacob, [197]173, [198]209 f., [199]232.

   Jannæus, Alexander, [200]37.

   Jechoniah, [201]133, [202]141.

   Jeremiah, [203]141.

   Jerusalem, [204]187 f., [205]317; destruction of,[206]133,[207]138,
   [208]141 f., [209]302; the heavenly, [210]160 f., [211]190, [212]313.

   Jesus, [213]316.

   Jews, prosperity of, [214]312, [215]342.

   Jonathan, [216]77.

   Joshua, [217]108, [218]312 f.

   Joseph, [219]169, [220]175, [221]183 f., [222]209, [223]218, [224]220.

   Jubilees, Book of, 8, [225]193 ff.

   Jubilee system, the, [226]204f., [227]219, [228]221.

   Judah, [229]169, [230]171, [231]175, [232]182, [233]187.

   Judas Maccabæus, [234]77.

   Judas of Galilee, [235]119.

   Jude, quotation from Assumption of Moses, [236]95, [237]97, [238]99 f.,
   [239]106; quotation from Enoch in, [240]49, [241]57, [242]73, [243]83
   [244]97, [245]99.

   Judgment, the final, [246]24 f., [247]40, [248]45, [249]58, [250]70,
   [251]91, [252]159, [253]261, [254]291, [255]304 f., [256]307, [257]320,
   [258]334.

  L

   Lamb of God, the [259]176, [260]190.

   Legion, the thundering, [261]339 f.

   Levi, [262]169 f., [263]171, [264]175, [265]182, [266]187, [267]209,
   [268]218, [269]226.

   Leviathan, [270]155.

  M

   Maccabees, [271]77, [272]296, [273]299.

   Machpelah, [274]212.

   Man, son of, [275]62, [276]89 f.

   Manasseh, [277]244 f., [278]249.

   Manasses, [279]147 f.

   Mary, the Virgin, [280]262.

   Mastema, [281]227.

   Matanbukus, [282]250.

   Mattathias, [283]77.

   Matthias, [284]119.

   Mediator, the, [285]173.

   Melchisedek, [286]246.

   Messiah, [287]13 ff., [288]17, [289]22, [290]40 ff., [291]44, [292]62,
   [293]89 f., [294]143, [295]153 f.,[296]185 f., [297]297:

   Messianic hopes and theology, [298]23, [299]43 f., [300]58, [301]62,
   [302]68 f., [303]79, [304]91 f., [305]142, [306]151 ff., [307]189,
   [308]192, [309]296 ff., [310]313, [311]319, [312]322.

   Millennium, the, [313]157, [314]159.

   Mosaic law, the, [315]178 f.

   Moses, [316]125, [317]213, [318]220.

   Moses, Apocalypse of, [319]196; Assumption. of, 7, [320]95 ff.; burial
   of; [321]95 ff.

  N

   Naphtali, [322]173, [323]185.

   Natural phenomena, [324]65.

   Nazarenes, [325]179, [326]187.

   Nero, [327]22, [328]260, [329]271, [330]306 f., [331]310, [332]340.

   New Testament referred to, [333]190.

   Noah, [334]81 f., [335]209, [336]237 f., [337]330.

  O

   Odenathus, [338]338, [339]340 f.

   Oracles, the heathen, [340]341 f.

  P

   Palestine, [341]82 f.

   Papias, [342]132, [343]139.

   Paradise, [344]60, [345]93, [346]161, [347]290.

   Parousia, the, [348]129 f., [349]151, [350]187, [351]229, [352]271,
   [353]320.

   Parthians, [354]80, [355]139.

   Passover, Feast of, [356]215 f.

   Patripassianism, [357]187.

   Paul, St., writings of, [358]190.

   Pentecost, Feast of, [359]215.

   Pharisaism, [360]39.

   Phocylides, [361]332.

   Phoenix, the, [362]108, [363]321 f.

   Phrygia, [364]317.

   Pistis Sophia, [365]28.

   Place, the holy, [366]211.

   Pompey, [367]37 ff., [368]114.

   Potiphar, [369]183.

   Prophet, the, [370]121, [371]129.

   Pseudepigraphic, meaning of, 1, 5, 6; writings, character of, 2 f.;
   writings, number of, 4 f.

   Ptolemy Physcon, [372]292, [373]297.

  R

   Ramiel, [374]146, [375]149.

   Repentance, [376]45.

   Resurrection, the, [377]23 f., [378]40, [379]44, [380]46, [381]62,
   [382]69, [383]92, [384]128, [385]143, [386]156 ff., [387]307, [388]334,
   [389]343.

   Reuben, [390]168.

   Revelation, how made, [391]149 f.

   Righteous, fate of the, [392]57, [393]63, [394]69 f, [395]156 ff.,
   [396]189, [397]261, [398]305, [399]307 f, [400]335.

   Rome, [401]152, [402]293, [403]307, [404]308 f., [405]310 f., [406]320,
   [407]340.

  S

   Sabbath, [408]224 f., [409]234.

   Sadducees, [410]116, [411]215.

   Sammael, [412]267.

   Sapor, [413]340 f.

   Satan, [414]21, [415]94, [416]227, [417]249.

   Sebaste, [418]336.

   Seven, the number, [419]221 f.

   Sheol, [420]92 f.

   Shepherds, the seventy, [421]67 f., [422]74 ff.

   Sibylla, [423]276 f., [424]289, [425]294.

   Sibylline Oracles, 9, [426]276 ff.

   Simeon, [427]169, [428]182.

   Sin, original, [429]150 f.

   Solomon, Psalter of, 6, [430]25 ff.

   Solomon, Wisdom of, 1, 6.

   Soul, immortality of, [431]228 f.

   Spirit, angel of the, [432]257, [433]260, [434]262.

   Spirit, the Holy, [435]189 f., [436]246, [437]298.

   Stars, the disobedient, [438]59 f.

   State, the intermediate, [439]93.

   Symbolical representations, [440]66 f.

  T

   Tabernacles, feast of, [441]215, [442]235.

   Tablets, the heavenly, [443]65, [444]69, [445]70.

   Taxo, [446]118 ff.

   Testaments, Apocryphal, 8.

   Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs, 8, [447]162 ff., [448]199.

   Theocracy, [449]123, [450]128 f.

   Therapeutæ, [451]328.

   Tiberius, [452]309.

   Time, how divided, [453]10.

   Torment, place of, [454]71.

   Trajan, [455]145.

   Tree of life, [456]60.

  U

   Universalism, [457]329, [458]335.

   Ur, [459]212.

   Uriel, [460]149.

  V

   Varus, [461]113 f.

   Vesuvius, [462]302, [463]306.

   Vine, legend of, [464]132.

  W

   Weeks, apocalyptical, [465]69, [466]91, [467]145.

   Wicked, fate of the, [468]46 f., [469]57, [470]70, [471]158, [472]162,
   [473]307, [474]335.

   Wisdom of Solomon, the, 1, 6.

   Woman, the mystical, [475]322, [476]337.

   World, end of the, [477]141, [478]145.

  Y

   Years, the seventy, [479]75, [480]111.

  Z

   Zabulus, [481]121.

   Zealots, the, [482]105, [483]109, [484]112 f., [485]119, [486]123,
   [487]127 f., [488]343.

   Zebulon, [489]172, [490]183.
     __________________________________________________________________

                                    Indexes
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References

   Genesis

   [491]1:31   [492]2:9   [493]2:17   [494]3:1   [495]3:6   [496]3:17
   [497]3:22   [498]6:4   [499]9:26   [500]9:27   [501]11:28
   [502]11:28   [503]11:31   [504]13:14   [505]13:18   [506]14:24
   [507]15:11   [508]15:13   [509]18:14   [510]26:32   [511]28:5
   [512]28:22   [513]30   [514]30:28   [515]33:18   [516]35:16
   [517]35:27   [518]35:28   [519]37:2   [520]37:29   [521]41:43
   [522]41:45   [523]44:9   [524]44:10   [525]44:15   [526]44:15
   [527]44:20   [528]45:22   [529]46:1   [530]46:2   [531]46:12
   [532]46:17   [533]48:22   [534]49:17

   Exodus

   [535]12:6   [536]12:40   [537]19:15   [538]28:41   [539]30:34
   [540]32:32

   Leviticus

   [541]12   [542]15   [543]23   [544]23:34   [545]24:18   [546]25:10

   Numbers

   [547]12:7   [548]33:21   [549]33:27

   Deuteronomy

   [550]4:35   [551]5:5   [552]18   [553]18:15   [554]18:18   [555]32:8
   [556]32:9   [557]32:12   [558]32:17   [559]33:2   [560]34:6
   [561]34:10

   Joshua

   [562]12:17   [563]14:10   [564]15:63   [565]24:32

   Judges

   [566]1:8   [567]1:21   [568]2:9

   2 Samuel

   [569]6   [570]12:31

   1 Kings

   [571]3:20   [572]4:32   [573]8:4   [574]13:33   [575]22:11

   2 Kings

   [576]4:21   [577]17:6   [578]18:11

   2 Chronicles

   [579]33:11   [580]33:12   [581]33:13   [582]33:19   [583]36:15
   [584]36:16

   Nehemiah

   [585]10:34   [586]13:31

   Job

   [587]9:6   [588]10:19   [589]14:4   [590]26:7   [591]38:6

   Psalms

   [592]1:1   [593]1:2   [594]2:1   [595]2:9   [596]2:35   [597]2:37-39
   [598]3:13-15   [599]3:16   [600]6:7   [601]8   [602]13:1
   [603]13:9-11   [604]14:4-6   [605]15:9   [606]15:13   [607]17
   [608]17   [609]17:5   [610]17:23   [611]17:23   [612]18
   [613]18:6-10   [614]18:11-14   [615]24:2   [616]31:17   [617]51:5
   [618]69:28   [619]75:3   [620]88:1   [621]90:15   [622]95:5
   [623]105:37

   Proverbs

   [624]3:18   [625]11:30

   Isaiah

   [626]1:9   [627]1:10   [628]2:19   [629]13:1   [630]14:13
   [631]19:18   [632]25:8   [633]26:21   [634]41:2   [635]45:1
   [636]45:5   [637]49:22   [638]52:13   [639]63:10   [640]63:11
   [641]64:4   [642]65:17   [643]66   [644]66:14   [645]66:20   [646]66:24

   Lamentations

   [647]4:20   [648]4:20

   Ezekiel

   [649]1   [650]10   [651]16   [652]19:9   [653]29:17   [654]30:20
   [655]31:1   [656]39:1   [657]39:2

   Daniel

   [658]2:44   [659]7:9   [660]7:10   [661]7:18   [662]7:25   [663]9:24
   [664]9:25   [665]10:2   [666]12:1   [667]12:7   [668]12:7   [669]12:12

   Hosea

   [670]9:7   [671]9:8   [672]13:3

   Joel

   [673]2:10   [674]2:31   [675]3:15

   Amos

   [676]1:3

   Zephaniah

   [677]3:10

   Haggai

   [678]2:23

   Zechariah

   [679]3   [680]3:2

   Matthew

   [681]3:16   [682]3:16   [683]3:17   [684]5:5   [685]5:17   [686]16:13
   [687]17:11   [688]18:22   [689]19:29   [690]22:29   [691]23
   [692]23:4   [693]23:14   [694]24   [695]24:3   [696]24:19
   [697]24:22   [698]24:24-26   [699]24:30   [700]24:30   [701]25
   [702]26:25   [703]26:26

   Mark

   [704]7:1   [705]12:29   [706]25

   Luke

   [707]1:42   [708]1:69   [709]2:11   [710]2:26   [711]2:32   [712]6:44
   [713]11:27   [714]16:23-25   [715]16:26   [716]23:29   [717]23:43
   [718]24:21

   John

   [719]1:9   [720]1:21   [721]1:29   [722]1:36   [723]1:45   [724]2:6
   [725]3:3   [726]5:19   [727]5:22   [728]5:46   [729]6   [730]6:36
   [731]7:37   [732]7:38   [733]7:40   [734]8:12   [735]9:35
   [736]12:28   [737]12:31   [738]12:31   [739]12:34   [740]16:11
   [741]16:11

   Acts

   [742]1:6   [743]2:3   [744]3:22   [745]7:2-4   [746]7:16   [747]7:53
   [748]7:53   [749]13:47   [750]21:25   [751]24:15   [752]26:22

   Romans

   [753]1   [754]8:28

   1 Corinthians

   [755]2:9   [756]3:13   [757]6:18   [758]10:20   [759]10:20   [760]15:19

   2 Corinthians

   [761]1:22   [762]4:4   [763]6:15   [764]6:15   [765]12   [766]12
   [767]12:2   [768]12:2-4   [769]12:11

   Galatians

   [770]3:19   [771]3:19   [772]5:11   [773]6:15

   Ephesians

   [774]1:13   [775]2:2   [776]6:12

   Philippians

   [777]2:7   [778]37

   1 Thessalonians

   [779]2:16

   2 Thessalonians

   [780]1:7   [781]2   [782]2

   1 Timothy

   [783]4:1   [784]4:2

   2 Timothy

   [785]3:1

   Hebrews

   [786]2:2   [787]2:2   [788]3:2   [789]3:5   [790]4:8   [791]7:3
   [792]9:26   [793]11:37   [794]11:37   [795]11:38   [796]11:38

   James

   [797]2:14   [798]2:23   [799]4:14

   1 Peter

   [800]2:6   [801]2:8   [802]3   [803]3:3

   2 Peter

   [804]2   [805]2:4   [806]2:4   [807]2:5   [808]2:5   [809]2:9
   [810]3   [811]3:1   [812]3:13

   1 John

   [813]5:16   [814]5:17

   Jude

   [815]1:6   [816]1:6   [817]1:9   [818]1:13   [819]1:14   [820]1:15

   Revelation

   [821]1:1   [822]1:3   [823]1:4   [824]1:10   [825]2:7   [826]2:7
   [827]2:17   [828]2:17   [829]2:27   [830]3:9   [831]3:12   [832]4:5
   [833]5:8   [834]5:11   [835]7   [836]8:2   [837]8:3   [838]8:13
   [839]9:1   [840]11:8   [841]13   [842]13:5   [843]13:13   [844]13:17
   [845]13:18   [846]14:18   [847]16:5   [848]16:14   [849]17   [850]17
   [851]17:14   [852]18   [853]19   [854]19:6   [855]20   [856]20
   [857]20:12   [858]21:1   [859]21:2   [860]21:2   [861]21:2
   [862]21:22   [863]22:2   [864]22:7   [865]22:8   [866]22:9   [867]22:14

   Tobit

   [868]4:16   [869]12:15

   Wisdom of Solomon

   [870]1:11   [871]1:16   [872]3:7   [873]5:16   [874]5:23   [875]6:8
   [876]11:10   [877]11:21   [878]15:2   [879]16:17

   Baruch

   [880]1   [881]4:7   [882]6:4   [883]6:26   [884]29   [885]29
   [886]40   [887]51   [888]55:3   [889]72

   1 Maccabees

   [890]1:22   [891]1:43   [892]2:29   [893]14:41

   2 Maccabees

   [894]5:2   [895]5:3   [896]6:11   [897]10:6   [898]13:12

   2 Esdras

   [899]1:39   [900]1:40   [901]3:6   [902]3:7   [903]3:21   [904]3:22
   [905]4   [906]5:1-13   [907]5:13   [908]5:54   [909]6:7-28
   [910]6:24   [911]6:25   [912]6:31   [913]6:49   [914]6:55   [915]6:64
   [916]7:26   [917]7:28   [918]7:28   [919]7:29   [920]7:29   [921]7:48
   [922]8:63-9:6   [923]9:8   [924]9:13   [925]11   [926]12   [927]12:32
   [928]13:16   [929]13:26   [930]13:35   [931]13:36   [932]13:40
   [933]14:9   [934]14:15-17   [935]14:44-47   [936]14:49   [937]49

   Sirach

   [938]2:10-20   [939]17:17   [940]24:15   [941]42:24   [942]44:16
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

     * agon te kai thlipsis en pollo pono.: [943]1
     * aetou: [944]1
     * aloesei: [945]1
     * analepsis M.: [946]1
     * anastema: [947]1
     * anagennethentes anothen: [948]1
     * analambanomenon: [949]1
     * anamartetos: [950]1
     * anaxia: [951]1
     * anastesontai: [952]1
     * anthropareskoi: [953]1
     * anophelous: [954]1
     * ap eelioio: [955]1
     * apokrupha: [956]1
     * apokruphon Hesaiou: [957]1 [958]2
     * apallasso se: [959]1
     * archimageiros: [960]1
     * asteres planetai: [961]1
     * amomos: [962]1
     * anaxis: [963]1
     * andra anakainopoiounta: [964]1
     * anemos: [965]1
     * anesis: [966]1
     * anthropon allotrion genou; hemon (heriton: [967]1
     * anthropos: [968]1 [969]2
     * anomos: [970]1
     * Analepsis Moseos: [971]1
     * Anabatikon Hesaiou: [972]1
     * Anabatikon: [973]1 [974]2
     * Antolien te Dusin te Mesimbrian te kai Arkton.: [975]1
     * Ap' eelioio: [976]1
     * Haiden d' aut' ekalessan, epei protos molen Adam geusamenos
       thanatou, gaia de min amphekalupse: [977]1
     * enkotesis: [978]1
     * egregoroi: [979]1
     * ektos ton rn' psalmon tou Dabid heuriskontai kai tines heteroi
       legomenoi tou Solomontos einai kai allon tinon, ohus kai idiotikous
       honomasan oi pateres kai me legesthai en te ekklesia dietaxanto:
       [980]1
     * eleesei: [981]1
     * eleesei: [982]1
     * en biblo Analepseos Moseos Michael ho archangelos dialegomenos to
       diabolo legei; apo gar pneumatos hagiou autou pantes ektisdemen.
       kai palin legei; apo prosopou tou Theou exelde to pneuma autou, kai
       ho kosmos egeneto: [983]1
     * en stathmo: [984]1
     * en to arokrupho Hesaia: [985]1
     * eremosei . . . anomia: [986]1
     * es dekaten: [987]1
     * eskepase: [988]1
     * en tini apokrupho: [989]1
     * ensarkon: [990]1
     * estai kai Samos ammos, eseitai Delos adelos, : [991]1
     * ephthasen ep' autous . . . eis telos: [992]1
     * eos parousias: [993]1
     * Ego de eimi atmis apo kuthras: [994]1
     * En anaxei Christou autou: [995]1
     * En pneumari agio: [996]1
     * Ennea grammat' echo; tetrasullabos eimi; noei me; : [997]1
     * E. kai: [998]1
     * he loipe de ta loipa, kai eisin aphona de pente; : [999]1
     * hemon ta kallista ton dogmaton kai ta hosiotata ton en tois nomois
       di angelon para tou Theou mathonton.: [1000]1
     * heremosen ho anomos: [1001]1
     * heroon: [1002]1
     * heriton: [1003]1
     * hen kai Mouseos einai phasl tines apokalupsin: [1004]1
     * Hesaiou: [1005]1
     * Hesaiou horasis: [1006]1 [1007]2
     * idiot. psalm.: [1008]1
     * IESOUS ChREISTOS ThEOU UIOS SOTER STAUROS: [1009]1
     * Iesou: [1010]1
     * Iesous: [1011]1
     * oligopsuchias: [1012]1
     * opsopoios: [1013]1
     * ho e9n hagiois anapauomenos: [1014]1
     * ho legomenos bios Adam: [1015]1
     * ho prophetes: [1016]1
     * homilia: [1017]1
     * orko gar omose moi kurios me ekleipsein to basileion mou ek tou
       spermatos mou pasas tas hemeras heos aionos: [1018]1
     * hothen: [1019]1
     * homilos: [1020]1
     * homoion: [1021]1
     * hoplois: [1022]1
     * horasis: [1023]1
     * hoti ou dei idiotikous psalmous legesthai en te ekklesia.: [1024]1
     * huposteleitai prosopon: [1025]1
     * odai pentakischiliai: [1026]1
     * hos en tois Iobelaiois eHorisketai, te kai Lepte Genesei (al.:
       [1027]1
     * Beliar: [1028]1
     * Biblia apokoupha Mouseos.: [1029]1
     * Blaptomenes ktiseos kai sozomenes pali moires: [1030]1
     * Dia: [1031]1
     * Delos d' ouketi delos, adela de panta ta Delou.: [1032]1
     * Diatheke: [1033]1
     * IChThUS: [1034]1
     * Kuro: [1035]1
     * Kappadokes: [1036]1
     * Koimizon: [1037]1
     * Kuriou: [1038]1
     * Leuke kai polukranos: [1039]1
     * Mikregenesis : [1040]1
     * Mousios: [1041]1
     * Ourani hupsibremeta makar, hos echeis to Cheroubim: [1042]1
     * Peri de tes rhetheises Analepseos Mouseos, peri hes artios
       eirekati, oude akekoapote ei me nun, hotheu aito humas saphesteran
       moi ton lechdenton parastesai ten euetasin.: [1043]1
     * Proseuche Ioseph: [1044]1
     * S: [1045]1
     * Sibollistai: [1046]1
     * Stauros: [1047]1
     * Sunteleia ton aionon: [1048]1
     * Christos Kurios: [1049]1
     * Christos; churios: [1050]1
     * PsALTERION SALOMONTOS: [1051]1
     * Psalmoi Salomontos ie. echousin epe ,a; Telos sun Theo: [1052]1
     * agiasma: [1053]1
     * hai treis ai protai duo grammat' echousin hekaste, : [1054]1
     * autous de krupsousin heos kosmos allage: [1055]1
     * bolla: [1056]1
     * bulla: [1057]1
     * biblia apokrupha M. : [1058]1
     * blastos: [1059]1
     * boule: [1060]1
     * galas: [1061]1
     * galeagrais: [1062]1
     * geneon: [1063]1
     * gennethentes anothen: [1064]1
     * graphe: [1065]1
     * di autou: [1066]1
     * deute, kalei humas ho theos eis metanoian: [1067]1
     * diepempse: [1068]1
     * diepemphthe: [1069]1
     * drus, balanos, lips, pharanx: [1070]1
     * eis empaugmon: [1071]1
     * einai me tes diathekes autou mesiten: [1072]1
     * einai gar eis aei ouk eti dunantai hoi eis ton aei kai monon
       asebesantes theon.: [1073]1
     * eustatheia: [1074]1
     * eustatheis: [1075]1
     * zaumasei prosopon: [1076]1
     * theos Soter: [1077]1
     * theos: [1078]1
     * kosmon: [1079]1
     * kai Samon ammos hapasan hup' eionessi kalupsei; : [1080]1
     * kai su omosas auto peri tou spermatos autou eis ton aiona, tou me
       ekleipein apenanti sou basileion autou: [1081]1
     * kai treis tris (al.: [1082]1
     * kathairesei: [1083]1
     * katharei: [1084]1
     * kedroseis: [1085]1
     * kedroun: [1086]1
     * kenodoxias: [1087]1
     * koimizei phlogmo Kronidas: [1088]1
     * komizon: [1089]1
     * legousi: [1090]1
     * martures: [1091]1
     * mania: [1092]1
     * merida: [1093]1
     * mesites: [1094]1
     * moirais: [1095]1
     * morphe: [1096]1
     * neon: [1097]1
     * nouthetesei: [1098]1
     * noutheton: [1099]1
     * oistromanes: [1100]1
     * oikos: [1101]1
     * hoi: [1102]1
     * ouranothen: [1103]1
     * ouch heuromen hudor: [1104]1
     * paida: [1105]1
     * para ten drun ten Mambre, he hen en Chebrom: [1106]1
     * paradeisos tes truphes: [1107]1
     * pleres stenagmon, oude dakruon kenos.: [1108]1
     * poiema nouthetikon: [1109]1
     * proepheteuse . . . legon: [1110]1
     * prophetes pistos: [1111]1
     * su keklerosai ten parthenon Kuriou paralabein: [1112]1
     * sumboulos: [1113]1
     * sunaxis: [1114]1
     * sebasmosune: [1115]1
     * seirais: [1116]1
     * sios: [1117]1
     * sirois: [1118]1
     * skepasei: [1119]1
     * splanknon Kuriou: [1120]1
     * stesei: [1121]1
     * stichoi ,br': [1122]1
     * sunethento sunthekas: [1123]1
     * ta lepta Geneseos: [1124]1
     * tau [eus amphipuro: [1125]1
     * taxis: [1126]1
     * to anabatikon: [1127]1
     * ton tes megales doxes: [1128]1
     * to paraitoumeno humas: [1129]1
     * to christo mou kurio: [1130]1
     * tamieia: [1131]1
     * taxo: [1132]1
     * txg': [1133]1
     * tois eusebesi: [1134]1
     * tou pantos d' arithmou ekatontades eisi dis okto,: [1135]1
     * touton dia ta prostagmata tou Theou eis Phoiniken elthonta.:
       [1136]1
     * u: [1137]1
     * huion gar kaleousi brotoi megaloio theoio: [1138]1
     * huion: [1139]1
     * philargurias: [1140]1
     * phoinikes: [1141]1
     * psalmoi kai ode Solomontos: [1142]1
     * pseudepugraphos kai rhopikos: [1143]1
     * pseudographos: [1144]1
     * os anthropos: [1145]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Hebrew Words and Phrases

     * mks': [1146]1
     * rsh: [1147]1
     * trch: [1148]1
     * ths: [1149]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Latin Words and Phrases

     * Hæc falsa perspicue: nec unquam desinet: [1150]1
     * . . . qui est bis millesimus et quingentesimus annus a creatura
       orbis terræ nam secus qui in oriente sunt numerus . . . mus et
       . . . mus profectionis fynicis cum exivit plebs post profectionem
       quæ fiebat per moysen usque amman trans iordanem profetiæ quæ facta
       est a moysen in libro deuteronomio.: [1151]1
     * . . . rum: [1152]1
     * Adpropiabunt tempora arguendi.: [1153]1
     * Arduum sane et magni erat negotii hunc libellum mirum quantum
       corruptum emendare; feci tamen quod potui. Omnia virorum doctorum
       consilia, vel etiam commenta et opinionum monstra referre nihil
       attinuit.: [1154]1
     * Cogentur palam bajulare idola eorum inquinata.: [1155]1
     * Denique et in libello quodam, licet in canone non habeatur,
       mysterii tamen hujus figura describitur. Refertur enim quia duo
       Moses videbantur, unus vivus in spiritu, alias mortuus in corpore.:
       [1156]1
     * Dies iræ, dies illa,: [1157]1
     * Et ascendes supra cervices et alas aquilæ, et implebuntur: [1158]1
     * Et faciet to hærere coelo stellarum, loco habitationis eorum.:
       [1159]1
     * Et ideo implebitur colonia et fines habitationis eorum sceleribus.:
       [1160]1
     * Et locis ignotis singuli et corpora illorum ut nemo sciat ubi sint
       corpora illorum.: [1161]1
     * Ex quo facto finientur tempora momento . . . etur cursus a . . .
       horæ ·iiii· ueniant: [1162]1
     * Ex quo facto finientur tempora, momento finietur cursus annorum.
       Horæ iiii venient; cogentur seculi septimæ (diræ?) postumæ in
       initiis tribus ad exitus viiii; propter initium tres septimæ,
       secunda trias, in tertia duæ horæ peractæ.: [1163]1
     * Ex quo facto finientur tempora.: [1164]1
     * Fiet enim aspectus eorum qui nunc impie agunt pejor quam est, ut
       sustineant supplicium: [1165]1
     * Implebuntur manus: [1166]1
     * In Genesi serpens Evam seduxisse describitur, de quo in Adscensione
       Mosis, cujys libelli meminit in Epistola sua Apostolus Judas,
       Michael archangelus cum Diabolo disputans de corpore Mosis,' ait a
       Diabolo inspiratum serpentem causam exstitisse prævaricationis Adæ
       et Evæ.: [1167]1
     * Insigne et cunctis aderit mirabile visu: [1168]1
     * Itaque excogitavit et invenit me, qui ab initio orbis terrarum
       præparatus sum ut sim arbiter: [1169]1
     * Liber enim: [1170]1
     * Liber hic apocryphus est pseudepigraphus, fabulosus et indignus
       plane qui legatur; multa enim continet partim erronea, partim vana
       et mendacia, nullo auctore aut fundamento subnixa, quæ facile
       lector et discernet et repudiabit.: [1171]1
     * Licet adversarii hujus contemplationis præscribunt præsenti
       epistolæ et Moyseos Assumtioni propter eum locum ubi significatur
       verbum archangeli de corpore Moysis ad angelum (al.: [1172]1
     * Magnus nuntius: [1173]1
     * Mensura autem et supputatio temporis illius erunt duæ partes
       hebdomades septem hebdomadarum: [1174]1
     * Nam in commentariolo tuo quasi pro te faciens de Salomone sumis
       testimonium, quod Salomon omnino non scripsit, ut, qui habes
       alterum Esdram, habeas et Salomonem alterum.: [1175]1
     * Non sacerdotes, sed servi de servis nati.: [1176]1
     * Nuntii qui est in summo constitutus.: [1177]1
     * Primo vident in gaudio multo gloriam Altissimi qui assumit eas.:
       [1178]1
     * Principibus et tyrannis: [1179]1
     * Quæ est plena lacrimis et gemitibus.: [1180]1
     * Quamquam et in apocryphis et in secretis ipsius Moysi, quæ,
       scriptura caret auctoritate, tunc cum ascenderet in montem ut
       moreretur, vi corporis efficitur ut aliud esset quod terræ
       mandaretur, aliud quod angelo comitanti sociaretur.: [1181]1
     * Qui nomine solo: [1182]1
     * Quid me celares, Domine Moyse? et quo genere celabo de quo locutus
       es voce acerba?: [1183]1
     * Quoniam elegit Deus Hierusalem, nomen Deus ei.: [1184]1
     * Quos ordinabis et chedriabis: [1185]1
     * Reliqua verborum Baruchi haud apocrypha, quæ ad tempos quo in
       Babylonia captivi erant pertinent.: [1186]1
     * Sed et reges Amorreorum cum audierint expugnare nos, credentes jam
       non esse semet (secus, Fr.) sacrum spiritum dignum Domino,
       multiplicem et incomprehensibilem, dominum verbi, fidelem in omnia,
       divinum per orbem profetem, consummatum in sæculo doctorem jam non
       esse in eis, dicent eamus ad eos.: [1187]1
     * Solomon, filius ejus qui Hierosolymam condidit, eam ipsam perituram
       esse in ultionem sanctæ crucis prophetavit: Quod si avertimini a
       me, dicit Dominus, et non custodieritis veritatem meam, rejiciam
       Israel a terra quam dedi illis; et domum hanc, quam ædificavi illis
       in nomine meo, projiciam illam ex omnibus; et erit Israel in
       perditionem et in improperium populo; et domus hæc erit deserta; et
       omnis qui transibit per illam admirabitur et dicet: Propter quam
       rem fecit Dominus terræ huic et huic domui hæc mala? Et dicent:
       Quia reliquerunt Dominum Deum suum, et persecuti sunt regem suum
       dilectissimum Deo, et cruciaverunt illum in humilitate magna,
       propter hoc importavit illis Deus mala hæc.: [1188]1
     * Solvet sæcla in favilla,: [1189]1
     * Sub nullo dexteræ illius sunt.: [1190]1
     * Summus Deus, eternus, solus.: [1191]1
     * Teste David cum Sibylla.: [1192]1
     * Tu vigilans dormis et dormiens scribis et propinas mihi librum
       apocryphum, qui sub nomine Esdræ a te et similibus tui legitur, ubi
       scriptum est, quod post mortem nullus pro aliis gaudeat deprecari;
       quem ego librum nunquam legi.: [1193]1
     * Tunc exurgent illis reges imperantes.: [1194]1
     * Tunc non poterit quis ut deprecetur pro aliquo in illo die.:
       [1195]1
     * [Anno Moyseos centesimo et vigesimo] qui est bis millesimus et
       quingentesimus annus a creatura orbis terræ, nam secus [= secundum
       eos] qui in oriente sunt numerus est cccc mus et vii mus et xxx mus
       profectionis Phoenices,: [1196]1
     * a Domino qui deficiunt erunt impii judices, et erunt in campo
       judicare quomodo quisquæ volet.: [1197]1
     * a deo qui faciunt: [1198]1
     * a domino qui faciunt erunt impii judices inerunt in campo judicare
       quomodo quisquæ uolet.: [1199]1
     * a receptione mea: [1200]1
     * ad natos, posteros: [1201]1
     * agon et molestia in labore multo: [1202]1
     * animus decipiendi: [1203]1
     * appellatur. Ibi in ædificatione turris pro stadio ponitur, in quo
       exercentur pugiles et athletæ et cursorum velocitas comprobatur.:
       [1204]1
     * apud natos: [1205]1
     * armarium Judaicum: [1206]1
     * colonia: [1207]1
     * cum exivit plebs post profectionem quæ fiebat per Moysen usque
       Amman trans Jordanem, profetiæ factæ sunt a Moyse in libro
       Deuteronomio.: [1208]1
     * dies tui: [1209]1
     * docentes (? dicentes) se esse justos.: [1210]1
     * dux ultimus: [1211]1 [1212]2
     * erunt impii judices in ea (colonia), a domino qui faciunt: [1213]1
     * erunt impii judices, hi erunt in campo, judicare, quomodo quisque
       volet.: [1214]1
     * et . . . roducit natos . . . ecedentes sibi breviora tempora
       donarent.: [1215]1
     * et ideo novi testamenti arbiter est: [1216]1
     * et producet natos, qui succedentes sibi breviora tempora
       dominarent.: [1217]1
     * et x tribus crescent et devenient apud natos in tempore tribum.:
       [1218]1
     * ex quo facto finientur tempora: [1219]1
     * exivit enim deus qui prævidit omnia in sæcula, et stabilitum est
       testamentum illius et jurejurando, quod: [1220]1
     * illo dicente: [1221]1
     * mediator: [1222]1
     * nodus: [1223]1
     * nuntius in summo constitutus: [1224]1
     * nuntius qui est in summo constitutus.: [1225]1
     * pauperum: [1226]1
     * principes: [1227]1
     * prodigiosis mendis undique scatens, crux est verius quam liber.:
       [1228]1
     * profectionis fynicis: [1229]1
     * quantum memoria suggerit, nusquam alibi in Scripturis sanctis apud
       Hebræos invenisse me novi absque libro apocrypho qui a Græcis :
       [1230]1
     * quia nunquam temptans deum nec patres: [1231]1
     * reges: [1232]1
     * sepeliet: [1233]1
     * singuli et: [1234]1
     * strangulabit: [1235]1
     * tabescere: [1236]1
     * temptans: [1237]1
     * temptantes: [1238]1
     * temptavimus: [1239]1
     * tribuum: [1240]1
     * tyranni: [1241]1 [1242]2
     * unctus: [1243]1
     * ut nemo adhuc inventus est, qui nomen satis probabiliter
       enuclearet, ita de ejus explicatione videtur desperandum.: [1244]1
     * ventus: [1245]1
     * viduarum: [1246]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Pages of the Print Edition

   [1247]i  [1248]ii  [1249]iii  [1250]iv  [1251]v  [1252]vi  [1253]1
   [1254]2  [1255]3  [1256]4  [1257]5  [1258]6  [1259]7  [1260]8  [1261]9
   [1262]10  [1263]11  [1264]12  [1265]13  [1266]14  [1267]15  [1268]16
   [1269]17  [1270]18  [1271]19  [1272]20  [1273]21  [1274]22  [1275]23
   [1276]24  [1277]25  [1278]26  [1279]27  [1280]28  [1281]29  [1282]30
   [1283]31  [1284]32  [1285]33  [1286]34  [1287]35  [1288]36  [1289]37
   [1290]38  [1291]39  [1292]40  [1293]41  [1294]42  [1295]43  [1296]44
   [1297]45  [1298]46  [1299]47  [1300]48  [1301]49  [1302]50  [1303]51
   [1304]52  [1305]53  [1306]54  [1307]55  [1308]56  [1309]57  [1310]58
   [1311]59  [1312]60  [1313]61  [1314]62  [1315]63  [1316]64  [1317]65
   [1318]66  [1319]67  [1320]68  [1321]69  [1322]70  [1323]71  [1324]72
   [1325]73  [1326]74  [1327]75  [1328]76  [1329]77  [1330]78  [1331]79
   [1332]80  [1333]81  [1334]82  [1335]83  [1336]84  [1337]85  [1338]86
   [1339]87  [1340]88  [1341]89  [1342]90  [1343]91  [1344]92  [1345]93
   [1346]94  [1347]95  [1348]96  [1349]97  [1350]98  [1351]99  [1352]100
   [1353]101  [1354]102  [1355]103  [1356]104  [1357]105  [1358]106
   [1359]107  [1360]108  [1361]109  [1362]110  [1363]111  [1364]112
   [1365]113  [1366]114  [1367]115  [1368]116  [1369]117  [1370]118
   [1371]119  [1372]120  [1373]121  [1374]122  [1375]123  [1376]124
   [1377]125  [1378]126  [1379]127  [1380]128  [1381]129  [1382]130
   [1383]131  [1384]132  [1385]133  [1386]134  [1387]135  [1388]136
   [1389]137  [1390]138  [1391]139  [1392]140  [1393]141  [1394]142
   [1395]143  [1396]144  [1397]145  [1398]146  [1399]147  [1400]148
   [1401]149  [1402]150  [1403]151  [1404]152  [1405]153  [1406]154
   [1407]155  [1408]156  [1409]157  [1410]158  [1411]159  [1412]160
   [1413]161  [1414]162  [1415]163  [1416]164  [1417]165  [1418]166
   [1419]167  [1420]168  [1421]169  [1422]170  [1423]171  [1424]172
   [1425]173  [1426]174  [1427]175  [1428]176  [1429]177  [1430]178
   [1431]179  [1432]180  [1433]181  [1434]182  [1435]183  [1436]184
   [1437]185  [1438]186  [1439]187  [1440]188  [1441]189  [1442]190
   [1443]191  [1444]192  [1445]193  [1446]194  [1447]195  [1448]196
   [1449]197  [1450]198  [1451]199  [1452]200  [1453]201  [1454]202
   [1455]203  [1456]204  [1457]205  [1458]206  [1459]207  [1460]208
   [1461]209  [1462]210  [1463]211  [1464]212  [1465]213  [1466]214
   [1467]215  [1468]216  [1469]217  [1470]218  [1471]219  [1472]220
   [1473]221  [1474]222  [1475]223  [1476]224  [1477]225  [1478]226
   [1479]227  [1480]228  [1481]229  [1482]230  [1483]231  [1484]232
   [1485]233  [1486]234  [1487]235  [1488]236  [1489]237  [1490]238
   [1491]239  [1492]240  [1493]241  [1494]242  [1495]243  [1496]244
   [1497]245  [1498]246  [1499]247  [1500]248  [1501]249  [1502]250
   [1503]251  [1504]252  [1505]253  [1506]254  [1507]255  [1508]256
   [1509]257  [1510]258  [1511]259  [1512]260  [1513]261  [1514]262
   [1515]263  [1516]264  [1517]265  [1518]266  [1519]267  [1520]268
   [1521]269  [1522]270  [1523]271  [1524]272  [1525]273  [1526]274
   [1527]276  [1528]277  [1529]278  [1530]279  [1531]280  [1532]281
   [1533]282  [1534]283  [1535]284  [1536]285  [1537]286  [1538]287
   [1539]288  [1540]289  [1541]290  [1542]291  [1543]292  [1544]293
   [1545]294  [1546]295  [1547]296  [1548]297  [1549]298  [1550]299
   [1551]300  [1552]301  [1553]302  [1554]303  [1555]304  [1556]305
   [1557]306  [1558]307  [1559]308  [1560]309  [1561]310  [1562]311
   [1563]312  [1564]313  [1565]314  [1566]315  [1567]316  [1568]317
   [1569]318  [1570]319  [1571]320  [1572]321  [1573]322  [1574]323
   [1575]324  [1576]325  [1577]326  [1578]327  [1579]328  [1580]329
   [1581]330  [1582]331  [1583]332  [1584]333  [1585]334  [1586]335
   [1587]336  [1588]337  [1589]338  [1590]339  [1591]340  [1592]341
   [1593]342  [1594]343  [1595]344  [1596]345  [1597]346  [1598]347
   [1599]348
     __________________________________________________________________

            This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal
               Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org,
                   generated on demand from ThML source.

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